HISTORY 


OF    THE 


GREAT     REFORMATION 


OF    THE 


SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 


IN 


GERMANY,  SWITZERLAND, 

ETC. 


BY 


J.  H.  MERLE    D'AUBIGNE, 

' 

PRESIDENT  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SCHOOL  OF  GENEVA,  AND  MEMBER  OF  THE  «  SOCIETE 
EVANGELIQUE." 


JAMES  M.  CAMPBELL  &  CO.,  98  CHESTNUT  ST. 

SAXTON  &  MILES,  205  BROADWAY,  NEW  YORK. 

STEREOTYPED   BY  L.  JOHNSON. 

1844. 


PREFACE. 


THE  work  I  have  undertaken  is  not  the  history 
of  a  party.  It  is  the  history  of  one  of  the  greatest 
revolutions  ever  effected  in  human  affairs, — the 
history  of  a  mighty  impulse  communicated  to  the 
world  three  centuries  ago,  and  of  which  the  opera- 
tion is  still  everywhere  discernible  in  our  own  days. 
The  history  of  the  Reformation  is  altogether  dis- 
tinct from  the  history  of  Protestantism.  In  the 
former  all  bears  the  character  of  a  regeneration 
of  human  nature,  a  religious  and  social  transfor- 
mation emanating  from  God  himself.  In  the  latter, 
we  see  too  often  a  glaring  depravation  of  first  prin- 
ciples,— the  conflict  of  parties, — a  sectarian  spirit, 
— and  the  operation  of  private  interests.  The 
history  of  Protestantism  might  claim  the  attention 
only  of  Protestants.  The  history  of  the  Refo;ma- 
tion  is  a  book  for  all  Christians, — or  rather  for  all 
mankind. 

An  historian  may  choose  his  portion  in  the  field 
before  him.  He  may  narrate  the  great  events 
which  change  the  exterior  aspect  of  a  nation,  or 
of  the  world  ;  or  he  -may  record  that  tranquil  pro- 
gression of  a  nation,  of  the  church,  or  of  mankind, 
which  generally  follows  mighty  changes  in  social 
relations.  Both  these  departments  of  history  are 
of  high  importance.  But  the  public  interest  has 
seemed  to  turn,  by  preference,  to  those  periods 
which,  under  the  name  of  Revolutions,  bring  forth 
a  nation,  or  society  at  large,  for  a  new  era, — and 
to  a  new  career. 

Of  the  last  kind  is  the  transformation  which, 
with  very  feeble  powers,  I  have  attempted  to 
describe,  in  the  hope  that  the  beauty  of  the  sub- 
ject will  compensate  for  my  insufficiency.  The 
name  of  revolution  which  I  here  give  to  it,  is,  in 
our  days,  brought  into  discredit  with  many  who 
almost  confound  it  with  revolt.  But  this  is  to 
mistake  its  meaning.  A  revolution  is  a  change 
wrought  in  human  affairs.  It  is  a  something  new 
which  unrolls  itself  from  the  bosom  of  humanity  ; 
and  the  word,  previously  to  the  close  of  the  last 
century,  was  more  frequently  understood  in  a 
good  sense  than  in  a  bad  one: — "a  happy — a 
wonderful  Revolution"  was  the  expression.  The 
Reformation,  being  the  re-establishment  of  the 
principles  of  primitive  Christianity,  was  the  reverse 
of  a  revolt.  It  was  a  movement  regenerative  of 
that  which  was  destined  to  revive ;  but  conserva- 
tive of  that  which  is  to  stand  forever.  Christianity 
and  the  Reformation,  while  they  established  the 
great  principle  of  the  equality  of  souls  in  the  sight 
of  God,  and  overturned  the  usurpations  of  a  proud 
priesthood,  which  assumed  to  place  itself  between 
the  Creator  and  his  creature,  at  the  same  time 
laid  down  as  a  first  element  of  social  order,  that 
there  is  no  power  but  what  is  of  God, — and  called 
on  all  men  to  love  the  brethren,  to  fear  God,  to 
honour  the  king. 

The  Reformation  is  entirely  distinguished  from 
the  revolutions  of  antiquity,  and  from  the  greater 
part  of  those  of  modern  times.  In  these,  the 
question  is  one  of  politics,  and  the  object  proposed 
is  the  establishment  or  overthrow  of  the  power  of 
the  one  or  of  the  many.  The  love  of  truth,  of 
holiness,  of  eternal  things,  was  the  simple  and 
powerful  spring  which  gave  effect  to  that  which  we 
have  to  narrate.  It  is  the  evidence  of  a  gradual  ad- 


vance in  human  nature.  In  truth,  if  man,  instead 
of  seeking  only  material,  temporal,  and  earthly 
interests,  aims  at  a  higher  object,  and  seeks  spi- 
ritual and  immortal  blessings, — he  advances,  he 
progresses.  The  Reformation  is  one  of  the  most 
memorable  days  of  this  progress.  It  is  a  pledge 
that  the  struggle  of  our  own  times  will  terminate 
in  favour  of  truth,  by  a  triumph  yet  more  spiritual 
and  glorious. 

Christianity  and  the  Reformation  are  two  of  the 
greatest  revolutions  in  history.  They  were  not 
limited  to  one  nation,  like  the  various  political 
movements  which  history  records,  but  extended 
to  many  nations,  and  their  effects  are  destined  to 
be  felt  to  the  ends  of  the  earth. 

Christianity  and  the  Reformation  are,  indeed, 
the  same  revolution,  but  working  at  different  pe- 
riods, and  in  dissimilar  circumstances.  They 
differ  in  secondary  features :— -'they  are  alike  in 
their  first  lines  and  leading  characteristics.  The 
one  is  the  re-appearance  of  the  other.  The  former 
closes  the  old  order  of  things ; — the  latter  begins 
the  new.  Between  them  is  the  middle  age.  One 
is  the  parent  of  the  other ;  and  if  the  daughter  is, 
in  some  respects,  inferior,  she  has,  in  others,  cha- 
racters, altogether  peculiar  to  herself. 

The  suddenness  of  its  action  is  one  of  these 
characters  of  the  Reformation.  The  great  revo- 
lutions which  have  drawn  after  them  the  fall  of  a 
monarchy,  or  an  entire  change  of  political  system, 
or  launched  the  human  mind  in  a  new  career  of 
development,  have  been  slowly  and  gradually 
prepared ;  the  power  to  be  displaced  has  long  been 
mined,  and  its  principal  supports  have  given  way. 
It  was  even  thus  at  the  introduction  of  Christianity, 
But  the  Reformation,  at  the  first  glance,  seems 
to  offer  a  different  aspect.  The  Church  of  Rome 
is  seen,  under  Leo  X.,  in  all  its  strength  and  glory. 
A  monk  speaks, — and  in  the  half  of  Europe  this 
power  and  glory  suddenly  crumble  into  dust.  This 
revolution  Reminds  us  of  the  words  by  which  the 
Son  of  God  announces  his  second  advent:  "As 
the  lightning  cometh  forth  from  the  west  and 
shineth  unto  the  east,  so  shall  also  the  coming  of 
the  Son  of  man  be." 

This  rapidity  is  inexplicable  to  those  who  see  in 
this  great  event  only  a  reform ;  who  make  it 
simply  an  act  of  critical  judgment,  consisting  in  a 
choice  of  doctrines, — the  abandoning  of  some,  the 
preserving  others,  and  combining  those  retained, 
so  as  to  make  of  them  a  new  code  of  doctrine. 

How  could  an  entire  people  ?— how  could  many 
nations  have  so  rapidly  performed  so  difficult  a 
work  ?  How  could  such  an  act  of  critical  judgment 
kindle  the  enthusiasm  indispensable  to  great  and 
especially  to  sudden  revolutions  ?  But  the  Refor- 
mation was  an  event  of  a  very  different  kind ;  and 
this  its  history  will  prove.  It  was  the  pouring 
forth  anew  of  that  life  which  Christianity  had 
brought  into  the  world.  It  was  the  triumph  of 
the  noblest  of  dpctrines-yof  that  which  animates 
those  who  receive  it  with  the  purest  and  most 
powerful  enthusiasm, — the  doctrine  of  Faith — the 
doctrine  of  Grace.  If  the  Reformation  had  been 
what  many  Catholics  and  Protestants  imagine, — 
if  it  had  been  that  negative  system  of  a  negative 
reason,  which  rejects  with  childish  impatience 


PREFACE. 


whatever  displeases  it,  and  disowns  the  grand 
ideas  and  leading  truths  of  universal  Christianity, 
— it  would  never  have  overpassed  the  threshold 
of  an  academy, — of  a  cloister  or  even  of  a  monk's 
cell.  But  it  had  no  sympathy  with  what  is  com- 
monly intended  by  the  word  Protestantism.  Far 
from  having  sustained  any  loss  of  vital  energy,  it 
arose  at  once  like  a  man  full  of  strength  and  reso- 
lution. 

Two  considerations  will  account  for  the  rapidity 
and  extent  of  this  revolution.  One  of  these  must 
be  sought  in  God,  the  other  among  men.  The 
impulse  was  given  by  an  unseen  hand  of  power, 
and  the  change  which  took  place  was  the  work 
of  God,  This  will  be  the  conclusion  arrived  at 
by  every  one  who  considers  the  subject  with  im- 
partiality and  attention,  and  does  not  rest  in  a 
superficial  view.  But  the  historian  has  a  further 
office  to  perform : — God  acts  by  second  causes. 
Many  circumstances,  which  have  often  escaped 
observation,  gradually  prepared  men  for  the  great 
transformation  of  the  sixteenth  century,  so  that 
the  human  mind  was  ripe  when  the  hour  of  its 
emancipation  arrived. 

The  office  of  the  historian  is  to  combine  these 
two  principal  elements  in  the  picture  he  presents. 
This  is  what  is  attempted  in  the  present  work. — 
We  shall  be  easily  understood,  so  long  as  we 
investigate  the  secondary  causes  which  contributed 
to  bring  about  the  revolution  we  have  undertaken 
to  describe.  Many  will,  perhaps,  be  slower  of 
comprehension,  and  will  be  inclined  even  to  charge 
us  with  superstition,  when  we  shall  ascribe  to 
God  the  accomplishment  of  the  work.  And  yet 
that  thought  is  what  we  particularly  cherish.  The 
history  takes  as  its  guiding  star  the  simple  and 
pregnant  truth  that  GOD  is  IN  HISTORY.  But  this 
truth  is  commonly  forgotten,  and  sometimes  dis- 
puted. It  seems  fit,  therefore,  that  we  should 
open  our  views,  and  by  so  doing  justify  the  course 
we  have  taken. 

In  these  days,  history  can  no  longer  be  that 
dead  letter  of  facts  to  recording  which  the  majority 
of  the  earlier  historians  confined  themselves.  It 
is  felt  that,  as  in  man's  nature,  so  in  his  history, 
there  are  two  elements, — matter  and  spirit.  Our 
great  writers,  unwilling  to  restrict  themselves  to 
the  production  of  a  simple  recital,  which  would 
have  been  but  a  barren  chronicle,  have  sought  for 
some  principle  of  life  to  animate  the  materials  of 
the  past. 

Some  have  borrowed  such  a  principle  from  the 
rules  of  art ;  they  have  aimed  at  the  simplicity, 
truth,  and  picturesque  of  description ;  and  have 
endeavoured  to  make  their  narratives  live  by  the 
interest  of  the  events  themselves. 

Others  have  sought  in  philosophy  the  spirit 
•which  should  fecundate  their,  labours.  With 
incidents  they  have  intermingled  reflections, — 
instructions, — political  and  philosophic  truths, — 
and  have  thus  enlivened  their  recitals  with  a  moral 
which  they  have  elicited  from  them,  or  ideas  they 
have  been  able  to  associate  with  them. 

Both  these  methods  are,  doubtless,  useful,  and 
should  be  employed  within  certain  limits.  But 
there  is  another  source  whence  we  must  above  all 
seek  for  the  ability  to  enter  into  the  understanding, 
the  mind,  and  the  life  of  past  ages; — and  this  is 
Religion.  History  must  live  by  that  principle  of 
life  which  is  proper  to  it,  and  that  life  is  God.  He 
must  be  acknowledged  and  proclaimed  in  history  ; 
— and  the  course  of  events  must  be  displayed  as  the 
annals  of  the  government  of  a  Supreme  Disposer. 

I  have  descended  into  the  lists  to  which  the 
recitals  of  our  historians  attracted  me.  I  have 
there  seen  the  actions  of  men  and  of  nations  de- 
veloping themselves  with  power,  and  encountering 
in  hostile  collision ; — I  have  heard  I  know  not 
what  clangour  of  arms ;  but  nowhere  has  my 
attention  been  directed  to  the  majestic  aspect  of 
the  Judge  who  presides  over  the  struggle. 


And  yet  there  is  a  principle  of  movement  ema- 
nating from  God  himself  in  all  the  changes  among 
nations.  God  looks  upon  that  wide  stage  on  which 
the  generations  of  men  successively  meet  and 
struggle.  He  is  there,  it  is  true,  an  invisible  God  ; 
but  if  the  profaner  multitude  pass  before  Him  with- 
out noticing  Him,  because  he  is  "a  God  that 
hideth  himself," — thoughtful  spirits,  and  such  as 
feel  their  need  of  the  principle  of  their  being,  seek 
him  with  the  more  earnestness,  and  are  not  satis- 
fied until  they  lie  prostrate  at  his  feet.  And  their 
search  is  richly  rewarded.  For,  from  the  heights 
to  which  they  are  obliged  to  climb  to  meet  their 
God, — the  world's  history,  instead  of  offering,  as 
to  the  ignorant  crowd,  a  confused  chaos,  appears 
a  majestic  temple,  which  the  invisible  hand  ot  God 
erects,  and  which  rises  to  His  glory  above  the 
rock  of  humanity. 

Shall  we  not  acknowledge  the  hand  of  God  in 
those  great  men,  or  in  those  mighty  nations  which 
arise,1 — come  forth,  as  it  were,  from  the  dust  of 
the  earth,  and  give  a  new  impulse,  a  new  form, 
or  a  new  destiny  to  human  affairs  ?  Shall  we  not 
acknowledge  His  hand  in  those  heroes  who  spring 
up  among  men  at  appointed  times ;  who  display 
activity  and  energy  beyond  the  ordinary  limits  of 
human  strength ;  and  around  whom  individuals 
and  nations  gather,  as  if  to  a  superior  and  myste- 
rious power  ?  Who  launched  them  into  the  ex- 
panse of  ages,  like  comets  of  vast  extent  and  flam- 
ing trains,  appearing  at  long  intervals,  to  scatter 
among  the  superstitious  tribes  of  men  anticipations 
of  plenty  and  joy — or  of  calamities  and  terror? 
Who,  but  God  himself?  Alexander  would  seek 
his  own  origin  in  the  abodes  of  the  Divinity.  And 
in  the  most  irreligious  age  there  is  no  eminent 
glory  but  is  seen  in  some  way  or  other  seeking  to 
connect  itself  with  the  idea  of  divine  interposition. 

And  those  revolutions  which,  in  their  progress, 
precipitate  dynasties  and  nations  to  the  dust,  those 
heaps  of  ruin  which  we  meet  with  in  the  sands  of 
the  desert,  those  majestic  remains  which  the  field 
of  human  history  offers  to  our  reflection,  do  they 
not  testify  aloud  to  the  truth  that  God  is  in  History  ? 
Gibbon,  seated  on  the  ancient  Capitol,  and  con- 
templating its  noble  ruins,  acknowledged  the  in- 
tervention of  a  superior  destiny.  He  saw,  he  felt 
its  presence ;  wherever  his  eye  turned  it  met 
him ;  that  shadow  of  a  mysterious  power  re- 
appeared from  behind  every  ruin ;  and  he  con- 
ceived the  project  of  depicting  its  operation  in 
the  disorganization,  the  decline,  and  the  cor- 
ruption of  that  power  of  Rome  which  had  enslaved 
the  nations.  Shall  not  that  mighty  hand  which 
this  man  of  admirable  genius,  but  who  had 
not  bowed  the  knee  to  Jesus  Christ,  discerned 
among  the  scattered  monuments  of  Romulus  and 
of  Marcus  Aurelius, — the  busts  of  Cicero,  and 
Virgil, — Trajan's  trophies,  and  Pompey's  horses, 
be  confessed  by  us  as  the  hand  of  our  God  ? 

But  what  superior  lustre  does  the  truth— that 
God  is  in  history — acquire  under  the  Christian 
dispensation  ?  What  is  Jesus  Christ — but  God's 
purpose  in  the  world's  history  ?  It  was  the  dis- 
covery of  Jesus  Christ  which  admitted  the  greatest 
of  modern  historians*  to  the  just  comprehension 
of  his  subject. — "  The  gospel,"  says  he,  "is  the 
fulfilment  of  all  hopes,  the  perfection  of  all  philo- 
sophy, the  interpreter  of  all  revolutions,  the  key  to 
all  the  seeming  contradictions  of  the  physical  and 
moral  world, — it  is  life, — it  is  immortality.  Since 
I  have  known  the  Saviour,  every  thing  is  clear; 
— with  him,  there  is  nothing  I  cannot  solve."t 

Thus  speaks  this  distinguished  historian  ;  and, 
in  truth,  is  it  not  the  keystone  of  the  arch, — is 
it  not  the  mysterious  bond  which  holds  together 
the  things  of  the  earth  and  connects  them  with 
those  of  heaven, — that  God  has  appeared  in  our 
nature  ?  What !  God  has  been  born  into  this 


*  John  von  Muller. 


t  Lettre  a  C.  Bonnet. 


PREFACE. 


world,  and  we  are  asked  to  think  and  write,  as  if 
He  were  not  everywhere  working  out  his  own 
will  in  its  history?  Jesus  Christ  is  the  true  God 
of  human  history ;  the  very  lowliness  of  his  ap- 
pearance may  be  regarded  as  one  proof  of  it.  If 
man  designs  a  shade  or  a  shelter  upon  earth,  we 
look  to  see  preparations, — materials,  scaffolding, 
and  workmen.  But  God  when  he  will  give  shade 
or  shelter,  takes  the  small  seed  which  the  new- 
born infant  might  clasp  in  its  feeble  hand,  and  de 
posits  it  in  the  bosom  of  the  earth,  and  from  that 
seed,  imperceptible  in  its  beginning,  he  produces 
the  majestic  tree,  under  whose  spreading  boughs 
the  families  of  men  may  find  shelter.  To  achieve 
great  results  by  imperceptible  means,  is  the  law 
of  the  divine  dealings. 

It  is  this  law  which  has  received  its  noblest  il- 
lustration in  Jesus  Christ.  The  religion  which 
has  now  taken  possession  of  the  gates  of  all  na- 
tions, which  at  this  hour  reigns,  or  hovers  over  all 
the  tribes  of  the  earth,  from  east  to  west,  and 
which  even  a  sceptical  philosophy  is  compelled 
to  acknowledge  as  the  spiritual  and  social  law  of 
this  world  ; — that  religion,  than  which  there  is 
nothing  nobler  under  the  vault  of  heaven,— nay, 
in  the  very  universe  of  creation ; — what  was  its 
commencement  ?  .  .  .  A  child  born  in  the  meanest 
town  of  the  most  despised  country  of  the  earth ; 
— a  child  whose  mother  had  not  even  what  falls 
to  the  lot  of  the  most  indigent  and  wretched  wo- 
man of  our  cities, — a  room  to  bring  forth  in ; — a 
child  born  in  a  stable  and  placed  in  an  ox's  crib 
.  .  .  .  O  God !  I  acknowledge  thee  there,  and  I 
adore  thee. 

The  Reformation  recognised  the  same  law  of 
God's  operations :  and  it  had  the  consciousness 
that  it  fulfilled  it.  The  thought  that  God  is  in 
history  is  often  put  forth  by  the  Reformers.  We 
find  it  on  one  occasion  in  particular  expressed  by 
Luther,  under  one  of  those  comparisons  familiar 
and  grotesque,  yet  not  without  a  certain  sublimi- 
ty, which  he  took  pleasure  in  using,  that  he  might 
be  understood  by  the  people.  "The  world," 
said  he  one  day,  in  a  conversation  with  his  friend 
at  table, — "the  world  is  a  vast  and  grand  game 
of  cards,  made  up  of  emperors,  kings,  and 
princes.  The  pope  for  several  centuries  has 
beaten  emperors,  princes,  and  kings.  They  have 
been  put  down  and  taken  up  by  him.  Then  came 
our  Lord  God ;  he  dealt  the  cards ;  he  took  the 
most  worthless  of  them  all,  (Luther,)  and  with  it 
he  has  beaten  the  Pope,  the  conqueror  of  the 
kings  of  the  earth  .  .  .  There  is  the  ace  of  God. 
'  He  has  cast  down  the  mighty  from  their  seats, 
and  has  exalted  them  of  low  degree,'  as  Mary 
says." 

The  age  of  which  I  am  about  to  retrace  the 
history  is  most  important  for  our  own  generation. 
Man,  when  he  feels  his  weakness,  is  generally 
inclined  to  seek  assistance  in  the  institutions  he 
sees  standing  around  him,  or  else  in  groundless 
inventions  of  his  imagination.  The  history  of  the 
Reformation  shows  that  nothing  new  can  be 
wrought  with  "old  things,"  and  that  if,  accord- 
ing to  the  Saviour's  word,  we  need  new  bottles 
for  new  wine,  we  need  also  new  wine  for  new 
bottles.  The  history  of  the  Reformation  directs 
men  to  God,  who  orders  all  events  in  history ;  to 
that  divine  word,  ever  ancient  in  the  eternal  na- 
ture of  the  truths  it  contains,  ever  new  in  the 
regenerative  influence  it  exercises, — that  word 
which,  three  centuries  ago,  purified  society, 
brought  back  the  faith  of  God  to  souls  enfee- 
bled by  superstition,  and  which,  in  every  age  of 
man's  history,  is  the  source  whence  cometh  sal- 
vation. 

It  is  singular  to  observe  many  persons,  impel- 
led by  a  vague  desire  to  believe  in  something  set- 
tled, addressing  themselves  now-a-days  to  old 
Catholicism.  In  one  view,  the  movement  is  na- 
tural. Religion  is  so  little  known  (in  France) 


that  men  scarce  think  of  finding  it  elsewhere  than 
where  they  see  it  inscribed  in  large  letters  on  a 
banner  that  time  has  made  venerable.  We  do 
not  say  that  all  Catholicism  is  incapable  of  afford- 
ing to  man  what  he  stands  in  need  of.  We  think 
Catholicism  should  be  carefully  distinguished 
from  Popery.  Popery  is,  in  our  judgment,  an 
erroneous  and  destructive  system  ;  but  we  are 
far  from  confounding  Catholicism  with  Popery. 
How  many  respectable  men, — how  many  sincere 
Christians,  has  not  the  Catholic  Church  comprised 
within  its  pale  !  What  important  services  were 
rendered  by  Catholicism  to  the  existing  European 
nations,  in  the  age  of  their  first  formation, — at  a 
period  when  itself  was  still  richly  imbued  with 
the  Gospel,  and  when  Popery  was  as  yet  only 
seen  behind  it  as  a  faint  shadow  !  But  those  times 
are  past.  In  our  day,  attempts  are  made  to  re- 
connect Catholicism  with  Popery ;  and  if  Catholic 
and  Christian  truths  are  put  forward,  they  are  but 
as  baits  made  use  of  to  draw  men  into  the  net  of 
the  hierarchy.  There  is,  therefore,  nothing  to  be 
hoped  from  that  quarter.  Has  Popery  renounced 
so  much  as  one  of  its  observances,  of  its  doctrines, 
or  of  its  claims?  The  religion  which  was  insup- 
portable in  other  ages  will  be  less  so  in  ours  ? 
What  regeneration  has  ever  emanated  from 
Rome?  Is  it  irom  that  priestly  hierarchy,  full, 
even  to  overflow,  of  earthly  passions, — that  that 
spirit  of  faith,  of  charity,  of  hope  can  come  forth, 
which  alone  can  save  us  ?  Can  an  exhausted  sys- 
tem, which  has  scarcely  strength  for  its  own 
need,  and  is  everywhere  in  the  struggles  of  death, 
— living  only  by  external  aids, — can  such  a  sys- 
tem communicate  life,  and  breathe  throughout 
Christian  society  the  heavenly  breath  that  it  re- 
quires ? 

This  craving  void  in  the  heart  and  mind  which 
betrays  itself  in  our  contemporaries,  wil!  lead 
others  to  apply  to  that  modern  Protestantism 
which  has,  in  many  parts,  taken  the  place  of  the 
powerful  doctrines  of  Apostles  and  Reformers  ? 
A  notable  uncertainty  of  doctrine  prevails  in 
many  of  those  Reformed  churches  whose  first 
members  sealed  with  their  blood  the  clear  and  liv- 
ing faith  that  animated  their  hearts.  Men  distin- 
guished for  their  information,  and,  in  all  other 
things,  susceptible  of  generous  emotions,  are  found 
carried  away  into  singular  aberrations.  A  vague 
faith  in  the  divine  authority  of  the  Gospel  is  the 
only  standard  they  will  maintain.  But  what  is  this 
Gospel  ?  The  whole  question  turns  on  that ;  and 
yet  on  that  they  are  silent,  or  else  each  one 
speaks  after  his  own  mind.  What  avails  it  to 
know  that  God  has  placed  in  the  midst  of  the 
nations  a  vessel  containing  their  cure,  if  we  are 
regardless  what  it  contains,  or  fail  to  appropriate 
its  contents  to  ourselves  ?  This  system  cannot 
fill  up  the  void  of  the  times.  Whilst  the  faith  of 
Apostles  and  Reformers  discovers  itself,  at  this 
day,  everywhere  active  and  effectual  for  the  con- 
version of  the  world,  this  vague  system  does  no- 
thing,— throws  lighten  nothing, — vivifies  nothing. 

But  let  us  not  abandon  all  hopes.  Does  not 
Catholicism  confess  the  great  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity? does  it  not  acknowledge  the  one  God, 
Father,  Son,  and  Spirit, — Creator,  Saviour,  and 
Sanctifier?  And  that  vague  Protestantism, — 
does  it  not  hold  in  its  hand  the  book  of  life,  for 
conviction  and  instruction  in  righteousness  ?  And 
how  many  upright  minds,  honoured  in  the  sight 
of  men  and  beloved  of  God,  are  there  not  found 
among  those  subjected  to  these  two  systems  ! 
How  can  we  help  loving  them  ?  How  refrain 
from  ardently  desiring  their  complete  emancipa- 
tion from  human  elements  ?  Charity  is  boundless ; 
it  embraces  the  most  distant  opinions  to  lead  them 
to  the  feet  of  Jesus  Christ. 

Already  there  are  indications  that  these  two 
extreme  opinions  are  in  motion,  and  drawing 
nearer  to  Jesus  Christ,  who  is  the  centre  of  the 
A3 


PREFACE. 


truth.  Are  there  not  already  some  Roman  Ca- 
tholic congregations  among  whom  the  reading  of 
the  Bible  is  recommended  and  practised  ?  and  as 
to  Protestant  rationalism,  how  many  steps  has  it 
not  already  taken  towards  Jesus  Christ?  It  never 
was  the  offspring  of  the  Reformation; — for  the 
history  of  that  great  change  will  show  that  it  was 
an  epoch  of  faith : — but  may  we  not  be  permitted 
to  hope  that  it  is  drawing  nearer  to  it  ?  Will  not 
the  power  of  the  truth  come  forth  to  it  from  the 
word  of  God  ?  and  will  not  its  coming  have  the 
effect  of  transforming  it?  Already  we  often  see  in 
it  a  feeling  of  religion,  inadequate  no  doubt,  but 
yet  a  movement  in  the  direction  of  sound  learning, 
encouraging  us  to  look  for  more  definite  ad- 
vances. 

But  modern  Protestantism,  like  old  Catholicism, 
is,  in  itself,  a  thing  from  which  nothing  can  be 
hoped, — a  thing  quite  powerless.  Something  very 
different  is  necessary,  to  restore  to  men  of  our  day 
the  energy  that  saves.  A  something  is  requisite 
which  is  not  of  man,  but  of  God.  "  Give  me," 
said  Archimedes,  "a  point  out  of  the  world,  and 
I  will  raise  the  world  from  its  poles."  True 
Christianity  is  this  standing  beyond  the  world, 
which  lifts  the  heart  of  man  from  its  double  pivot 
of  selfishness  and  sensuality,  and  which  will  one 
day  move  the  whole  world  from  its  evil  way,  and 
cause  it  to  turn  on  a  new  axis  of  righteousness  and 
peace. 

Whenever  religion  has  been  the  subject  of  dis- 
cussion, there  have  been  three  points  to  which  our 
attention  have  been  directed.  God, — Man,— -and 
the  Priest.  There  can  be  but  three  kinds  of  reli- 
gion on  this  earth,  God,  Man,  or  the  Priest,  is  its 
author  or  its  head.  1  call  that  the  religion  of  the 
Priest,  which  is  devised  by  the  priest,  for  the  glory 
of  the  priest,  and  in  which  a  priestly  caste  is  do- 
minant. I  apply  the  name  of  the  religion  of  Man 
to  those  systems  and  various  opinions  framed  by 
man's  reason,  and  which,  as  they  are  the  offspring 
of  his  infirmity,  are,  by  consequence,  destitute  of 
all  sanative  efficacy.  I  apply  the  words  religion 
of  God, — to  the  Truth,  such  as  God  himself  has 
given  it,  and  of  which  the  object  and  the  effect  are 
God's  glory  and  Man's  salvation. 

Hierarchism,  or  the  religion  of  the  priest ;  Chris- 
tianity or  the  religion  of  God ;  rationalism,  or  the 
religion  of  man; — such  are  the  three  doctrines 
which  in  our  day  divide  Christendom.  There  is 
no  salvation,  either  for  man  or  society,  in  hierar- 
chism  or  in  rationalism.  Christianity  alone  can 
give  life  to  the  world  ;  and,  unhappily,  of  the  three 
prevailing  systems,  it  is  not  that  which  numbers 
most  followers. 

Some,  however,  it  has.  Christianity  is  operat- 
ing its  work  of  regeneration  among  many  Catho- 
lics of  Germany,  and  doubtless  also  of  other 
countries.  It  is  now  accomplishing  it  with  more 
purity,  and  power,  as  we  think,  among  the  evan- 
gelical Christians  of  Switzerland,  of  France,  of 
Great  Britain,  and  of  the  United  States.  Blessed 
be  God,  such  individual  or  social  regenerations, 
wrought  by  the  Gospel,  are  no  longer  in  these 
days  prodigies  to  be  sought  in  ancient  annals.  We 
have  ourselves  witnessed  a  powerful  awakening, 
begun  in  the  midst  of  conflicts  and  trials,  in  a 
small  republic,  whose  citizens  live  happy  and 
tranquil  in  the  bosom  of  the  wonders  with  which 
creation  surrounds  them.*  It  is  but  a  beginning  ; 
— and  already  from  the  plenteous  horn  of  the 
Gospel  we  see  come  forth  among  this  people  a 

*  Canton  of  Vaud. 


noble,  elevated,  and  courageous  profession  of  the 
great  truths  of  God ;  a  liberty  ample  and  real,  a 
government  full  of  zeal  and  intelligence  ;  an  affec- 
tion, elsewhere  too  rarely  found,  of  magistrates  for 
people,  and  of  the  people  for  their  magistrates;  a 
powerful  impulse  communicated  to  education  and 
general  instruction,  which  will  make  of  this  coun- 
try an  example  for  imitation  ;  a  slow,  but  certain 
amelioration  in  morals  ;  men  of  talent,  all  Chris- 
tians, and  who  rival  the  first  writers  of  our  lan- 
guage. All  these  riches  developed  between  the 
dark  Jura  and  the  summits  of  the  Alps,  on  the 
magnificent  shores  of  Lake  Leman,  must  strike 
the  traveller  attracted  thither  by  the  wonders  of 
those  mountains  and  valleys,  and  present  to  his 
meditation  one  of  the  most  eloquent  pages  which 
the  Providence  of  God  has  inscribed  in  favour  of 
the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ. 

It  is  the  history  of  the  Reformation  in  general 
that  I  propose  to  write.  I  intend  to  trace  it  among' 
different  nations, — to  point  out  the  same  effects 
of  the  same  truths, — as  well  as  the  diversities 
which  take  their  origin  in  the  varieties  of  the  na- 
tional character.  But  it  is  in  Germany  especially 
that  we  shall  see  and  describe  the  history  of  the 
Reformation.  It  is  there  we  find  its  primitive 
type ; — it  is  there  that  it  offers  the  fullest  deve- 
lopment of  its  organization.  It  is  there  that  it 
bears,  above  all,  the  marks  of  a  revolution  not 
confined  to  one  or  more  nations,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, affecting  the  world  at  large.  The  German 
Reformation  is  the  true  and  fundamental  Refor- 
mation. It  is  the  great  planet,  and  the  rest  revolve 
in  wider  or  narrower  circles  around  it,  like  sa- 
tellites drawn  after  it  by  its  movement.  And  yet 
the  Reformation  in  SWITZERLAND  must,  in  some 
respects,  be  considered  as  an  exception,  both  be- 
cause it  took  place  at  the  very  same  time  as  that 
of  Germany,  and  independently  of  it ;  and  because 
it  bore,  especially  at  a  later  period,  some  of  those 
grander  features  which  are  seen  in  the  Jatter. 
Notwithstanding  that  recollections  of  ancestry  and 
of  refuge, — and  the  memory  of  struggle,  suffering, 
and  exile,  endured  in  the  cause  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  France, — give,  in  my  view,  a  peculiar 
charm  to  the  history  of  its  vicissitudes, — I  never- 
theless doubt  whether  I  could  place  it  in  the  same 
rank  as  those  which  I  have  here  spoken  of. 

From  what  I  have  said,  it  will  be  seen  that  I 
believe  the  Reformation  to  be  the  work  of  God. 
Nevertheless,  as  its  historian,  I  hope  to  be  impar- 
tial. I  think  I  have  spoken  of  the  principal  Ro- 
man Catholic  actors  in  the  great  drama,  Leo  X., 
Albert  of  Magdeburg,  Charles  V.,  and  Doctor 
Eck,  &c.  more  favourably  than  the  majority  of 
historians.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  I  have  had 
no  wish  to  conceal  the  faults  and  errors  of  the 
Reformers. 

This  history  has  heen  drawn  from  the  original 
sources  with  which  a  long  residence  in  Germany, 
the  Low  Countries,  and  Switzerland  has  made 
me  familiar :  as  well  as  from  the  study,  in  the 
original  languages,  of  documents  relating  to  the 
religious  history  of  Great  Britain  and  other  coun- 
tries. Down  to  this  time  we  possess  no  history 
of  that  remarkable  period.  Nothing  indicated 
that  the  deficiency  would  be  supplied  when  I  com- 
menced this  work.  This  circumstance  could  alone 
have  led  me  to  undertake  it ; — and  I  here  allege 
it  in  my  justification.  The  want  still  exists ; — 
and  I  pray  Him  from  whom  cometh  down  every 
good  gift,  to  cause  that  this  work  may,  by  His 
blessing,  be  made  profitable  to  some  who  shall 
read  it. 


IISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION, 


BOOK  I. 


STATE    OP    EUROPE    PRIOR   TO    THE    REFORMATION. 

Rise  of  the  Papacy — Early  Encroachments— Co-operation  of  the  Bishops — Unity  of  the  Church- 
Visible  Unity — Primacy  of  St.  Peter — Patriarchates — Policy  of  Rome — Charlemagne — Disorders 
of  Rome — Hildebrand — The  Crusades — Spiritual  Despotism — Salvation  by  Grace— Pelagianism — 
The  Church — Penance — Indulgences — Purgatory — Tax  of  Indulgences — The  Papacy  and  Chris- 
tianity— Theology — Dialectics — Predestination — Penance — Religion— Relics — Morals — Corruption 
—Disorders  of  the  Priests— Bishops  and  Popes — Alexander  VI. — Caesar  Borgia — General  Corrup- 
tion— Ciceronians — Efforts  for  Reform — Prospects  of  Christianity — State  of  the  Papacy — Internal 
Divisions — Carnality  of  the  Church — Popular  Feeling — Doctrine — Development  of  Mind — Revival 
of  Letters — Philosophy — Principle  of  Reformation — Witnesses — Mystics — Wiclif— Huss — Wit- 
nesses— The  Empire — Peace — State  of  the  People — State  of  Germany— Switzerland — Italy — Spain 
— Portugal — France — Low  Countries — England — Bohemia  and  Hungary — Frederic  the  Wise — 
Men  of  Letters — Reuchlin — His  Labours — Reuchlin  in  Italy — Contest  with  the  Dominicans — The 
Hebrew  Writings — Erasmus — Erasmus  and  Luther— Hutten — Literae  Obscurorum  Virorum — Hut- 
ten  at  Brussels — Sickingen  -Cronberg — Hans  Sachs — General  Ferment. 


THE  world  was  tottering  on  its  old  founda- 
tions when  Christianity  appeared.  The  va- 
rious religions  which  had  sufficed  for  an  earlier 
age  no  longer  satisfied  the  nations.  The 
mind  of  the  existing  generation  could  no 
longer  tabernacle  in  the  ancient  forms.  The 
gods  of  the  nations  had  lost  their  oracles — as 
the  nations  had  lost  their  liberty  in  Rome. 
Brought  face  to  face  in  the  Capitol,  they  had 
mutually  destroyed  the  illusion  of  their  di- 
vinity. A.  vast  void  had  ensued  in  the  reli- 
gious opinions  of  mankind. 

A  kind  of  Deism,  destitute  of  spirit  and 
vitality,  hovered  for  a  time  over  the  abyss  in 
which  had  been  engulphed  the  superstitions 
of  heathenism. — But,  like  all  negative  opi- 
nions, it  had  no  power  to  edify.  The  narrow 
prepossessions  of  the  several  nations  had 
fallen  with  the  fall  of  their  gods,— their  va- 
rious populations  melted,  the  one  into  the 
other.  In  Europe,  Asia,  Africa,  all  was  but 
one  vast  empire,  and  the  human  family  began 
to  feel  its  comprehensiveness  and  its  unity. 

Then  the  Word  was  made  flesh. 

God  appeared  amongst  men,  and  as  Man, 
to  save  that  which  was  lost.  In  Jesus  of  Na- 
zareth dwelt  all  the  fulness  of  the  Godhead 
bodily. 

This  is  the  greatest  event  in  the  annals  of 
all  time.  The  former  ages  had  been  a  prepa- 
ration for  it;  the  latter  unroll  from  it.  It  is 
their  centre  and  connecting  link. 

From  this  period  the  popular  superstitions 
had  no  significancy,  and  such  feeble  relics  of 
them  as  outlived  the  general  wreck  of  incre- 
dulity, vanished  before  the  majestic  orb  of 
eternal  truth. 

The  Son  of  Man  lived  thirty-three  years  on 
this  earth.  He  suffered,  he  died,  he  rose 
again, — he  ascended  into  heaven.  His  disci- 


ples, beginning  at  Jerusalem,  travelled  over 
the  Roman  empire  and  the  world,  everywhere 
proclaiming  their  Master  the  author  of  ever- 
lasting salvation.  From  the  midst  of  a  peo- 
ple who  rejected  intercourse  with  others — pro- 
ceeded a  mercy  that  invited  and  embraced 
all.  A  great  number  of  Asiatics,  of  Greeks, 
of  Romans,  hitherto  led  by  their  priests  to  the 
feet  of  dumb  idols,  believed  at  their  word. 
*'  The  Gospel  suddenly  beamed  on  the  earth 
like  a  ray  of  the  sun,"  says  Eusebius.  A 
breath  of  life  moved  over  this  vast  field  of 
death.  A  new,  a  holy  people  was  formed 
upon  the  earth;  and  the  astonished  world  be- 
held in  the  disciples  of  the  despised  Galilean 
a  purity,  a  self-denial,  a  charity,  a  heroism, 
of  which  they  retained  no  idea. 

The  new  religion  had  two  features  amongst 
many  others  which  especially  distinguished 
it  from  all  the  human  systems  which  fell  be- 
fore it.  One  had  reference  to  the  ministers 
of  its  worship, — the  other  to  its  doctrines. 

The  ministers  of  paganism  were  almost  the 
gods  of  those  human  inventions.  The  priests 
led  the  people,  so  long  at  least  as  their  eyes 
were  not  opened.  A  vast  and  haughty  hie- 
rarchy oppressed  the  world.  Jesus  Christ 
dethroned  these  living  idols,  abolished  this 
proud  hierarchy, — took  from  man  what  man 
had  taken  from  God,  and  re-established  the 
soul  in  direct  communication  with  the  divine 
fountain  of  truth,  by  proclaiming  himself  the 
only  Master  and  the  only  Mediator.  "  One  is 
your  master,  even  Christ,  (said  he,)  and  all 
ye  are  brethren."  (Matt,  xxiii.) 

As  to  doctrine,  human  religions  had  taught 
that  salvation  was  of  man.  The  religions  of 
the  earth  had  invented  an  earthly  salvation. 
They  had  taught  men  that  heaven  would  be 
given  to  them  as  a  reward ;  they  had  fixed  its 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


price,  and  what  a  price .  The  religion  of  God 
taught  that  salvation  was  His  gift,  and  ema- 
nated from  an  amnesty  and  sovereign  grace. 
God  hath  given  to  us  eternal  life.  (1  John 
v.  11.) 

Undoubtedly  Christianity  cannot  be  sum- 
med up  in  these  two  points  :  but  they  seem  to 
govern  the  subject,  especially  when  histori- 
cally viewed.  And  as  it  is  impossible  to 
trace  the  opposition  between  truth  and  error 
in  all  things,  we  have  selected  its  most  pro- 
minent features. 

Such  were  the  two  principles  that  com- 
posed the  religion  which  then  took  possession 
of  the  Empire  and  of  the  whole  world.  The 
standing  of  a  Christian  is  in  them, — and  apart 
from  them,  Christianity  itself  disappears. 
On  their  preservation  or  their  loss  depended 
its  decline  or  its  growth.  One  of  these  prin- 
ciples was  to  govern  the  history  of  the  reli- 
gion ;  the  other  its  doctrine.  They  both 
presided  in  the  beginning.  Let  us  see  how 
they  were  lost:  and  let  us  first  trace  the  fate 
of  the  former. 

The  Church  was  in  the  beginning  a  com- 
munity of  brethren.  All  its  members  were 
taught  of  God;  and  each  possessed  the  liberty 
of  drawing  for  himself  from  the  divine  foun- 
tain of  life.  John  vi.  45.  The  epistles,  which 
then  settled  the  great  questions  of  doctrine, 
did  not  bear  the  pompous  title  of  any  single 
man,  or  ruler.  We  find  from  the  holy  Scrip- 
tures that  they  began  simply  with  these 
words:  "The  apostles,  elders,  and  brethren, 
to  our  brethren."  Acts  xv.  23. 

But  the  writings  of  these  very  apostles 
forewarn  us  that  from  the  midst  of  these  bre- 
thren, there  shall  arise  a  power  which  shall 
overthrow  this  simple  and  primitive  order. 
2  Thess.  ii. 

Let  us  contemplate  the  formation  and  trace 
the  development  of  this  power  alien  to  the 
Church. 

Paul  of  Tarsus,  one  of  the  chiefest  apostles 
of  the  new  religion,  had  arrived  at  Rome,  the 
capital  of  the  empire  and  of  the  world,  preach- 
ing the  salvation  that  cometh  from  God  only. 
A  church  was  formed  beside  the  throne  of  the 
Caesars.  Founded  by  this  same  apostle,  it 
was  at  first  composed  of  converted  Jews, 
Greeks,  and  some  inhabitants  of  Rome.  For 
a  while  it  shone  brightly  as  a  light  set  upon 
a  hill,  and  its  faith  was  everywhere  spoken 
of.  But  ere  long  it  declined  from  its  first 
simplicity  The  spiritual  dominion  of  Rome 
arose  as  its  political  and  military  power  had 
done  before,  and  was  slowly  and  gradually 
extended. 

The  first  pastors  or  bishops  of  Rome  em- 
ployed themselves  in  the  beginning  in  con- 
verting to  the  faith  of  Christ  the  towns  and 
villages  that  surrounded  the  city.  The  neces- 
sity which  the  bishops  and  pastors  felt  of  re- 
ferring in  cases  of  difficulty  to  an  enlightened 
guide,  and  the  gratitude  which  they  owed  to 
the  metropolitan  church,  led  them  to  maintain 
an  intimate  union  with  her.  As  is  generally 
the  consequence  in  such  circumstances,  this 
reasonable  union  soon  degenerated  into  de- 


pendence. The  bishops  of  Rome  regarded  as 
a  right  the  superiority  which  the  neighbour- 
ing churches  had  voluntarily  yielded.  The 
encroachments  of  power  form  a  large  portion 
of  all  history  :  the  resistance  of  those  whose 
rights  are  invaded  forms  the  other  part :  and 
the  ecclesiastical  power  could  not  escape  that 
intoxication  which  leads  those  who  are  lifted 
up  to  seek  to  raise  themselves  still  higher.  It 
felt  all  the  influence  of  this  general  weakness 
of  human  nature. 

Nevertheless  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman 
bishop  was  at  first  limited1  to  the  overlooking 
of  the  churches,  in  the  territory  lawfully  sub- 
ject to  the  prefect  of  Rome.  But  the  rank 
which  this  imperial  city  held  in  the  world 
offered  to  the  ambition  of  its  first  pastors  a 
prospect  of  wider  sway.  The  consideration 
which  the  different  Christian  bishops  enjoyed 
in  the  second  century  was  in  proportion  to  the 
rank  of  the  city  over  which  they  presided. 
Rome  was  the  greatest,  the  richest,  and  the 
most  powerful  city  in  the  world.  It  was  the 
seat  of  empire,  the  mother  of  nations.  "All 
the  inhabitants  of  the  earth  are  hers,"2  said 
Julian,  and  Claudian  declares  her  to  be  "the 
fountain  of  laws."3 

If  Rome  be  the  Queen  of  cities,  why  should 
not  her  pastor  be  the  King  of  Bishops  ?  Why 
should  not  the  Roman  church  be  the  mother 
of  Christendom?  Why  should  not  all  na- 
tions be  her  children,  and  her  authority  be 
the  universal  law?  It  was  natural  to  the 
heart  of  man  to  reason  thus.  Ambitious 
Rome  did  so. 

Hence  it  was  that  when  heathen  Rome  fell, 
she  bequeathed  to  the  humble  minister  of  the 
God  of  peace,  seated  in  the  midst  of  her  own 
ruins,  the  proud  titles  which  her  invincible 
sword  had  won  from  the  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  bishops  of  the  other  parts  of  the  Em- 
pire, yielding  to  the  charm  that  Rome  had 
exercised  for  ages  over  all  nations,  followed 
the  example  of  the  Campagna,  and  aided  the 
work  of  usurpation.  They  willingly  ren- 
dered to  the  Bishop  of  Rome  something  of 
that  honour  which  was  due  to  this  Queen 
of  cities :  nor  was  there  at  first  any  thing  of 
dependence  in  the  honour  thus  yielded.  They 
acted  towards  the  Roman  pastor  as  equals 
toward  an  equal  ;4  but  usurped  power  swells 
like  the  avalanche.  Exhortations,  at  first 
simply  fraternal,  soon  became  commands  in 
the  mouth  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  A  chief 
place  amongst  equals  appeared  to  him  a 
throne. 

The  Bishops  of  the  West  favoured  this 
encroachment  of  the  Roman  pastors,  either 
from  jealousy  of  the  Eastern  bishops,  or  be- 
cause they  preferred  subjection  to  a  pope  to 
the  dominion  of  a  temporal  power. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  theological  sects 
which  distracted  the  east,  strove,  each  for 
itself,  to  gain  an  interest  at  Rome,  hoping  to 
triumph  over  its  opponents  by  the  support  of 
the  principal  of  the  Western  churches. 

Rome  carefully  recorded  these  requests  and 
intercessions,  and  smiled  to  see  the  nations 
throw  themselves  into  her  arms.  She  neg- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


»ected  no  opportunity  of  increasing  and  ex- 
tending her  power.  The  praises,  the  flattery, 
and  exaggerated  compliments  paid  to  her,  and 
her  being  consulted  by  other  churches,  became 
in  her  hands  as  titles  and  documents  of  her 
authority.  Such  is  the  heart  of  man  exalted 
to  a  tnrone;  flattery  intoxicates  him,  and  his 
head  grows  dizzy.  What  he  possesses  im- 
pels him  to  aspire  after  more. 

The  doctrine  of  "  the  Church,"  and  of  "  the 
necessity  for  its  visible  unity,"  which  had 
gained  footing  as  early  as  the  third  century, 
favoured  the  pretensions  of  Rome.  The  great 
bond,  which  originally  bound  together  the 
members  of  the  church,  was  a  living  faith  in 
the  heart,  by  which  all  were  joined  to  Christ 
as  their  one  Head.  But  various  causes  ere 
long  conspired  to  originate  and  develope  the 
idea  of  a  necessity  for  some  exterior  fellow- 
ship. Men,  accustomed  to  the  associations 
and  political  forms  of  an  earthly  country,  car- 
ried their  views  and  habits  of  mind  into  the 
spiritual  and  everlasting  kingdom  of  Jesus 
Christ.  Persecution — powerless  to  destroy, 
or  even  to  shake  the  new  community,  com- 
pressed it  into  the  form  of  a  more  compacted 
body. — To  the  errors  that  arose  in  the  schools 
of  deism,  or  in  the  various  sects,  was  opposed 
*  the  truth  "  one  and  universal"  received  from 
the  Apostles  and  preserved  in  the  church. 
All  this  was  well,  so  long  as  the  invisible 
and  spiritual  church  was  identical  with  the 
visible  and  outward  community.  But  soon  a 
great  distinction  appeared : — the  form  and  the 
vital  principle  parted  asunder.  The  semblance 
of  identical  and  external  organization  was 
gradually  substituted  in  place  of  the  internal 
and  spiritual  unity  which  is  the  very  essence 
of  a  religion  proceeding  from  God.  Men  suf- 
fered the  precious  perfume  of  faith  to  escape 
while  they  bowed  themselves  before  the  empty 
vase  that  had  held  it.  Faith  in  the  heart  no 
longer  knit  together  in  one  the  members  of  the 
church.  Then  it  was  that  other  ties  were 
sought;  and  Christians  were  united  by  means 
of  bishops,  archbishops,  popes,  mitres,  cere- 
monies, and  canons.  The  Living  Church  re- 
tiring by  degrees  to  the  lonely  sanctuary  of  a 
few  solitary  souls, — an  exterior  church  was 
substituted  in  place  of  it,  and  installed  in  all 
its  forms  as  of  divine  institution.  Salvation 
no  longer  flowing  forth  from  that  word  which 
was  now  hidden — it  began  to  be  affirmed  that 
it  was  conveyed  by  means  of  certain  invented 
forms,  and  that  none  could  obtain  it  without 
resorting  to  such  means !  No  one,  it  was 
said,  can  by  his  faith  attain  to  everlasting  life : 
Christ  communicated  to  the  Apostles,  and  the 
Apostles  to  the  Bishops,  the  unction  of  the 
Holy  Spirit;  and  this  Spirit  is  found  only  in 
this  order  of  communication.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Gospel,  whosoever  had  received 
the  spirit  of  Jesus  Christ  was  esteemed  a 
member  of  the  church : — now  the  order  was 
inverted ;  and  no  one,  unless  a  member  of  the 
church,  was  counted  to  have  received  the 
spirit  of  Jesus  Christ. 

As  soon  as  the  notion  of  a  supposed  necessi- 
ty for  a  visible  unity  of  the  church  had  taken 


root,*  another  error  began  to  spread : — namely, 
that  it  was  needful  that  there  should  be  some 
outward  representative  of  that  unity.  Though 
no  trace  of  any  primacy  of  St.  Peter  above  the 
rest  of  the  Apostles  appears  in  the  Gospels ; 
although  the  idea  of  a  primacy  is  at  variance 
with  the  mutual  relations  of  the  disciples  as 
44  brethren," — and  even  with  the  spirit  of  the 
dispensation  which  requires  all  the  children 
of  the  Father  to  minister  one  to  another,* 
(1  Pet.  iv.  10,)  acknowledging  but  one  Mas- 
ter and  Head;  and  though  the  Lord  Jesus 
had  rebuked  his  disciples  whenever  their 
carnal  hearts  conceived  desires  of  pre-emi- 
nence ; — a  Primacy  of  St.  Peter  was  invent- 
ed, and  supported  by  misinterpreted  texts, 
and  men  proceeded  to  acknowledge  in  that 
Apostle,  and  in  his  pretended  successor,  the 
visible  representative  of  visible  unity — and 
head  of  the  whole  Church  ! 

The  constitution  of  the  patriarchate  con- 
tributed further  to  the  exaltation  of  the  Ro- 
man Papacy.  As  early  as  the  first  three 
centuries,  the  churches  of  the  metropolitan 
cities  had  been  held  in  peculiar  honour.  The 
Council  of  Nice,  in  its  sixth  canon,  named 
especially  three  cities,  whose  churches,  ac- 
cording to  it,  held  an  anciently  established  au- 
thority over  those  of  the  surrounding  provinces.  ^ 
These  were  Alexandria,  Rome,  and  Antioch. 
The  political  origin  of  this  distinction  may  be 
discerned  in  the  name  which  was  at  first  given 
to  the  bishops  of  these  cities ;  they  were  called 
Exarchs,  like  the  political  governors.5  In 
later  times  they  bore  the  more  ecclesiastical 
name  of  Patriarch.  It  is  in  the  Council  of 
Constantinople  that  we  find  this  title  first 
used.  This  same  Council  created  a  new  Pa- 
triarchate, that  of  Constantinople  itself,  the 
new  Rome,  the  second  capital  of  the  Empire. 
Rome  at  this  period  shared  the  rank  of  Patri- 
archate with  these  three  churches.  But  when 
the  invasion  of  Mahomet  had  swept  away  the 
bishoprics  of  Alexandria  and  Antioch,  when 
the  see  of  Constantinople  fell  away,  and  in 
latter  times  even  separated  itself  from  the 
West,  Rome  alone  remained,  and  the  circum- 
stances of  the  times  causing  everything  to 
rally  around  her,  she  remained  from  that  time 
without  a  rival. 

New  and  more  powerful  partisans  than  all 
the  rest  soon  came  to  her  assistance.  Igno- 
rance and  superstition  took  possession  of  the 


*From  the  previous  reflections  it  is  clear  that 
the  author  does  not  disparage  that  Unity  which  is 
the  manifested  result  of  the  partaking  of  the  life 
of  the  Head  by  the  members ;  but  only  that  life- 
less form  of  unity  which  man  has  devised  in  place 
of  it.  We  learn  from  John  xvii.  21—23,  that  the 
true  and  real  One-ness  of  BELIEVERS  was  to  be 
manifested, — so  that  the  world  might  believe  that 
the  Father  had  sent  Jesus. — Hence  we  may  con- 
clude that  the  things  which  divide,  instead  of  ga- 
thering, the  "  little  flock"  are  contrary  to  his  mind : 
and  among  such  things  must  be  classed  not  alone 
the  carnality  of  names,  (1  Cor.  iii.  4.) — but  every 
commandment  or  requirement  of  men  that  ex- 
cludes the  very  weakest  whom  God  has  received. 
(Rom.  xiv.  1 — 3 ;  Acts  xi.  17.  compare  Acts  ii,  44, 
&c.) — Translator. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Church,  and  delivered  it  up  to  Rome,  blind- 
fold and  manacled. 

Yet  this  bringing  into  captivity  was  not 
effected  without  a  struggle.  The  voices  of 
particular  churches  frequently  asserted  their 
independence.  This  courageous  remonstrance 
was  especially  heard  in  proconsular  Africa 
and  in  the  East.6 

To  silence  the  cries  of  the  churches,  Rome 
found  new  allies.  Princes,  who  in  those 
troublesome  times  often  saw  their  thrones  tot- 
tering, offered  their  adherence  to  the  Church, 
in  exchange  for  her  support.  They  yielded  to 
her  spiritual  authority,  on  condition  of  her  pay- 
ing them  with  secular  dominion.  They  left  her 
to  deal  at  will  with  the  souls  of  men,  provided 
only  she  would  deliver  them  from  their  ene- 
mies. The  power  of  the  hierarchy  in  the  as- 
cending scale  and  of  the  imperial  power  which 
was  declining,  leaned  thus  one  toward  the 
other — and  so  accelerated  their  twofold  des- 
tiny. 

Rome  could  not  lose  by  this.  An  edict 
of  Theodosius  II.  and  of  Valentinian  III.  pro- 
claimed the  bishop  of  Rome  "ruler  of  the 
whole  church."  Justinian  issued  a  similar 
decree.  These  decrees  did  not  contain  all 
that  the  Popes  pretended  to  see  in  them.  But 
those  times  of  ignorance  it  was  easy  for 
them  to  gain  reception  for  that  interpretation 
which  was  most  favourable  to  themselves. 
The  dominion  of  the  Emperors  in  Italy  be- 
coming every  day  more  precarious,  the  Bish- 
ops of  Rome  took  advantage  of  it  to  withdraw 
themselves  from  their  dependence. 

But  already  the  forests  of  the  North  had 
poured  forth  the  most  effectual  promoters  of 
papal  power.  The  barbarians  who  had  in- 
vaded the  West  and  settled  themselves  there- 
in,— but  recently  converted  to  Christianity, — 
ignorant  of  the  spiritual  character  of  the 
Church,  and  feeling  the  want  of  an  external 
pomp  of  religion,  prostrated  themselves  in  a 
half  savage  and  half  heathen  state  of  mind  at 
the  feet  of  the  Chief  Priest  of  Rome.  At  the 
same  time  the  people  of  the  W7est  also  sub- 
mitted to  him.  First  the  Vandals,  then  the 
Ostrogoths,  a  short  time  after  the  Burgundians 
and  the  Alains,  then  the  Visigoths,  and  at 
last  the  Lombards  and  the  Anglo-Saxons 
came  bowing  the  knee  to  the  Roman  Pontiff. 
It  was  the  sturdy  shoulders  of  the  idolatrous 
children  of  the  North  which  elevated  to  the 
supreme  throne  of  Christendom,  a  pastor  of 
the  banks  of  the  Tiber. 

These  events  occurred  in  the  West  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seventh  century,  at  the  pre- 
cise period  that  the  Mahometan  power  arose 
in  the  East,  and  prepared  to  overrun  another 
division  of  the  earth. 

From  that  time  the  evil  continued  increas- 
ing. In  the  eighth  century  we  see  the  Bish- 
ops of  Rome  on  the  one  hand  resisting  the 
Greek  Emperors,  their  lawful  sovereigns,  and 
endeavouring  to  expel  them  from  Italy;  whilst 
on  the  other  they  court  the  French  Mayors  of 
the  Palace,  and  demand  from  this  new  power 
now  arising  in  the  West,  a  share  in  the  wreck 
of  the  empire.  We  see  Rome  establish  her 


usurped  authority  between  the  East,  which 
she  repelled,  and  the  West  which  she  courted ; 
thus  erecting  her  throne  upon  two  revolutions. 

Alarmed  by  the  progress  of  the  Arabs,  who 
had  made  themselves  masters  of  Spain,  and 
boasted  that  they  would  speedily  traverse  the 
Pyrenees  and  the  Alps,  and  proclaim  the  name 
of  Mahomet  on  the  seven  hills; — terrified  at 
the  daring  of  Aistolpho,  who,  at  the  head  of 
his  Lombards,  threatened  to  put  every  Roman7 
to  death,  and  brandished  his  sword  before  the 
city  gates — Rome,  in  the  prospect  of  ruin, 
turned  on  all  sides  for  protection,  and  threw 
herself  into  the  arms  of  the  Franks.  The 
usurper  Pepin  demanded  the  confirmation  of 
his  claim  to  the  throne : — the  Pope  granted  it ; 
and,  in  return,  obtained  his  declaration  in  de- 
fence of  the  "  Republic  of  God."  Pepin  re- 
covered from  the  Lombards  their  conquests 
from  the  Emperor;  but  instead  of  restoring 
them  to  that  Prince,  he  deposited  the  keys  of 
the  conquered  cities  on  the  altar  of  St.  Peter's; 
and  with  uplifted  hand,  swore  that  it  was  net 
in  the  cause  of  man  that  he  had  taken  arms, — 
but  to  obtain  from  God  the  remission  of  his 
sins,  and  to  do  homage  for  his  conquests  to 
St.  Peter!  Thus  did  France  establish  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Popes. 

Charlemagne  appeared. — At  one  time  we 
see  him  climbing  the  stairs  of  St.  Peter's,  de- 
voutly kissing  the  steps : — again  he  presents 
himself, — but  it  is  as  master  of  all  the  nations 
composing  the  Western  Empire,  and  of  Rome 
itself.  Leo  III.  decided  to  confer  the  rank  on 
one  who  already  possessed  the  power;  and  in 
the  year  800,  on  Christmas  day,  he  placed  the 
crown  of  the  Roman  Emperors  on  the  brow 
of  the  son  of  Pepin.8  From  this  period  the 
Pope  belonged  to  the  empire  of  the  Franks, 
and  his  connexion  with  the  East  was  at  an 
end :  thus  loosing  his  hold  on  a  decayed  tree, 
nodding  to  its  fall,  in  order  to  graft  himseli 
upon  a  wild  but  vigorous  sapling.  Little  could 
he  then  have  dared  to  hope  for  the  elevation 
that  awaited  his  successors  among  the  German 
nations,  to  which  he  thus  joined  himself. 

Charlemagne  bequeathed  to  his  feeble  suc- 
cessors only  the  wreck  of  his  own  power.  In 
the  ninth  century  disunion  everywhere  weak- 
ened the  civil  authority.  Rome  perceived 
that  this  was  the  moment  to  exalt  herself. 
What  better  opportunity  could  offer  for  achiev- 
ing the  Church's  independence  of  the  state, 
than  when  the  crown  of  Charles  was  broken, 
and  its  fragments  scattered  over  his  former 
empire. 

It  was  then  that  the  pretended  decretals  of 
Isidorus  appeared.  In  this  collection  of  alleged 
decrees  of  the  Popes,  the  most  ancient  bish- 
ops, contemporaries  of  Tacitus  and  Quintilian, 
were  made  to  speak  the  barbarous  Latin  of 
the  ninth  century.  The  customs  and  consti- 
tutions of  the  Franks  were  gravely  attributed 
to  the  Romans  in  the  time  of  the  Emperors. 
Popes  quoted  the  Bible  in  the  Latin  transla- 
tion of  St.  Jerome,  who  lived  one,  two,  or 
three  centuries  after  them.  And  Victor,  bishop 
of  Rome  in  the  year  192,  wrote  to  Theophilus, 
who  was  archbishop  of  Alexandria  in  385. 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


e  impostor  who  had  fabricated  this  collec- 
tion, endeavoured  to  prove  that  all  hishops 
derived  their  authority  from  the  bishop  of 
Rome,  who  held  his  own  immediately  from 
Christ.  He  not  only  recorded  all  the  succes- 
sive acquisitions  of  the  Pontiffs,  but  carried 
them  back  to  the  earliest  times.  The  Popes 
did  not  blush  to  avail  themselves  of  this  con- 
temptible imposture.  As  early  as  865,  Nicho- 
las I.  selected  weapons  from  this  repository 
to  attack  princes  and  bishops.9  This  bare- 
faced fabrication  was  for  ages  the  arsenal  of 
Rome. 

Nevertheless  the  vices  and  atrocities  of  the 
Pontiffs  were  such  as  suspended  for  a  time 
the  object  of  the  decretals.  The  Papacy  sig- 
nalized its  sitting  down  at  the  table  of  Kings 
by  shameful  libations ;  and  intoxication  and 
madness  reigned  in  its  orgies.  About  this 
time  tradition  places  upon  the  Papal  throne  a 
girl  named  Joan,  who  had  taken  refuge  at 
Rome  with  her  lover,  and  whose  sex  was  be- 
trayed by  the  pains  of  child-birth  coming 
upon  her  in  the  midst  of  a  solemn  procession. 
But  let  us  not  needlessly  exaggerate  the  shame 
of  the  Roman  Pontiffs.  Women  of  abandoned 
character  reigned  at  this  period  in  Rome. 
The  throne  which  affected  to  exalt  itself  above 
the  majesty  of  kings,  was  sunk  in  the  filth 
of  vice.  Theodora  and  Marozia  installed  and 
deposed  at  their  pleasure  the  pretended  teach- 
ers of  the  Church  of  Christ,  and  placed  on 
the  throne  of  St.  Peter  their  lovers,  their  sons, 
and  their  grandsons.  These  two  well  au- 
thenticated charges  may  have  given  rise  to 
the  tradition  of  the  female  Pope  Joan. 

Rome  was  one  vast  scene  of  debauchery, 
•wherein  the  most  powerful  families  in  Italy  con- 
tended for  pre-eminence.  The  counts  of  Tus- 
cany were  generally  victorious  in  these  contests. 
In  1033,  this  family  dared  to  place  upon  the 
pontifical  throne,  under  the  name  of  Benedict 
IXth,  a  young  boy  brought  up  in  debauchery. 
This  child  of  twelve  years  of  age  continued 
when  Pope,  in  the  practice  of  the  same  scan- 
dalous vices.10  Another  party  elected  in  his 
stead  Sylvester  III.,  and  Benedict,  with  a 
conscience  loaded  with  adulteries,  and  hands 
stained  with  homicide,  at  last  sold  the  Papacy 
to  a  Roman  ecclesiastic.11 

The  Emperors  of  Germany,  roused  to  in- 
dignation by  these  enormities,  purged  Rome 
with  the  sword.  In  1047,  a  German  bishop, 
Leo  IX.,  possessed  himself  of  the  pontifical 
throne. 

The  Empire,  using  its  right  as  suzerain, 
raised  up  the  triple  crown  from  the  mire,  and 
preserved  the  degraded  Papacy  by  giving  to 
it  suitable  chiefs.  In  1046,  Henry  III.  de- 
posed the  three  rival  popes,  and  pointing  with 
his  finger,  on  which  glittered  the  ring  of  the 
Roman  patricians,  designated  the  bishop  to 
whom  St.  Peter's  keys'  should  be  confided. 
Four  Popes,  all  Germans,  and  chosen  by  the 
Emperor,  succeeded.  Whenever  the  Pontiff 


rors  were  not  sorry  to  see  the  Popes  reforming 
abuses — strengthening  the  influence  of  the 
church — holding  councils — choosing  and  de- 
posing prelates  in  spite  of  foreign  princes  • 
for  in  all  this  the  Papacy,  by  its  pretensions, 
did  but  exalt  the  power  of  the  reigning  Em- 
peror, its  suzerain  Lord.  But  such  excesses 
were  full  of  peril  to  his  authority.  The 
power  thus  gradually  acquired  might  at  any 
moment  be  directed  against  the  Emperor  him- 
self, and  the  reptile  having  gained  strength, 
might  turn  against  the  bosom  that  had  warmed 
it, — and  this  result  followed.  The  Papacy 
arose  from  its  humiliation  and  soon  trampled 
under  foot  the  princes  of  the  earth.  To  exalt 
the  Papacy  was  to  exalt  the  Church,  to  ag- 
grandize religion,  to  ensure  to  the  spirit  the 
victory  over  the  flesh,  and  to  God  the  conquest 
of  the  world.  Such  were  its  maxims ;  in 
these,  ambition  found  its  advantage,  and 
fanaticism  its  excuse. 

The  whole  of  this  new  policy  is  personified 
in  one  man,  HILDEBRAND. 

Hildebrand,  who  has  been  by  turns  indis- 
creetly exalted  or  unjustly  traduced,  is  the 
personification  of  the  Roman  pontificate  in  its 
strength  and  glory.  He  is  one  of  those  cha- 
racters in  history,  which  include  in  them- 
selves a  new  order  of  things,  resembling  in 
this  respect  Charlemagne,  Luther,  and  Na- 
poleon, in  different  spheres  of  action. 

Leo  IX.  took  notice  of  this  monk  as  he  was 
going  to  Cluny,  and  carried  him  with  him  to 
Rome.  From  that  time  Hildebrand  was  the 
soul  of  the  Papacy,  till  he  himself  became 
Pope.  He  had  governed  the  Church  under 
different  Pontiffs,  before  he  himself  reigned 
under  the  name  of  Gregory  VII.  One  grand 
idea  occupied  his  comprehensive  mind.  He 
desired  to  establish  a  visible  theocracy,  of 
which  the  Pope,  as  the  vicar  of  Christ,  should 
be  the  head.  The  recollection  of  the  ancient 
universal  dominion  of  heathen  Rome,  haunted 
his  imagination  and  animated  his  zeal.  He 
wished  to  restore  to  Papal  Rome  what  Rome 
had  lost  under  the  Emperors.  "  What  Marius 
and  Csssar,"  said  his  flatterers,  "could  not 
effect  by  torrents  of  blood,  you  have  accom- 
plished by  a  word." 

Gregory  VII.  was  not  actuated  by  the  spirit 
of  Christ.  That  spirit  of  truth,  humility, 
and  gentleness,  was  to  him  unknown.  He 
could  sacrifice  what  he  knew  to  be  the  truth, 
whenever  he  judged  it  necessary  to  his  policy. 
We  may  instance  the  case  of  Berengarius. 
But  without  doubt  he  was  actuated  by  a  spirit 
far  above  that  of  the  generality  of  Pontiffs, 
and  by  a  deep  conviction  of  the  justice  of  his 
cause.  Enterprising,  ambitious,  persevering 
in  his  designs,  he  was  at  the  same  time  skil- 
ful and  politic  in  the  use  of  the  means  of 
success. 

His  first  task  was  to  remodel  the  militia  of 
the  Church.  It  was  needful  to  gain  strength 
before  attacking  the  Imperial  authority.  A 


of  Rome  died,  a  deputation  from  its  church  j  council  held  at  Rome,  removed  the  pastors 
repaired  to  the  Imperial  court,  just  as  the  en-  from  their  families,  and  obliged  them  to  de- 
voys  of  other  dioceses,  to  solicit  the  nomina-  vote  themselves"  undividedly  to  the  hierarchy, 
ion  of  a  bishop  to  succeed  him.  The  Empe-  The  law  of  celibacy,  devised  and  carried  into 


6 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


operation  by  the  Popes,  (who  were  them- 
selves monks,)  changed  the  clergy  into  a 
monastic  order.  Gregory  VII.  claimed  to 
exercise  over  the  whole  body  of  bishops  and 
priests  of  Christendom,  a  power  equal  to 
that  possessed  by  an  abbot  of  Cluny  over  the 
order  subjected  to  his  rule.  The  legates  of 
Hildebrand  passed  through  the  provinces, 
depriving  the  pastors  of  their  lawful  partners, 
and  the  Pope  himself,  if  necessary,  excited 
the  populace  against  the  married  clergy.12 

But  Gregory's  great  aim  was  to  emancipate 
Rome  from  subjection  to  the  Emperor.  Never 
would  he  have  dared  to  conceive  so  ambitious 
a  design,  if  the  discord  which  disturbed  the 
minority  of  Henry  IV.,  and  the  revolt  of  the 
German  princes  from  that  young  Emperor  had 
not  favoured  his  project.  The  Pope  was  at 
this  time  one  of  the  magnates  of  the  empire. 
Making  common  cause  with  some  of  the 
greatest  of  its  vassals,  he  strengthened  him- 
self in  the  aristocratic  interest,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  prohibit  all  ecclesiastics  from 
receiving  investiture  from  the  Emperor,  under 
pain  of  excommunication. 

He  thus  snapt  asunder  the  ancient  ties 
which  connected  tbe  several  pastors  and  their 
churches  with  the  royal  authority,  but  it  was 
that  he  might  bind  them  to  the  pontifical 
throne.  He  undertook  to  restrain  by  a  power- 
ful hand,  priests,  princes,  and  people;  and  to 
make  the  Pope  a  universal  monarch.  It  was 
Rome  alone  that  every  priest  was  to  fear — and 
in  her  only  he  was  to  hope.  The  kingdoms 
and  principalities  of  the  earth  were  to  be  her 
domain  ;  and  kings  were  to  tremble  before  the 
thunders  of  the  Jupiter  of  New  Rome.  Wo 
to  those  who  should  resist  her.  Their  subjects 
were  released  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance — 
their  whole  country  placed  under  interdict — 
public  worship  was  to  cease — the  churches  to 
be  closed — the  bells  mute — the  sacrament  no 
longer  administered — and  the  malediction  ex- 
tended even  to  the  dead,  to  whom,  at  the  com- 
mand of  the  proud  Pontiff,  the  earth  refused 
the  peace  and  shelter  of  the  tomb. 

The  Pope^whose  power  had  been  from  the 
very  beginning  subordinate,  first  to  the  Roman 
Emperors ;  then  to  the  Frankish  princes ; 
and  lastly,  to  the  Emperors  of  Germany ;  at 
once  freed  himself,  and  assumed  the  place  of 
an  equal,  if  not  of  a  master.  Yet  Gregory 
the  Vllth  was  in  his  turn  humbled  ;  Rome 
was  taken,  and  Hildebrand  obliged  to  flee. 
He  died  at  Salerno ;  his  last  words  were, 
Dilexi  justitiam  d  odivi  iniquitatem ;  proplerea 
morior  in  exilio.*  And  who  will  dare  to 
charge  with  hypocrisy  words  uttered  at  the 
very  gates  of  the  tomb. 

The  successors  of  Gregory  acted  like  soldiers 
arriving  after  a  great  victory.  They  threw 
themselves  as  conquerors  on  the  unresisting 
Churches.  Spain,  delivered  from  the  presence 
of  Islamism,  and  Prussia,  reclaimed  from 
idolatry,  fell  into  the  embrace  of  the  crowned 
priest.  The  crusades,  undertaken  at  his 

*  1  have  loved  righteousness  and  hated  ini- 
quity— therefore  I  die  in  exile. 


instance,  spread  far  and  wide,  and  everywheie 
confirmed  his  authority: — the  pious  pilgrims, 
who  in  imagination  had  seen  saints  and 
angels  conducting  their  armed  hosts,  and  who 
entering  humbly  and  barefooted  within  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem,  had  burned  alive  the 
Jews  in  their  synagogue,  and  shed  the  blood 
of  tens  of  thousands  of  Saracens  on  the  spots 
where  they  came  to  trace  the  footsteps  of  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  bore  with  them  to  the  East 
the  name  of  the  Pope,  whose  existence  had 
been  scarcely  known  there,  since  the  period 
when  he  exchanged  the  supremacy  of  the 
Greeks  for  that  of  the  Franks. 

Meanwhile  that  which  the  arms  of  the 
republic  and  of  the  empire  had  failed  to  effect, 
was  achieved  by  the  power  of  the  Church. 
The  Germans  brought  to  the  feet  of  a  bishop 
the  tribute  their  ancestors  had  refused  to  the 
mightiest  generals;  and  their  princes  thought 
they  received  from  the  Popes  their  crown, 
while  in  reality  the  Popes  imposed  upon  them 
a  yoke.  The  kingdoms  of  Christendom, 
already  subject  to  the  spiritual  empire  of 
Rome,  became  her  serfs  and  tributaries. 

Thus  every  thing  was  changed  in  the 
Church. 

At  the  beginning  it  was  a  society  of  breth- 
ren, and  now  an  absolute  monarchy  is  reared 
in  the  midst  of  them.  All  Christians  were 
priests  of  the  living  God,  (1  Pet.  ii.  9,)  with 
humble  pastors  for  their  guidance.  But  a 
lofty  head  is  uplifted  from  the  midst  of  these 
pastors;  a  mysterious  voice  utters  words  full 
of  pride  ;  an  iron  hand  compels  all  men,  small 
and  great,  rich  and  poor,  freemen  and  slaves, 
to  take  the  mark  of  its  power.  The  holy  and 
primitive  equality  of  souls  before  God  is  lost 
sight  of.  Christians  are  divided  into  two 
strangely  unequal  camps.  On  the  one  side  a 
separate  class  of  priests  daring  to  usurp  the 
name  of  the  Church,  and  claiming  to  be  pos- 
sessed of  peculiar  privileges  in  the  sight  of 
the  Lord.  On  the  other,  timid  flocks  reduced 
to  a  blind  and  passive  submission;  a  people 
gagged  and  silenced  and  delivered  over  to  a 
proud  caste.  Every  tribe,  language,  and  na- 
tion of  Christendom  submitted  to  the  dominion 
of  this  spiritual  king  who  had  received  powrer 
to  overcome. 

But  side  by  side  with  that  principle  that 
should  have  pervaded  the  history  of  Christi- 
anity was  a  principle  that  was  given  to  pre- 
side over  its  doctrine.  This  was  the  great 
principle  of  Christianity;  its  leading  idea — 
that  of  grace,  of  pardon,  and  amnesty,  and  of 
the  gift  of  eternal  life.  This  idea  supposed 
an  alienation  from  God,  and  an  inability  in 
man  to  enter,  by  any  power  of  his  own,  into 
communion  with  an  infinitely  holy  Being. 
The  opposition  of  true  and  false  doctrine  can- 
not assuredly  be  entirely  summed  up  in  the 
question  of  salvation  by  faith  or  by  works. 
Nevertheless,  it  is  the  most  striking  feature 
in  the  contrast.  We  may  go  farther:  Salva 
tion  considered  as  derived  from  any  power  in 
man  is  the  germinating  principle  of  all  errors 
arid  perversions.  The  scandals  produced  by 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


this  fundamental  error  brought  on  the  Refor- 
mation ; — and  the  profession  of  the  contrary 
principle  was  the  means  by  which  it  was 
achieved.  It  is  therefore  indispensable  that 
this  truth  should  be  prominent  in  an  introduc- 
tion to  the  history  of  that  Reformation. 

Salvation  by  Grace.  Such,  then,  was  the 
second  peculiarity  which  was  designed  espe- 
cially to  distinguish  the  religion  that  came 
from  God  from  all  human  systems.  And  what 
had  become  of  this  great  and  primordial 
thought1?  Had  the  Church  preserved  it  as  a 
precious  deposit  ?  Let  us  follow  its  history. 

The  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  of  Asia,  of 
Greece,  and  of  Rome,  in  the  time  of  the  Ro- 
man Emperors,  had  heard  this  gospel.  YE 
ARE  SAVED  BY  GRACE — THROUGH  FAITH — IT  is 
THE  GIFT  OF  GOD,  (Eph.  ii.  8;)  and  at  this 
voice  of  peace,  at  the  sound  of  these  good 
tidings,  at  this  word  of  power,  multitudes  of 
sinners  believed,  and  were  attracted  to  Him 
who  alone  can  give  peace  to  the  conscience  ; 
and  numerous  societies  of  believers  were  formed 
in  the  midst  of  the  degenerate  communities  of 
that  age. 

But  ere  long  an  important  error  began  to 
prevail,  as  to  the  nature  of  Saving  Faith. — 
Faith  (according  to  St.  Panl)  is  the  way 
through  which  the  whole  being  of  the  believer, 
— his  understanding,  his  heart,  and  his  will, 
enters  upon  present  possession  of  the  salvation 
purchased  by  the  incarnation  and  death  of  the 
Son  of  God.  Jesus  Christ  is  apprehended  by 
Faith,  and  from  that  hour  becomes  all  things 
to, — and  all  things,  in  the  believer.  He  com- 
municates to  the  human  nature  a  divine  life ; 
and  the  believer,  renewed  and  set  free  from 
the  power  of  self  and  of  sin,  feels  new  affec- 
tions, and  bears  new  fruits.  Faith,  says  the 
theologian,  labouring  to  express  these  thoughts, 
is  the  subjective  appropriation  of  the  objective 
Work  of  Christ.  If  faith  is  not  the  appropri- 
ation of  Salvation  it  is  nothing — the  whole 
economy  of  Christian  doctrine  is  out  of  place ; 
the  fountains  of  the  new  life  are  sealed,  and 
Christianity  is  overturned  from  its  foundation. 

And  this  consequence  did  in  fact  ensue.  By 
degrees  this  practical  view  of  Faith  was  for- 
gotten, and  ere  long  it  was  regarded,  as  it  still 
is  by  many,  as  a  bare  act  of  the  understand- 
ing, a  mere  submission  to  a  commanding 
evidence. 

From  this  primary  error  a  second  neces- 
sarily resulted.  When  Faith  was  robbed  of 
its  practical  character,  it  could  no  longer  be 
maintained  that  Faith  alone  saved.  Works 
no  longer  following  in  their  places  as  its 
fruits — it  seemed  necessary  to  range  them  on 
one  line  with  it;  and  the  Church  was  taught 
to  believe  that  the  sinner  is  justified  by  FAITH 
and  by  WORKS.  In  place  of  that  Christian 
unity  in  doctrine,  which  comprises  in  a  single 
principle  Justification  and  Works — Grace  and 
a  rule  of  life — belief  and  responsibility,  suc- 
ceeded that  melancholy  quality  which  regards 
religion  and  moral  duty  as  things  altogether 
unconnected;  a  fatal  delusion  which  brings  in 
death,  by  separating  the  body  from  the  spirit, 
whose  continued  union  is  the  necessary  con- 


dition*of  life  itself.  The  word  of  the  Apostle 
heard  across  the  interval  of  ages  is,  "Having 
begun  in  the  spirit,  are  ye  now  made  perfect 
by  the  flesh." 

Another  error  contributed  to  unsettle  the 
doctrine  of  Grace.  This  was  Pelagianisrn. 
Pelagius  asserted  that  man's  nature  was  not 
fallen, — that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  here- 
ditary evil,  and  that  man  having  received 
power  to  do  good  has  only  to  will  in  order  to 
perform  it.13  If  the  doing  "good  things"  con- 
sists in  certain  external  acts,  Pelagius  judged 
truly.  But  if  regard  is  had  to  the  motives 
whence  these  external  acts  proceed, — or  to  the 
entire  inward  life  of  man,  (see  Matt.  xii.  34,) 
then  we  discern  in  all  his  works  selfishness — 
forgetfulness  of  God,  pollution  and  weakness. 
This  was  the  doctrine  of  St.  Augustine.  He 
proved  that  to  entitle  any  action  to  approval, 
it  was  needful  not  merely  that  it  should  seem 
right  when  looked  at  by  itself  and  from  the 
outside,  but  above  all  that  its  real  spring  in 
the  soul  should  be  holy.  The  Pelagian  doc- 
trine rejected  by  St.  Augustine  from  the 
church  when  it  presented  itself  broadly  for  in- 
vestigation, re-appeared  ere  long  with  a  side 
aspect  as  semi-Pelagian,  and  under  forms  of 
expression  borrowed  from  St.  Augustine's  own 
writings.  It  was  in  vain  that  eminent  Father 
opposed  its  progress.  He  died  soon  after. 
The  error  spread  with  amazing  rapidity 
throughout  Christendom — passing  from  the 
West  to  the  East,  and  even  at  this  day  it  con- 
tinues to  disturb  and  harass  the  Church.  The 
danger  of  the  doctrine  appeared  in  this:  that 
by  placing  goodness  in  the  external  act  rather 
than  in  the  inward  affections,  it  led  men  to 
put  a  high  value  upon  outward  action,  legal 
observances  and  works  of  penance.  The 
more  of  such  works  the  greater  the  reputed 
sanctity — heaven  was  to  be  obtained  by  means 
of  them — and  (extravagant  as  such  a  thought 
must  appear  to  us)  it  was  not  long  before  cer- 
tain persons  were  believed  to  have  made  at- 
tainments in  holiness  beyond  that  which  was 
required  of  them. 

Thus  did  the  proud  heart  of  man  refuse  to 
give  the  glory  to  that  God  to  whom  all  glory 
belongs.  Thus  did  man  claim  to  deserve, 
what  God  had  decreed  to  give  freely  !  He 
essayed  to  find  in  himself  the  salvation  which 
the  Gospel  brought  to  him  ready  wrought  out 
from  heaven.  He  spread  a  veil  over  the 
saving  truths  of  salvation  which  cometh  from 
God,  and  not  from  man — a  salvation  which 
God  gives — but  barters  not;  and  from  that 
day  all  the  other  truths  of  religion  were  over- 
clouded ;  darkness  spread  over  the  church, 
and  from  this  deep  and  deplorable  gloom  were 
seen  to  arise  innumerable  errors. 

And  in  the  first  place  we  may  observe  that 
both  great  divisions  of  error  converged  to  one 
effect.  Pelagianisrn,  while  it  corrupted  the 
church's  teaching,  strengthened  the  hierarchy : 
— by  the  same  influence  by  which  it  hid  the 
doctrine  of  grace,  it  exalted  the  authority  of 
the  Church — for  grace  was  God's  part  in  the 
work  as  the  Church  was  man's  ! 

As  soon  as  salvation  was  taken  out  of  tha 
B 


8 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


hands  of  God,  it  fell  into  the  hands  *of  the 
Priests.  The  latter  put  themselves  in  the 
place  of  the  Lord ;  and  the  souls  of  men 
thirsting  for  pardon  were  no  longer  taught  to 
look  to  heaven,  but  to  the  Church,  and  espe- 
cially to  its  pretended  Head.  The  Roman 
Pontiff  was  in  the  place  of  God  to  the  blinded 
minds  of  men.  Hence  all  the  grandeur  and 
authority  of  the  Popes,  and  hence  also  unut- 
terable abuses. 

Doubtless  the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  Faith 
was  not  entirely  lost  to  the  Church.  We  meet 
with  it  in  some  of  the  most  celebrated  Fathers, 
after  the  time  of  Constantine;  and  in  the  mid- 
dle ages.  The  doctrine  was  not  formally  de- 
nied. Councils  and  Popes  did  not  hurl  their 
bulls  and  decrees  againsfit;  but  they  set  up 
beside  it  a  something  which  nullified  it.  Sal- 
vation by  Faith  was  received  by  many  learned 
men,  by  many  a  humble  and  simple  mind, — 
but  the  multitude  had  something  very  different. 
Men  had  invented  a  complete  system  of  for- 
giveness. The  multitude  flocked  to  it  and 
joined  with  it,  rather  than  with  the  Grace  of 
Christ ;  and  thus  the  system  of  man's  devising 
prevailed  over  that  of  God.  Let  us  examine 
some  of  the  phases  of  this  deplorable  change. 

In  the  time  of  Vespasian  and  his  sons,  he 
who  had  been  the  most  intimate  companion  of 
the  despised  Galilean,  one  of  the  sons  of  Ze- 
bedee,  had  said  :  "  If  we  confess  our  sins,  God 
is  faithful  and  just  to  forgive  our  sins." 

About  120  years  later,  under  Cominodus, 
and  Septimius  Severus,  Tertullian,  an  illus- 
trious pastor  of  Carthage,  speaking  of  pardon, 
already  held  a  very  different  language.  "It 
is  necessary  (said  he)  to  change  our  dress  and 
food,  we  must  put  on  sackcloth  and  ashes,  we 
must  renounce  all  comfort  and  adorning  of  the 
body,  and  falling  down  before  the  Priest,  im- 
plore the  intercession  of  the  brethren."14Behold 
man  turned  aside  from  God,  and  turned  back 
upon  himself. 

Works  of  penance,  thus  substituted  for  the 
salvation  of  God,  multiplied  in  the  Church 
from  the  time  of  Tertullian  to  the  13th  cen- 
tury. Men  were  enjoined  to  fast,  to  go  bare- 
headed, to  wear  no  linen,  &c.  or  required  to 
leave  home  and  country  for  distant  lands,  or 
else  to  renounce  the  world  and  embrace  a 
monastic  life. 

In  the  llth  century  were  added  voluntary 
flagellations  ;  a  little  after  they  became  an  ab- 
solute mania  in  Italy,  which  was  then  in  a 
very  disturbed  state.  Nobles  and  peasants, 
.old  and  young,  even  children  of  five  years  old, 
went  in  pairs,  through  the  villages,  the  towns, 
and  the  cities,  by  hundreds,  thousands,  and 
tens  of  thousands,  without  any  other  covering 
than  a  cloth  tied  round  the  middle,  and  visiting 
the  churches  in  procession  in  the  very  depth 
of  winter.  Armed  with  scourges,  they  lashed 
themselves  without  pity,  and  the  streets  re- 
sounded with  cries  and  groans,  which  drew 
forth  tears  of  compassion  from  all  who  heard 
them. 

And  yet  long  before  the  evil  had  arrived  at 
this  height,  men  sighed  for  deliverance  from 
the  tyranny  of  the  priests.  The  priests  them' 


selves  were  sensible  that  if  they  did  not  devise 
some  remedy,  their  usurped  power  would  be 
at  an  end.  Then  it  was  that  they  invented  the 
system  of  barter  known  by  the  name  of  indul- 
gences. It  is  under  John,  surnamed  the  Faster, 
archbishop  of  Constantinople,  that  we  see  its 
first  commencement.  The  priests  said,  "O 
penitents,  you  are  unable  to  perform  the  pen- 
ances we  have  imposed  upon  you.  WTell  then, 
we,  the  priests  of  God,  and  your  pastors,  will 
take  upon  ourselves  this  heavy  burden.  Who 
can  better  fast  than  we"?  Who  better  kneel 
and  recite  psalms  than  ourselves?"  But  the 
labourer  is  worthy  of  his  hire.  "  For  a  seven 
weeks  fast>(said  Regino,  abbot  of  Prum,)  such 
as  are  rich  shall  pay  twenty  pence,  those  who 
are  less  wealthy  ten  pence,  and  the  poor  three 
pence,  in  the  same  proportion  for  other  things."15 
Some  courageous  voices  were  raised  against 
this  traffic,  but  in  vain. 

The  Pope  soon  discovered  what  advantages 
he  might  derive  from  these  indulgences.  His 
want  of  money  continued  to  increase.  Here 
was  an  easy  resource,  which,  under  the  appear- 
ance of  a  voluntary  contribution,  would  re- 
plenish his  coffers.  It  seemed  desirable  to 
establish  so  lucrative  a  discovery  on  a  solid 
footing.  The  chief  men  of  Rome  exerted  them- 
selves for  this  purpose.  The  irrefragable  doc- 
tor, Alexander  de  Hales,  invented,  in  the  13th 
century,  a  doctrine  well  suited  to  secure  this 
mighty  resource  to  the  Papacy,  A  bull  of 
Clement  VII.  declared  the  new  doctrine  an 
article  of  the  faith.  The  most  sacred  truths 
were  made  to  subserve  this  persevering  policy 
of  Rome.  Christ,  it  was  affirmed,  has  done 
much  more  than  was  required  for  reconciling 
God  and  man.  One  single  drop  of  his  blood 
would  have  sufficed  for  that ;  but  he  shed  his 
blood  abundantly,  that  he  might  form  for  his 
church  a  treasury  that  eternity  itself  should 
never  exhaust.  The  supererogatory  merits  of 
the  saints,  the  reward  of  the  works  they  have 
done,  beyond  and  additional  to  the  obligations 
of  duty,  have  still  further  enriched  this  treasu- 
ry. Its  guardianship  and  distribution  are  con- 
fided to  the  Vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth.  He 
applies  to  every  sinner,  for  sins  committed 
after  baptism,  these  merits  of  Christ  and  of 
his  saints,  in  the  measure  and  degree  that  his 
sins  have  made  necessary.  Who  would  dare 
to  attack  a  custom  of  so  high  and  holy  an 
origin. 

Rapidly  was  this  almost  inconceivable  in- 
vention reduced  to  a  system.  The  scale  im- 
posed ten,  twenty  years  of  penance,  for  such 
and  such  kinds  of  sin.  "  It  is  not  merely  for 
each  kind  of  sin,  but  for  each  sinful  action,  that 
this  penance  of  so  many  years  is  demanded," 
exclaimed  the  mercenary  priests.  Behold 
mankind,  bowed  down  under  the  weight  of  a 
penance  that  seemed  almost  eternal. 

"  But  for  what  purpose  this  long  penance, 
when  life  is  so  short — when  can  it  take  effect1? 
How  can  man  secure  the  time  requisite  for  its 
performance?  You  are  imposing  on  him  cen- 
turies of  severe  discipline.  When  death  comes 
he  will  but  laugh  at  you — for  death  will  dis- 
charge him  from  his  burden.  Ah,  welcome 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


9 


death!"  But  this  objection  was  provided 
against.  The  philosophers  of  Alexandria  had 
spoken  of  a  fire  in  which  men  were  to  be  pu- 
rified. Some  ancient  doctors  in  the  church  had 
received  the  notion.  Rome  declared  this  phi- 
losophic tenet  the  doctrine  of  the  church ;  and 
the  Pope,  by  a  bull,  added  purgatory  to  his 
domain.  He  declared  that  man  would  have 
to  expiate  in  purgatory  all  he  could  not  ex- 
piate on  earth;  but  that  indulgences  would 
deliver  men's  souls  from  that  intermediate 
state  in  which  their  sins  would  otherwise  hold 
them.  Thomas  Aquinas  set  forth  this  new 
doctrine  in  his  celebrated  Summa.  Nothing 
was  left  undone  to  fill  the  mind  with  terror. 
Man  is  by  nature  inclined  to  fear  an  unknown 
futurity  and  the  dark  abodes  beyond  the  grave ; 
but  that  fear  was  artfully  excited  and  increased 
by  JiO'vible  descriptions  of  the  torments  of  this 
purifying  fire.  We  see  at  this  day  in  many 
Catholic  countries  paintings  exposed  in  the 
temples,  or  in  the  crossways,  wherein  poor 
souls  engulphed  in  flames  invoke  alleviation 
for  their  miseries.  Who  could  refuse  the 
money  that,  dropt  into  the  treasury  of  Rome, 
redeemed  the  soul  from  such  horrible  torments  ? 

But  a  further  means  of  increasing  this  traffic 
was  now  discovered.  Hitherto  it  had  been 
the  sins  of  the  living  that  had  been  turned  to 
profit ;  they  now  began  to  avail  themselves  of 
the  sins  of  the  dead.  In  the  13th  century  it 
was  declared  that  the  living  might,  by  making 
certain  sacrifices,  shorten  or  even  terminate  the 
torments  their  ancestors  and  friends  were  en- 
during in  purgatory.  Instantly  the  compas- 
sionate hearts  of  the  faithful  offered  new  trea- 
sures for  the  priests. 

To  regulate  this  traffic,  they  invented  short- 
ly after,  probably  in  the  Pontificate  of  John 
XXII.  the  celebrated  and  scandalous  tax  of 
indulgences,  of  which  more  than  forty  editions 
are  extant :  a  mind  of  the  least  delicacy  would 
be  shocked  at  the  repetition  of  the  horrors  there- 
in contained.  Incest  was  to  cost,  if  not  de- 
tected, five  groschen,  if  known,  or  flagrant,  six. 
A  certain  price  was  affixed  to  the  crime  of  mur- 
der, another  to  infanticide,  adultery,  perjury, 
burglary,  &c.  Oh,  shame  to  Rome !  exclaims 
Claudius  of  Espersa,  a  Roman  divine ;  and 
we  may  add,  Oh,  shame  to  human  nature! 
For  no  reproach  can  attach  to  Rome  which 
does  not  recoil  with  equal  force  on  mankind 
in  general.  Rome  is  human  nature  exalted, 
and  displaying  some  of  its  worst  propensities. 
We  say  this  in  truth  as  well  as  in  justice. 

Boniface  VIII.,  the  boldest  and  most  ambi- 
tious of  the  Popes,  after  Gregory  VII.,  effected 
still  more  than  his  predecessors  had  done. 

He  published  a  bull  in  1300,  by  which  he 
declared  to  the  church  that  all  who  should  at 
that  time  or  thenceforth  make  the  pilgrimage 
to  Rome,  which  should  take  place  every  hun- 
dred years,  should  there  receive  a  plenary  in- 
dulgence. Upon  this  multitudes  flocked  from 
Italy,  Sicily,  Sardinia,  Corsica,  France,  Spain, 
Germany,  Hungary,  and  other  quarters.  Old 
men,  of  sixty  and  seventy,  set  out  on  the  pil- 
grimage; and  it  was  computed  that  200,000 
visited  Rome  in  one  month.  All  these  foreign- 


ers brought  with  them  rich  offerings,  and  the 
Pope  and  the  Romans  saw  their  coffers  re- 
plenished. 

The  avarice  of  the  Pontiffs  soon  fixed  this 
jubilee  at  intervals  of  fifty  years,  afterwards 
at  thirty-three  years,  and  at  last  at  twenty-five. 
Then,  for  the  greater  convenience  of  the  pur- 
chasers, and  to  increase  the  profits  of  the 
venders,  they  transferred  both  the  jubilee  and 
its  indulgences  from  Rome  to  the  market- 
places of  all  the  nations  of  Christendom.  It 
was  no  longer  necessary  to  abandon  one's 
home ;  what  others  had  been  obliged  to  seek 
beyond  the  Alps,  each  might  now  obtain  at 
his  own  door. 

The  evil  was  at  its  height, — and  then  the 
Reformer  arose. 

We  have  seen  what  had  become  of  the 
principle  which  was  designed  to  govern  the 
history  of  Christianity ;  we  have  also  seen 
what  became  of  that  which  should  have  per- 
vaded its  doctrine.  Both  were  now  lost. 

To  set  up  a  single  caste  as  mediators  be- 
tween God  and  man,  and  to  barter  in  exchange 
for  works  and  penances,  and  gold,  the  salva- 
tion freely  given  by  God ; — such  was  Popery.. 

To  open  wide  to  all,  through  Jesus  Christ, 
and  without  any  earthly  mediator,  and  with- 
out that  power  that  called  itself  the  Church, 
free  access  to  the  gift  of  God,  eternal  life ,— - 
such  was  Christianity,  and  such  was  the  Re- 
formation. 

Popery  may  be  compared  to  a  high  wall 
erected  by  the  labour  of  ages,  between  man  and 
God.  Whoever  will  scale  it  must  pay  or  suf- 
fer in  the  attempt ;  and  even  then  he  will  fail 
to  overleap  it. 

The  Reformation  is  the  power  which  has 
thrown  down  this  wall,  has  restored  Christ  to 
man,  and  has  thus  made  plain  the  way  of  ac- 
cess to  the  Creator. 

Popery  interposes  the  Church  between  God 
and  man. 

Christianity  and  the  Reformation  bring  God 
and  man  faoe  to  face. 

Popery  separates  man  from  God : — -the  Gos- 
pel re-unites  them. 

After  having  thus  traced  the  history  of  the 
decline  and  loss  of  the  two  gran'1  principles 
which  were  to  distinguish  the  religion  of  God 
from  systems  of  man's  devising,  let  us  see 
what  were  the  consequences  of  this  immense 
change. 

But  first  let  us  do  honour  to  the  church  of 
that  middle  period,  which  intervened  between 
the  age  of  the  Apostles  and  the  Reformers. 
The  church  was  still  the  church,  although  fallen 
and  more  and  more  enslaved.  In  a  word,  she 
was  at  all  times  the  most  powerful  friend  of 
man.  Her  hands,  though  manacled,  still  dis- 
pensed blessings.  Many  eminent  servants 
of  Christ  diffused  during  these  ages  a  benefi- 
cent light ;  and  in  the  humble  convent — the 
sequestered  parish — there  were  found  poor 
monks  and  poor  priests  to  alleviate  bitter  suf- 
ferings. The  church  Catholic  was  not  the  Pa- 
pacy. This  filled  the  place  of  the  oppressor ; 


10 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


that  of  the  oppressed.  The  Reformation 
which  declared  war  against  the  one,  came  to 
liberate  the  other.  And  it  must  be  acknow- 
ledged, that  the  Papacy  itself  was  at  times,  in 
the  hands  of  Him  who  brings  good  out  of  evil, 
a  necessary  counterpoise  to  the  ambition  and 
tyranny  of  princes. 

Let  us  now  contemplate  the  condition  of 
Christianity  at  that  time. 

Theology  and  religion  were  then  widely 
different.  The  doctrine  of  the  learned,  and 
the  practice  of  priests,  monks,  and  people, 
presented  two  very  different  aspects.  They 
had,  however,  great  influence  upon  each  other, 
and  the  Reformation  had  to  deal  with  both. 
Let  us  examine  them,  and  take  a  survey  first 
of  the  Schools,  or  Theology. 

Theology  was  still  under  the  influence  of 
the  middle  ages.  The  middle  ages  had  awoke 
from  their  long  trance,  and  had  produced 
many  learned  men.  But  their  learning  had 
been  directed  neither  to  the  interpretation  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures,  nor  to  the  examination 
of  the  history  of  the  Church.  Scriptural  ex- 
position, and  the  study  of  history,  the  two 
great  sources  of  theological  knowledge,  still 
slumbered. 

A  new  science  had  usurped  their  place.  It 
was  the  science  of  Dialectics.  The  art  of  rea- 
soning became  the  fruitful  mine  of  a  new 
theology.  The  middle  ages  had  discovered 
the  long  lost  writings  of  Aristotle.  Their 
knowledge  of  him  was  derived  either  from  old 
Latin  versions,  or  from  translations  from  the 
Arabic.  The  resuscitated  Aristotle  appeared 
in  the  West  as  a  giant,  subjecting  the  minds, 
and  even  the  consciences  of  men.  His  philo- 
sophic method  added  strength  to  the  disposi- 
tion for  dialectics  which  marked  the  age.  It 
was  a  method  well  suited  to  subtle  researches 
and  trivial  distinctions.  The  very  obscurity 
of  the  translations  of  the  Greek  philosopher 
favoured  the  dialectic  subtlety  which  had  capti- 
vated the  West.  The  Church,  alarmed  at  its 
progress,  fora  while  opposed  this  new  tenden- 
cy. She  feared  that  this  taste  for  discussion 
might  engender  heresies.  But  the  dialectic 
philosophy  proved  to  be  easily  compounded 
with ;  monks  employed  it  against  heretics, 
and  thenceforward  its  victory  was  secure. 

It  was  the  characteristic  of  this  method  of 
teaching,  to  suggest  numerous  questions  on 
every  branch  of  theology,  and  then  to  decide 
them  by  a  solution.  Often  these  inquiries 
turned  upon  most  useless  matters.  It  was 
asked  whether  all  animals  had  been  enclosed 
in  Noah's  ark;  and  whether  a  dead  man 
could  say  mass,  &c.18  But  we  should  be 
wrong  to  form  our  judgment  of  the  scholastic 
divines  from  such  examples  only.  On  the 
contrary,  we  must  often  acknowledge  the 
depth  and  extent  of  their  inquiries. 

Some  among  them  made  a  distinction  be- 
tween theological  and  philosophical  truth, 
affirming  that  a  proposition  might  be  theologi- 
cally true,  and  philosophically  false.  In  this 
way  it  was  hoped  to  reconcile  incredulity  with 
a  cold  and  dead  adherence  to  the  forms  of  the 
Church.  But  there  were  others,  and  Thomas 


Aquinas  at  their  head,  who  maintained  that 
the  doctrine  of  revelation  was  in  no  respect  at 
variance  with  an  enlightened  reason ;  and  that 
even  as  Christian  charity  does  not  annihilate 
the  natural  affections,  but  chastens,  sanctifies, 
ennobles,  and  governs  them,  so  Faith  does  not 
destroy  Philosophy,  but  may  make  use  of  it 
by  sanctifying  and  illuminating  it  with  its 
own  light. 

The  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  opened  a  wide 
field  for  the  dialectic  method  of  the  theolo- 
gians. By  dint  of  distinctions  and  disputes, 
they  fell  into  contrary  errors.  Some  distin- 
guished the  three  Persons  so  as  to  make  of 
them  three  Gods.  This  was  the  error  of  Ro- 
celin  of  Compeigne  and  his  followers.  Others 
confounded  the  Persons  so  as  to  leave  only  an 
ideal  distinction.  This  was  the  case  with 
Gilbert  of  Poictiers  and  his  adherents.  But 
the  orthodox  doctrine  was  ably  maintained  by 
others. 

The  dialectic  subtlety  of  the  times  was  not 
less  directed  to  the  article  of  the  Divine  Will. 
How  are  we  to  reconcile  the  will  of  God  with 
his  almighty  power  and  holiness  1  The  scho- 
lastic divines  found  in  this  question  numerous 
difficulties,  and  laboured  to  remove  them  by 
dialectic  distinctions.  "We  cannot  say  that 
God  wills  the  existence  of  mV,"  said  Peter 
the  Lombard,  "  but  neither  can  we  say  that 
He  wills  that  evil  should  not  exist." 

The  majority  of  these  theologians  sought 
to  weaken  by  their  dialectic  labours  the  doc- 
trine of  Predestination  which  they  found  in 
the  church.  Alexander  de  Hales  availed  him- 
self for  this  purpose  of  the  following  distinc- 
tion of  Aristotle;  that  every  action  supposes 
two  parties,  namely,  an  agent,  and  the  thing 
subjected  to  the  action.  Divine  Predestina- 
tion, said  he,  acts  doubtless  for  man's  salva- 
tion ;  but  it  is  requisite  that  it  find  in  the  soul 
of  man  a  capacity  for  the  reception  of  this 
grace.  Without  this  second  party  the  first 
cannot  effect  any  thing;  and  Predestination 
consists  in  this,  that  God  knowing  by  his  pre- 
science those  in  whom  this  second  requisite 
will  be  found,  has  appointed  to  give  them  his 
grace. 

As  to  the  original  condition  of  man,  these 
theologians  distinguished  natural  gifts  and 
free  gifts.  The  first  they  held  to  consist  in 
the  primitive  purity  and  strength  of  the  human 
soul.  The  second  were  the  gifts  of  God's 
grace  that  the  soul  might  accomplish  good 
works.  But  here  again  the  learned  were  di- 
vided ;  some  contended  that  man  had  original- 
ly possessed  only  natural  gifts,  and  had  by 
his  use  of  them  to  merit  those  of  grace.  But 
Thomas  Aquinas  who  was  generally  on  the 
side  of  sound  doctrine,  affirmed  that  the  gifts 
of  grace  had  from  the  beginning  been  closely 
united  with  the  gifts  of  nature,  because  the 
first  man  was  perfect  in  his  moral  health. 
The  Fall,  said  the  former,  who  leaned  to- 
wards Free-will,  has  deprived  man  of  the 
gifts  of  grace,  but  it  has  not  entirely  stripped 
him  of  the  primitive  strength  of  his  nature ; 
for  the  least  sanctification  would  have  been 
impossible  if  there  had  been  no  longer  with 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


11 


him  any  moral  strength.  Whilst,  on  the  other 
side,  the  stricter  theologians  thought  that  the 
Fall  had  not  only  deprived  man  of  grace,  but 
corrupted  his  nature. 

All  acknowledged  the  work  of  Reconcilia- 
tion wrought  out  by  Christ's  sufferings  and 
death.  But  some  maintained  that  redemption 
could  have  been  effected  in  no  other  way  than 
by  the  expiatory  satisfaction  of  the  death  of 
Jesus  Christ,  whilst  others  laboured  to  prove 
that  God  had  simply  attached  redemption  and 
grace  to  this  price.  Others  again,  and  among 
these  last  we  may  particularize  Abelard,made 
the  saving  efficacy  of  redemption  to  consist 
merely  in  its  fitness  to  awaken  in  man's  heart 
a  confidence  and  love  toward  God. 

The  doctrines  of  Sanctification  or  of  Grace 
discovers  to  us  in  fresh  abundance  the  dialectic 
subtlety  of  these  divines.  All  of  them,  ac- 
cepting the  distinction  of  Aristotle  already 
mentioned,  laid  down  the  necessity  of  the  ex- 
istence in  man  of  a  materia  disposita,  a  some- 
thing disposed  to  the  reception  of  grace.  But 
Thomas  Aquinas  ascribes  this  disposition  to 
grace  itself.  Grace,  said  they,  was  formative 
for  man  before  the  Fall ;  now,  that  there  is  in 
him  something  to  extirpate,  it  is  grace  re- 
formative. And  a  farther  distinction  was  laid 
down  between  grace  given  gratuitously,  gra- 
tia gratis  data,  and  grace  that  makes  accept- 
able, gratia  gratum  faciens ;  with  many  other 
similar  distinctions. 

The  doctrine  of  penance  and  indulgence, 
which  we  have  already  exhibited,  crowned  the 
whole  of  this  system,  and  ruined  whatever 
good  it  might  contain.  Peter  the  Lombard 
had  been  the  first  to  distinguish  three  sorts  of 
penitence;  that  of  the  heart  or  compunction; 
that  of  the  lips,  or  confession;  that  of  works, 
or  satisfaction  by  outward  action.  He  distin- 
guished, indeed,  absolution  in  the  sight  of  God 
from  absolution  before  the  church.  He  even 
affirmed  that  inward  repentance  sufficed  to 
obtain  the  pardon  of  sins.  But  he  found  a 
way  back  into  the  error  of  the  church  through 
another  channel.  He  allowed  that  for  sins 
committed  after  baptism,  it  was  necessary 
either  to  endure  the  fires  of  purgatory,  or  to 
submit  to  the  ecclesiastic  penance ;  excepting 
only  the  sinner  whose  inward  repentance  and 
remorse  should  be  so  great  as  to  obviate  the 
necessity  of  further  sufferings.  He  proceeds 
to  propose  questions  which,  with  all  his  skill 
in  dialectics,  he  is  embarrassed  to  resolve.  If 
two  men,  equal  in  their  spiritual  condition,  but 
one  poor  and  the  other  rich,  die  the  same  day, 
the  one  having  no  other  succours  than  the  ordi- 
nary prayers  of  the  church,  while  for  the  other 
many  masses  can  be  said,  and  many  works  of 
charity  can  be  done,  what  will  be  the  event] 
The  scholastic  divine  turns  on  all  sides  for  an 
answer,  and  concludes  by  saying  that  they  will 
have  the  like  fate,  but  not  by  the  like  causes. 
The  rich  man's  deliverance  from  purgatory  will 
not  be  more  perfect,  but  it  will  be  earlier. 

We  have  given  a  few  sketches  of  the  sort 

of  Theology  which  reigned  in  the  schools  at 

the  period  of  the  Reformation.     Distinctions, 

ideas,  sometimes  just,  sometimes  false,  but 

3 


still  mere  notions.  The  Christian  doctrine  had 
lost  that  odour  of  heaven,  that  force  and  prac- 
tical vitality  which  came  from  God,  and  which 
had  characterized  it  as  it  existed  in  the  apos- 
tolic age :  and  these  were  destined  again  to 
come  to  it  from  above. 

Meanwhile  the  learning  of  the  schools  was 
pure  when  compared  with  the  actual  condition 
of  the  Church.  The  theology  of  the  learned 
might  be  said  to  flourish,  if  contrasted  with 
the  religion,  the  morals,  the  instructions  of 
the  priests,  monks,  and  people.  If  Science 
stood  in  need  of  a  revival,  the  Church  was  in 
still  greater  need  of  a  Reformation. 

The  people  of  Christendom,  and  under  that 
designation  almost  all  the  nations  of  Europe 
might  be  comprised,  no  longer  looked  to  a 
living  and  holy  God  for  the  free  gift  of  eternal 
life.  °  They  therefore  naturally  had  recourse 
to  all  the  devices  of  a  superstitious,  fearful, 
and  alarmed  imagination.  Heaven  was  peopled 
with  saints  and  mediators,  whose  office  it  was 
to  solicit  God's  mercy.  All  lands  were  filled 
with  the  works  of  piety,  of  mortification,  of 
penance  and  observances,  by  which  it  was  to 
be  procured.  Take  the  description  of  the  state 
of  religion  at  this  period  given  by  one  who 
was  for  a  long  while  a  monk,  and  in  after  life 
a  fellow-labourer  with  Luther, — Myconius. 

"  The  sufferings  and  merits  of  Christ  were 
looked  upon  (says  he)  as  an  empty  tale,  or 
as  the  fictions  of  Homer.  There  was  no  lon- 
ger any  thought  of  that  faith  by  which  we  are 
made  partakers  of  the  Saviour's  righteousness, 
and  the  inheritance  of  eternal  life.  Christ  was 
regarded  as  a  stern  judge,  prepared  to  condemn 
all  who  should  not  have  recourse  to  the  inter- 
cessions of  saints  or  to  the  Pope's  indulgences. 
Other  intercessors  were  substituted  in  his 
stead ;  first  the  Virgin  Mary,  like  the  heathen 
Diana ;  and  then  the  saints,  whose  numbers 
were  continually  augmented  by  the  Popes. 
These  intercessors  refused  their  mediation 
unless  the  party  was  in  good  repute  with  the 
monastic  orders  which  they  had  founded.  To 
be  so,  it  was  necessary  not  only  to  do  what 
God  had  commanded  in  his  word,  but  also  to 
perform  a  number  of  works  invented  by  the 
monks  and  priests,  and  which  brought  them 
in  large  sums  of  money.  Such  were  Ave 
Marias,  the  prayers  of  St.  Ursula,  and  of  St. 
Bridget.  It  was  necessary  to  chaunt  and  cry 
day  and  night.  There  were  as  many  different 
pilgrimages  as  there  were  mountains,  forests, 
and  valleys.  But  with  money  these  penancea 
might  be  compounded  for.  The  people  there- 
fore brought  to  the  convents  and  to  the  priests 
money,  and  every  thing  they  possessed  that 
was  of  any  value,  fowls,  ducks,  eggs,  wax, 
straw,  butter,  and  cheese.  Then  the  chaunt- 
ings  resounded,  the  bells  rang,  the  odour  of 
incense  filled  the  sanctuary,  the  sacrifices  were 
offered  up,  the  tables  groaned,  the  glasses  cir- 
culated, and  these  pious  orgies  were  termina- 
ted by  masses.  The  bishops  no  longer  ap- 
peared in  the  pulpits,  but  they  consecrated 
priests,  monks,  churches,  chapels,  images, 
books,  and  burial  places,  and  all  these  brought 

B2 


12 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


a  large  revenue.  Bones,  arms,  feet,  were  pre- 
served in  boxes  of  silver  or  gold ;  they  gave 
them  to  the  faithful  to  kiss  during  mass,  and 
this  increased  their  gains. 

"  All  maintained  that  the  Pope  being  in  the 
place  of  God  (2  Thessal.  ii.  4)  could  not  err; 
and  there  were  none  to  contradict  them."17 

At  the  church  of  All  Saints,  at  Wittemberg, 
was  shewn  a  fragment  of  Noah's  ark ;  some 
soot  from  the  furnace  of  the  three  children  ;  a 
piece  of  wood  from  the  crib  of  the  infant  Jesus  ; 
some  hair  of  the  beard  of  the  great  St.  Chris- 
topher; and  nineteen  thousand  other  relics, 
more  or  less  precious.  At  Schaifhausen  was 
shown  the  breath  of  St.  Joseph,  that  Nicode- 
mus  received  on  his  glove.  In  Wurtemburg, 
might  be  seen  a  seller  of  indulgences  disposing 
of  his  merchandise  with  his  head  adorned 
with  a  feather  plucked  from  the  wing  of  the 
Archangel  Michael.18  But  there  was  no  need 
to  seek  so  far  for  these  precious  treasures. 
Those  who  farmed  the  relics  overran  the  coun- 
try. They  bore  them  about  in  the  rural  dis- 
tricts, (as  has  since  been  done  with  the  Holy 
Scriptures;)  and  carried  them  into  the  houses 
of  the  faithful,  to  spare  them  the  cost  and 
trouble  of  the  pilgrimage.  They  were  exhibit- 
ed with  pomp  in  the  churches.  These  wan- 
dering hawkers  paid  a  certain  sum  to  the  pro- 
prietors of  the  relics,  with  a  per  centage  on 
their  profits.  The  kingdom  of  heaven  had 
disappeared  ;  and  men  had  opened  in  its  place 
on  earth,  a  market  of  abominations. 

At  the  same  time,  a  profane  spirit  had  in- 
vaded religion,  and  the  most  solemn  recollec- 
tions of  the  church ;  the  seasons  which  seemed 
most  to  summon  the  faithful  to  devout  reflec- 
tion and  love,  were  dishonoured  by  buffoonery 
and  profanations  altogether  heathenish.  The 
Humours  of  Easter  held  a  large  place  in  the 
annals  of  the  Church.  The  festival  of  the 
Resurrection  claiming  to  be  joyfully  com- 
memorated, preachers  went  out  of  their  way 
to  put  into  their  sermons  whatever  might  excite 
the  laughter  of  the  people.  One  preacher  imi- 
tated the  cuckoo;  another  hissed  like  a  goose; 
one  dragged  to  the  altar  a  layman  dressed  in 
a  monk's  cowl ;  a  second  related  the  grossest 
\ndeeencies;  a  third  recounted  the  tricks  of 
the  Apostle  St.  Peter, — among  others,  how, 
at  an  inn,  he  cheated  the  host,  by  not  paying 
his  reckoning.19  The  lower  orders  of  the  clergy 
followed  the  example,  and  turned  their  supe- 
riors into  ridicule.  The  very  temples  were 
converted  into  a  stage,  and  the  priests  into 
mountebanks. 

If  this  was  the  state  of  religion,  what  must 
have  been  the  morals  of  the  age1? 

Doubtless  the  corruption  was  not  universal. 
— Justice  requires  that  this  should  not  be  for- 
gotten. The  Reformation  elicited  many  shin- 
ing instances  of  piety,  righteousness,  and 
strength  of  mind.  The  spontaneous  power 
of  God  was  the  cause;  but  how  can  we  doubt 
that  by  the  same  power  the  germs  of  this  new 
life  had  been  deposited  long  before  in  the  bo- 
som of  the  church.  If,  in  these  our  days,  any 
one  were  to  collect  the  immoralities  and  de- 
grading vices  that  are  committed  in  any  single 


country,  such  a  mass  of  corruption  would 
doubtless  be  enough  to  shock  every  mind. 
But  the  evil,  at  the  period  we  speak  of,  bore  a 
character  and  universality  that  it  has  not  borne 
at  any  subsequent  date;  and  above  all,  the 
abomination  stood  in  the  holy  places,  which 
it  has  not  been  permitted  to  do  since  the  Re- 
formation. 

Moral  conduct  had  declined  with  the  life  cf 
faith.  The  tidings  of  the  gift  of  eternal  life 
is  the  power  of  God  to  regenerate  men.  Once 
take  away  the  salvation  which  is  God's  gift, 
and  you  take  away  sanctification  and  good 
works : — and  this  was  the  result. 

The  proclamation  and  sale  of  indulgences 
powerfully  stimulated  an  ignorant  people  to 
immorality.  It  is  true  that,  according  to  the 
Church,  they  could  benefit  those  only  who 
made  and  kept  a  promise  of  amendment.  But 
what  could  be  expected  from  a  doctrine  in- 
vented with  a  view  to  the  profit  to  be  gained 
from  it?  The  venders  of  indulgences  were 
naturally  tempted  to  further  the  sale  of  their 
merchandise  by  presenting  them  to  the  people 
under  the  most  attractive  and  seducing  aspect ; 
even  the  better  instructed  did  not  fully  com- 
prehend the  doctrine  in  respect  to  them.  All 
that  the  multitude  saw  in  them  was  a  permis- 
sion to  sin ;  and  the  sellers  were  in  no  haste 
to  remove  an  impression  so  favourable  to  the 
sale. 

What  disorders,  what  crimes,  in  these  ages 
of  darkness,  in  which  impunity  was  acquired 
by  money  !  What  might  not  be  feared  when 
a  small  contribution  to  the  building  of  a 
church  was  supposed  to  deliver  from  the  pun- 
ishments of  a  future  world  !  What  hope  of 
revival  when  the  communication  between  God 
and  man  was  at  an  end;  and  man,  afar  off 
from  God,  who  is  spirit  and  life, — moved  only 
in  a  circle  of  pitiful  ceremonies  and  gross 
practices, — in  an  atmosphere  of  death. 

The  priests  were  the  first  who  felt  the  effects 
of  this  corrupting  influence.  Desiring  to  ex- 
alt themselves,  they  had  sunk  themselves 
lower.  Infatuated  men  !  They  aimed  to  rob 
God  of  a  ray  of  his  glory,  and  to  place  it  on 
their  own  brows ;  but  their  attempt  had  failed, 
and  they  had  received  only  a  leaven  of  cor- 
ruption from  the  power  of  evil.  The  annals 
of  the  age  swarm  with  scandals.  In  many 
places  the  people  were  wTell  pleased  that  the 
priest  should  have  a  woman  in  keeping,  that 
their  wives  might  be  safe  from  his  seductions.20 
What  scenes  of  humiliation  were  witnessed 
in  the  house  of  the  pastor!  The  wretched 
man  supported  the  mother  and  her  children, 
with  the  tithe  and  the  offering  ;21his  conscience 
was  troubled;  he  blushed  in  presence  of  his 
people,  of  his  servants,  and  before  God.  The 
mother,  fearing  to  come  to  want  when  the 
priest  should  die,  provided  against  it  before- 
hand, and  robbed  the  house.  Her  character 
was  gone:  her  children  were  a  living  accusa- 
tion of  her.  Treated  on  all  sides  with  con- 
tempt, they  plunged  into  brawls  and  debauch- 
eries. Such  was  the  family  of  the  priests. 
These  horrid  scenes  were  a  kind  of  instruction 
that  the  people  were  ready  enough  to  follow.22 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


13 


The  rural  districts  were  the  scene  of  nu- 
merous excesses.  The  abodes  of  the  clergy 
were  frequently  the  resorts  of  the  dissolute. 
Cornelius  Adrian,  at  Bruges,23 the  Abbot. 
Trinkler,  at  Cappel24imitated  the  customs  of 
the  East,  and  had  their  harems.  Priests,  con- 
sorted with  abandoned  characters,  frequented 
the  taverns,  played  dice,  and  finished  their 
orgies  by  quarrels  and  blasphemy.25 

Tne  council  of  Schaffhausen  proriibited  the 
clergy  from  dancing  in  public  except  at  wed- 
dings; from  carrying  two  kinds  of  weapons; 
and  decreed  that  a  priest  who  should  be  found 
in  a  house  of  ill-fame  should  be  stripped  of 
his  ecclesiastical  habit.26  In  the  archbishopric 
of  Mentz  they  scaled  the  walls  in  the  night, 
committed  disturbances  and  disorders  of  all 
kinds  in  the  inns  and  taverns,  and  broke  open 
doors  and  locks.27  In  several  places  the  priest 
paid  to  the  bishop  a  regular  tax  for  the  woman 
with  whom  he  lived,  and  for  every  child  he 
had  by  her.  A  German  bishop,  who  was  pre- 
sent at  a  grand  entertainment,  publicly  de- 
clared that  in  one  year  eleven  thousand  priests 
had  presented  themselves  to  him  for  that  pur- 
pose. It  is  Erasmus  who  records  this.28 

The  higher  orders  of  the  hierarchy  were 
equally  corrupt.  Dignitaries  of  the  Church 
preferred  the  tumult  of  camps  to  the  service  of 
the  altar.  To  be  able,  lance  in  hand,  to  com- 
pel his  neighbours  to  do  him  homage,  was 
one  of  the  most  conspicuous  qualifications  of 
a  bishop.  Baldwin,  archbishop  of  Treves, 
Was  constantly  at  war  with  his  neighbours 
and  vassals;  razing-  their  castles,  building 
fortresses  of  his  own,  and  thinking  only  how 
to  enlarge  his  territory.  A  certain  bishop  of 
Eichstadt,  when  dispensing  justice,  wore  under 
his  habit  a  coat  of  mail,  and  held  in  his  hand 
a  long  sword.  He  used  to  say  he  did  not  fear 
five  Bavarians,  provided  they  would  but  at- 
tack him  in  the  open  field.29  Everywhere  the 
bishops  were  engaged  in  constant  war  with 
the  towns;  the  citizens  demanding  freedom, 
and  the  bishops  requiring  implicit  obedience. 
If  the  latter  triumphed,  they  punished  the  re- 
volters,  by  sacrificing  numerous  victims  to 
their  vengeance  ;  but  the  flame  of  insurrection 
broke  out  again  at  the  very  moment  when  it 
was  thought  to  be  extinguished. 

And  what  a  spectacle  was  presented  by  the 
Pontifical  Throne  in  the  generation  imme- 
diately preceding  the  Reformation  !  Rome, 
it  must  be  acknowledged,  has  seldom  been 
witness  to  so  much  infamy. 

Rodrigo  Borgia,  after  living  in  illicit  inter- 
course with  a  Roman  lady,  had  continued  a 
similar  connection  with  one  of  her  daughters, 
by  name  Rosa  Vanozza,  by  whom  he  had  five 
children.  He  was  living  at  Rome  with 
Vanozza  and  other  abandoned  women, — as 
cardinal,  and  archbishop,  visiting  the  churches 
and  hospitals, — when  the  death  of  Innocent 
VIII.  created  a  vacancy  in  the  Pontifical 
chair.  He  succeeded  in  obtaining  it  by  brib- 
ing each  of  the  cardinals  at  a  stipulated  price. 
Four  mules,  laden  with  silver,  were  publicly 
driven  into  the  palace  of  Sforza,  the  most  in- 
fluential of  the  cardinals.  Borgia  became 


Pope  under  the  name  of  Alexander  VI.  and 
rejoiced  in  the  attainment  of  the  pinnacle  of 
pleasures. 

The  very  day  of  his  coronation  he  created 
his  son  Caesar,  a  ferocious  and  dissolute 
youth,  archbishop  of  Valencia  and  bishop  of 
Pampeluna.  He  next  proceeded  to  celebrate 
in  the  Vatican  the  nuptials  of  his  daughter 
Lucrezia,  by  festivities,  at  which  his  mistress 
Julia  Bella  was  present,  and  which  were  en- 
livened by  farces  and  indecent  songs.  "  Most 
of  the  ecclesiastics,"  says  an  historian,30"had 
their  mistresses,  and  all  the  convents  of  the 
capital  were  houses  of  ill  fame."  Caesar 
Borgia  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Guelphs, 
and  when  by  their  assistance  he  had  annihi- 
lated the  power  of  the  Ghibelines,  he  turned 
upon  the  Guelphs,  arid  crushed  them  in  their 
turn.  But  he  would  allow  none  to  share  in 
the  spoils  of  his  atrocities.  In  the  year  1497, 
Alexander  conferred  upon  his  eldest  son  the 
duchy  of  Benevento.  The  Duke  suddenly 
disappeared.  That  night  a  faggot-dealer  on 
the  banks  of  the  Tiber  saw  some  persons 
throw  a  corpse  into  the  river ;  but  he  said  no- 
thing of  it,  for  such  things  were  common. 
The  Duke's  body  was  found.  His  brother 
Csesar  had  been  the  instigator  of  the  murder.31 
He  did  not  stop  there.  His  brother-in-law 
stood  in  the  way  of  his  ambition.  One  day 
Caesar  caused  him  to  be  stabbed  on  the  stair- 
case of  the  Pope's  palace,  and  he  was  carried 
covered  with  blood  to  his  own  apartments. 
His  wife  and  sister  never  left  him.  Dreading 
lest  Caesar  should  employ  poison,  they  were 
accustomed  to  prepare  his  meals  with  their 
own  hands.  Alexander  placed  guards  before 
his  door, — But  Caesar  ridiculed  these  precau- 
tions, and  on  one  occasion  when  the  Pope 
visited  him  dropped  the  remark,  "What  can- 
not be  done  at  dinner  may  be  at  supper." 
Accordingly,  he  one  day  gained  admittance  to 
the  chamber  of  the  wounded  man,  turned  out 
his  wife  and  sister,  and  calling  Michilotto,  the 
executioner  of  his  horrors,  and  the  only  man 
in  whom  he  placed  any  confidence,  commanded 
him  to  strangle  his  victim  before  his  eyes. 
Alexander  had  a  favourite  named  Peroto, 
whose  preferment  offended  the  young  Duke. 
Caesar  rushed  upon  him,  Peroto  sought  refuge 
under  the  Papal  mantle,  clasping  the  Pontiff 
in  his  arms; — Caesar  stabbed  him,  and  the 
blood  of  the  victim  spirted  in  the  Pontiff's 
face.  "  The  Pope,"  adds  a  contemporary  and 
witness  of  these  atrocities, — "loves  the  Duke 
his  son,  and  lives  in  great  fear  of  him."  Caesar 
was  one  of  the  handsomest  and  most  power- 
ful men  of  his  age.  Six  wild  bulls  fell  be- 
neath his  hand  in  single  combat.  Nightly 
assassinations  took  place  in  the  streets  of 
Rome.  Poison  often  destroyed  those  whom 
the  dagger  could  not  reach.  Every  one  feared 
to  move  or  breathe  lest  he  should  be  the  next 
victim.  Caesar  Borgia  was  the  hero  of  crime. 
The  spot  on  earth  where  all  iniquity  met  and 
overflowed  was  the  Pontiff's  seat.  When 
man  has  given  himself  over  to  the  power  of 
evil, — the  higher  his  pretensions  before  God, 
the  lower  he  is  seen  to  sink  in  the  depths  of 


14 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


J*ell.  The  dissolute  entertainments  given  by 
the  Pope  and  his  son  Csesar  and  his  daughter 
Lucrezia,  are  such  as  can  neither  be  described 
nor  thought  of.  The  most  impure  groves  of 
ancient  worship  saw  not  the  like.  Historians 
have  accused  Alexander  and  Lucrezia  of  in- 
cest, but  the  charge  is  not  sufficiently  esta- 
blished. The  Pope,  in  order  to  rid  himself 
of  a  wealthy  Cardinal,  had  prepared  poison 
in  a  small  box  of  sweetmeats,  which  was  to 
be  placed  on  the  table  after  a  sumptuous  feast : 
the  Cardinal  receiving  a  hint  of  the  design, 
gained  over  the  attendant,  and  the  poisoned 
box  was  placed  before  Alexander.  He  ate  of 
it  and  perished.  The  whole  city  came  to- 
gether, and  could  hardly  satiate  themselves 
with  the  sight  of  this  dead  viper.32 

Such  was  the  man  who  filled  the  pontifical 
throne  at  the  commencement  of  the  age  of  the 
Reformation. 

Thus  the  clergy  had  disgraced  religion  and 
themselves.  Well  might  a  powerful  voice 
exclaim,  "  The  ecclesiastic  order  is  opposed 
to  God  and  to  his  glory.  The  people  well 
know  it;  and  it  is  but  too  evident,  from  the 
many  songs,  proverbs,  and  jests  on  the  priests, 
current  amongst  the  common  people,  as  also 
from  the  figures  of  monks  and  priests  scrawled 
on  the  walls,  and  even  on  the  playing  cards, 
that  every  one  has  a  feeling  of  disgust  at  the 
sight  or  name  of  a  priest."  It  is  Luther  who 
thus  speaks.33 

The  evil  had  spread  through  all  ranks;  a 
spirit  of  delusion  had  been  sent  among  men ; 
the  corruption  of  morals  corresponded  to  the 
corruption  of  the  faith  ;  the  mystery  of  iniquity 
weighed  down  the  enslaved  Church  of  Christ. 
Another  consequence  necessarily  ensued 
from  the  neglect  into  which  the  fundamental 
doctrine  of  the  Gospel  had  fallen.  From  the 
darkness  of  the  understanding  resulted  the 
corruption  of  the  heart.  The  priests  having 
taken  into  their  own  hands  the  dispensing  a 
salvation  which  belonged  only  to  God,  had 
thereby  secured  a  sufficient  hold  on  the  respect 
of  the  people.  What  need  had  they  to  study 
sacred  learning  ?  It  was  no  longer  their  office 
to  explain  the  Scriptures,  but  to  grant  letters 
of  indulgence ;  and  for  the  fulfilling  of  that 
ministry,  it  was  unnecessary  to  have  acquired 
any  great  learning. 

In  country  parts,  says  Wimpheling,  they 
appointed  as  preachers  poor  wretches  whom 
they  had  taken  from  beggary,  and  who  had 
been  cooks,  musicians,  huntsmen,  stable  boys, 
and  even  worse.34 

The  superior  clergy  themselves  were  sunk 
in  great  ignorance.  A  bishop  of  Dunfeldt 
congratulated  himself  on  never  having  learned 
Greek  or  Hebrew.  The  monks  asserted  that 
all  heresies  arose  from  these  languages,  but 
especially  from  the  Greek.  "  The  New  Tes- 
tament," said  one  of  them,  "  is  a  book  full  of 
serpents  and  thorns.  Greek,"  continued  he, 
"  is  a  modern  language,  but  recently  invented, 
and  against  which  we  must  be  upon  our  guard. 
As  to  Hebrew,  my  dear  brethren,  it  is  certain 
that  whoever  studies  that  immediately  becomes 
a  Jew."  Heresbach,  a  friend  of  Erasmus, 


and  a  respectable  writer,  reports  these  very 
words.  Thomas  Linacer,  a  learned  and  cele- 
brated divine,  had  never  read  the  New  Tes- 
tament. Drawing  near  his  end  (in  1524)  he 
called  for  it,  but  quickly  threw  it  from  him 
with  an  oath,  because  his  eye  had  caught  the 
words,  "  But  I  say  unto  you,  Swear  not  at 
all."  "Either  this  is  not  the  Gospel,"  said 
he,  "  or  we  are  not  Christians."  Even  the 
school  of  theology  in  Paris  did  not  scruple  to 
declare  before  the  Parliament,  "  There  is  an 
end  of  religion  if  the  study  of  Hebrew  and 
Greek  is  permitted."35 

If  here  and  there  among  the  clergy  some 
learning  existed,  it  was  not  in  sacred  litera- 
ture. The  Ciceronians  of  Italy  affected  a 
great  contempt  for  the  Bible  on  account  of  its 
style  :  men  who  arrogated  to  themselves  the 
title  of  Priests  of  Christ's  Church  translated 
the  words  of  the  Holy  Ghost  into  the  style  of 
Virgil  and  of  Horace,  to  accommodate  them 
to  the  ears  of  men  of  taste.  The  Cardinal 
Bembo  wrote  always,  instead  of  the  Holy 
Spirit,  "  the  breath  of  the  celestial  zephyr  ;" 
for  remission  of  sins  he  substituted  the  "  pity 
of  the  Manes  and  of  the  Gods ;"  and  instead 
of  Christ  the  Son  of  God,  "  Minerva  sprung 
from  the  brows  of  Jupiter."  Finding  one  day 
the  respectable  Sadoletus  employed  on  a  trans- 
lation of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  "Leave 
these  childish  productions,"  said  he,  "such 
puerilities  do  not  become  a  sensible  man."36 

Behold  some  of  the  consequences  of  the 
system  that  then  weighed  down  Christendom. 
This  picture  no  doubt  exhibits  in  strong  co- 
lours both  the  corruption  of  the  Church  and 
the  need  of  reformation.  It  is  for  that  reason 
we  have  sketched  it.  The  vital  doctrines  of 
Christianity  had  almost  disappeared,  and  with 
them  the  life  and  light  which  constitute  the 
essence  of  true  religion.  The  internal  strength 
of  the  Church  was  gone,  and  its  lifeless  and 
exhausted  frame  lay  stretched  over  the  Roman 
world. 

Who  shall  give  it  new  life  1  Whence  shall 
we  look  for  a  remedy  for  so  many  evils'? 

For  ages  a  reformation  in  the  church  had 
been  loudly  called  for,  and  all  the  powers  o* 
this  world  had  attempted  it.  But  God  alone 
could  bring  it  to  pass.  And  he  began  by 
humbling  the  power  of  man,  that  he  might  ex- 
hibit man's  helplessness.  We  see  human 
assailants,  one  after  another,  fail  and  break  to 
pieces  at  the  feet  of  the  Colossus  they  under- 
took to  cast  down. 

First  temporal  princes  resisted  Rome.  The 
whole  power  of  the  Hohenstaufens,  heroes 
who  wore  the  Imperial  crown,  seemed  directed 
to  humble  and  reform  Rome,  and  deliver  the 
nations,  and  especially  Germany,  from  her  ty- 
ranny. But  the  castle  of  Canossa  gave  proof 
of  the  weakness  of  the  Imperial  power  against 
the  usurped  dominion  of  the  Church.  A  war- 
like prince,  the  Emperor  Henry  IV.,  after  a 
long  and  fruitless  struggle  against  Rome,  was 
reduced  to  pass  three  days  and  nights  in  the 
trenches  of  that  Italian  fortress,  exposed  to  the 
winter's  cold,  stripped  of  his  imperial  robes, 
barefoot,  in  a  scanty  woollen  garment,  implor- 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


15 


ing  with  tears  and  cries  the  pity  of  Hilde- 
brand,  before  whom  he  kneeled,  and  who, 
after  three  nights  of  lamentation,  relaxed  his 
papal  inflexibility,  and  pardoned  the  suppliant.37 
Behold  the  power  of  the  high  and  mighty  of 
the  earth,  of  kings  and  emperors  against  Rome ! 

To  them  succeeded  adversaries  perhaps 
more  formidable, — men  of  genius  and  learn- 
ing. Learning  awoke  in  Italy,  and  its  awaken- 
ing was  with  an  energetic  protest  against  the 
Papacy.  Dante,  the  father  of  Italian  poetry, 
boldly  placed  in  his  Hell  the  most  powerful  of 
the  Popes ;  he  introduced  St.  Peter  in  heaven 
pronouncing  stern  and  crushing  censures  on 
his  unworthy  successors,  and  drew  horrible 
descriptions  of  the  monks  and  .clergy.  Pe- 
trarch, that  eminent  genius,  of  a  mind  so  su- 
perior to  all  the  emperors  and  popes  of  his 
time,  boldly  called  for  the  re-establishment  of 
the  primitive  order  of  the  Church.  For  this 
purpose  he  invoked  the  efforts  of  the  age  and 
the  power  of  the  emperor  Charles  VII.  Lau- 
rentius  Valla,  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of 
Italy,  attacked  with  spirit  the  pretensions  of 
the  Popes,  and  their  asserted  inheritance  from 
Constantine.  A  legion  of  poets,  learned  men, 
and  philosophers,  followed  in  their  track ;  the 
torch  of  learning  was  everywhere  kindled, 
and  threatened  to  reduce  to  ashes  the  Romish 
scaffolding  that  intercepted  its  beams.  But 
every  effort  failed;  Pope  Leo  X.  enlisted 
among  the  supporters  and  satellites  of  his 
court, — literature,  poetry,  sciences  and  arts ; 
and  these  came  numbly  kissing  the  feet  of  a 
power  that  in  their  boasted  infancy  they  had 
attempted  to  dethrone.  Behold  the  power  of 
Jotters  and  philosophy  against  Rome  ! 

At  last  an  agency  which  promised  more 
ability  to  reform  the  church  came  forward. 
This  was  the  Church  itself.  At  the  call  for 
Reformation,  reiterated  on  all  sides,  and  which 
had  been  heard  for  ages  past,  that  most  impos- 
ing of  ecclesiastical  conclaves,  the  Council 
of  Constance,  assembled.  An  immense  num- 
ber of  cardinals,  archbishops,  bishops,  eighteen 
hundred  doctors  of  divinity  and  priests  ;  the 
Emperor  himself,  with  a  retinue  of  a  thousand 
persons ;  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  the  Elector 
Palatine,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  and  Austria, 
and  ambassadors  from  all  nations,  gave  to  this 
assembly  an  air  of  authority,  unprecedented 
in  the  history  of  Christianity.  Above  the  rest, 
we  must  mention  the  illustrious  and  immortal 
doctors  of  the  University  of  Paris,  the  Aillys, 
the  Gersons,  the  Clemangnis, — those  men  of 
piety,  learning,  and  courage,  who  by  their 
writings  and  eloquence  communicated  to  the 
Council  an  energetic  and  salutary  direction. 
Every  thing  bowed  before  this  assembly ;  with 
one  hand  it  deposed  three  Popes  at  once,  while 
with  the  other  it  delivered  John  Huss  to  the 
flames.  A  commission  was  named,  composed 
of  deputies  from  different  nations,  to  propose 
a  fundamental  reform.  The  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund  supported  the  proposition  with  the  whole 
weight  of  his  power.  The  Council  were  unani- 
mous. The  cardinals  all  took  an  oath  that 
he  among  them  who  should  be  elected  Pope 
would  not  dissolve  the  assembly,  nor  leave 


Constance  before  the  desired  reformation 
should  be  accomplished.  Colonna  was  chosen 
under  the  name  of  Martin  V.  The  moment 
was  come  which  was  to  decide  the  Reform  of 
the  Church;  all  the  prelates,  the  Emperor,  the 
princes,  and  the  representatives  of  different  na- 
tions, awaited  the  result  with  intense  desire. 
**  The  Council  is  at  an  cnrf,"  exclaimed  Martin 
V.  as  soon  as  he  had  placed  the  tiara  on  his 
brow.  Sigismund  and  the  clergy  uttered  a 
cry  of  surprise,  indignation,  and  grief;  but 
that  cry  was  lost  upon  the  winds.  On  the 
16th  of  May,  1418,  the  Pope,  arrayed  in  the 
pontifical  garments,  mounted  a  mule  richly 
caparisoned;  the  Emperor  was  on  his  right 
hand,  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  on  his  left, 
each  holding  the  reins  of  his  palfrey ;  four 
counts  supported  over  the  Pope's  head  a  mag- 
nificent canopy ;  several  princes  surrounded 
him  bearing  the  trappings;  and  a  mounted 
train  of  forty  thousand  persons,  says  an  histo- 
rian, composed  of  nobles,  knights,  and  clergy 
of  all  ranks,  joined  in  the  solemn  procession 
outside  the  walls  of  Constance.  Then  indeed 
did  ROME,  in  the  person  of  her  pontiff  sitting 
on  a  mule,  inwardly  deride  the  superstition 
that  surrounded  her;  then  did  she  give  proof 
that  to  humble  her  a  power  must  be  exerted 
far  different  from  any  thing  that  could  be  put 
in  motion  by  emperors,  or  kings,  or  bishops, 
or  doctors  of  divinity,  or  all  the  learning  of 
the  age  and  of  the  church. 

How  could  the  Reformation  proceed  from 
the  very  thing  to  be  reformed  \  How  could 
the  wound  find  in  itself  the  elements  of  its 
curel 

Nevertheless  the  means  employed  to  reform 
the  Church,  and  which  the  result  showed  to 
be  inefficacious,  contributed  to  weaken  the 
obstacles  and  prepared  the  ground  for  the  Re- 
formers. 

The  evils  which  then  afflicted  Christendom, 
namely,  superstition,  incredulity,  ignorance, 
unprofitable  speculation,  and  corruption  of 
morals, — evils  naturally  engendered  in  the 
hearts  of  men, — were  not  new  on  the  earth. 
They  had  made  a  great  figure  in  the  history 
of  nations.  They  had  invaded,  especially  in 
the  East,  different  religious  systems,  which 
had  seen  their  times  of  glory.  Those  enervated 
systems  had  sunk  under  these  evils,  and  not 
one  of  them  had  ever  arisen  from  its  fall. 

And  was  Christianity  now  to  undergo  the 
same  destiny  ?  Was  it  to  be  lost  like  those 
old  religions  of  the  nations'?  Was  the  blow 
that  had  doomed  them  to  death  to  be  of  power 
to  destroy  it  1  Was  there  nothing  to  secure 
its  preservation!  And  these  opposing  forces 
which  overflowed  it,  and  which  had  al- 
ready dethroned  so  many  various  systems  of 
worship,  were  they  indeed  to  have  power  to 
seat  themselves  without  resistance  on  the 
ruins  of  the  Church  of  Jesus  Christ? 

No: — there  is  in  Christianity  that  which 
j  there  was  not  in  any  of  these  national  systems. 
{ It  does  not,  like  them,  offer  certain  general 
!  ideas,  mixed  with  tradition  and  fables,  des- 
|  tined,  sooner  or  later,  to  fall  before  the  march 
I  of  human  reason ;  but  it  contains  within  it  pure 


16 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


Truth,  built  upon  facts  which  challenge  the 
scrutiny  of  any  upright  and  enlightened  mind 
Christianity  has  for  its  object  not  merely  t< 
excite  in  man  certain  vague  religious  feelings 
of  which  the  impression,  once  forgotten,  can 
never  be  revived;  its  object  is  to  satisfy,  am 
it  does  in  reality  satisfy,  all  the  religious  wants 
of  human  nature,  in  whatever  degree  that  na 
ture  may  be  developed.  It  is  not  the  contri 
vance  of  man,  whose  works  pass  away  and  art 
forgotten,  but  it  is  the  work  of  God,  who  up> 
holds  what  he  creates  ;  and  it  has  the  promises 
of  its  Divine  Author  for  the  pledge  of  its  dura 
tion. 

It  is  impossible  that  human  nature  can  ever 
be  above  the  need  of  Christianity.  And  if 
ever  man  has  for  a  time  fancied  that  he  coulc 
do  without  it,  it  has  soon  appeared  to  him 
clotned  in  fresh  youth  and  vigour,  as  the  only 
cure  for  the  human  soul ;  and  the  degenerate 
nations  have  returned  with  new  ardour  to 
those  ancient,  simple,  and  powerful  truths, 
which  in  the  hour  of  their  infatuation  they 
despised. 

In  fact,  Christianity  displayed,  in  the  16th 
century,  the  same  regenerative  power  which 
it  had  exercised  in  the  first.  After  the  lapse 
of  fifteen  hundred  years,  the  same  truths  pro- 
duced the  same  effects.  In  the  days  of  the 
Reformation,  as  in  the  days  of  Peter  and  Paul, 
— the  Gospel,  with  invincible  energy,  over- 
came mighty  obstacles.  The  efficacy  of  its 
sovereign  power  was  displayed  from  north  to 
south;  amidst  nations  differing  most  widely 
in  manners,  in  character,  and  in  civilization. 
Then,  as  in  the  times  of  Stephen  and  of  James, 
it  kindled  the  fire  of  enthusiasm  and  devotion 
in  the  midst  of  the  general  deadness,  and  raised 
on  all  sides  the  spirit  of  martyrs. 

How  was  this  revival  in  the  Church  and 
in  the  world  brought  to  pass  1 

An  observant  mind  might  then  have  dis- 
cerned two  laws  by  which  God  governs  the 
course  of  events. 

He  first  prepares  slowly  and  from  afar  that 
which  he  designs  to  accomplish.  He  has 
ages  in  which  to  work, 

Then,  when  his  time  is  come,  he  effects  the 
greatest  results  by  the  smallest  means.  He 
acts  thus  in  nature  and  in  providence.  For 
the  production  of  a  gigantic  tree,  He  deposits 
in  the  earth  a  tiny  seed ;  for  the  renovation  of 
his  church,  He  makes  use  of  the  meanest  in- 
strument to  accomplish  what  emperors,  learn- 
ed men,  and  even  the  heads  of  that  church 
have  failed  to  effect !  We  shall  shortly  have 
to  investigate  and  bring  to  light  this  little  seed 
that  a  divine  hand  placed  in  the  earth  in  the 
days  of  the  Reformation.  We  must  now 
distinguish  and  recognise  the  different  methods 
by  which  God  prepared  the  way  for  the  great 
change. 

We  will  first  survey  the  condition  of  the 
Papacy ;  and  from  thence  we  will  carry  our 
view  over  the  different  influences  which  God 
caused  to  concur  to  the  accomplishment  of 
his  purposes. 

At  the  period  when  the  Reformation  was  on 
the  point  of  breaking  forth,  Rome  appeared  in 


peace  and  safety.  One  might  have  said  that 
nothing  could  for  the  future  disturb  her  tri- 
umph. She  had  gained  great  and  decisive 
victories.  The  general  councils,  those  upper 
and  lower  senates  of  Catholicism,  had  been 
subdued.  The  Vaudois  and  the  Hussites  had 
been  put  down.  No  university,  (except  per- 
haps that  of  Paris,  which  sometimes  raised 
its  voice  at  the  instance  of  its  kings,) 
doubted  of  the  infallibility  of  the  oracles  of 
Rome.  Every  one  seemed  to  take  part  with 
its  power.  The  superior  clergy  preferred 
to  give  to  a  remote  head  the  tenth  of  their 
revenues,  and  quietly  to  consume  the  remain- 
der to  the  hazarding  of  all  for  the  acquisition 
of  an  independence  which  would  cost  dear, 
and  bring  little  advantage.  The  humbler 
clergy,  before  whom  were  spread  the  prospects 
and  baits  of  higher  dignities,  were  willing  to 
purchase  these  cherished  hopes  by  a  little 
slavery.  Add  to  which,  they  were  every- 
where so  overawed  by  the  heads  of  the  hie- 
rarchy, that  they  could  scarcely  move  under 
their  powerful  hands,  and  much  less  raise 
themselves  and  make  head  against  them. 
The  people  bowed  the  knee  before  the  Roman 
altar,  and  even  kings,  who  began  in  secret  to 
despise  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  could  not  have 
dared  to  raise  the  hand  against  it,  lest  they 
should  be  reputed  guilty  of  sacrilege. 

But  if  at  the  time  when  the  Reformation 
broke  out,  opposition  seemed  outwardly  to 
have  subsided,  or  even  ceased  altogether,  its 
internal  strength  had  increased.  If  we  take 
a  nearer  view,  we  discern  more  than  one  symp- 
tom which  presaged  the  decline  of  Rome.  The 
general  councils,  had,  in  their  fall,  diffused 
their  principles  through  the  Church,  and  car- 
ried disunion  into  the  camp  of  those  who  im- 
pugned them.  The  defenders  of  the  hierarchy 
had  separated  into  two  parties;  those  who 
maintained  the  system  of  the  absolute  power 
of  the  Pope,  according  to  the  maxims  of  Hilde- 
brand ;  and  those  who  desired  a  constitutional 
Papacy,  offering  securities  and  liberty  to  the 
churches. 

To  this  we  may  add,  that  in  all  parties  faith 
n  the  infallibility  of  the  Roman  bishop  had 
seen  rudely  shaken.  If  no  voice  was  raised 
to  attack  him,  it  was  because  every  one  was 
anxious  to  retain  the  little  faith  he  still  pos- 
sessed. The  slightest  shock  was  dreaded, 
est  it  should  overturn  the  edifice.  The 
Christianity  of  the  age  held  in  its  breath  ;  but 
t  was  to  avoid  a  calamity  in  which  it  feared 
;o  perish.  From  the  moment  when  man 
;rembles  to  quit  a  once  venerated  creed,  he 
no  longer  holds  it,  and  he  will  soon  abandon 
ts  very  semblance. 

Let  us  see  what  had  brought  about  this 
singular  posture  of  mind.     The  church  itself 
was  the  primary  cause.    The  errors  and  super- 
thions  she  had   introduced  into  Christianity, 
were  not,  properly  speaking,  what  had  so  fatal- 
y  wounded  her.  This  might  indeed  be  thought 
f  the  nations  of  Christendom  had  risen  above 
he  Church  in  intellectual  and  religious  de- 
elopement.     But  there  was  an  aspect  of  the 
uestion  level  to  the  observation  of  the  laity, 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


17 


and  it  was  under  that  view  that  the  Church 
was  judged  : — it  was  become  altogether  earth- 
ly. That  priestly  sway  which  governed  the 
world,  and  which  could  not  subsist  but  by  the 
power  of  illusion,  and  of  that  halo  which  in- 
vested it,  had  forgotten  its  true  nature,  and 
Jeft  Heaven  and  its  sphere  of  light  and  glory, 
to  immerse  itself  in  the  low  interests  of  citi- 
zens and  princes.  Born  to  the  representation 
of  the  spirit,  the  priesthood  had  forsaken  the 
spirit — for  the  flesh.  They  had  thrown  aside 
the  treasures  of  learning  and  the  spiritual  pow- 
er of  the  word,  and  taken  up  the  brute  force 
and  false  glory  of  the  age:  and  this  had 
naturally  resulted.  It  was  truly  the  spiritual 
order  that  the  Church  had  at  first  attempted 
to  defend.  But  to  protect  it  against  the  re- 
sistance and  invasion  of  the  nations,  she  had 
from  false  policy  had  recourse  to  earthly  in- 
struments and  vulgar  weapons.  When  once 
the  Church  had  begun  to  handle  these  wea- 
pons, her  spiritual  essence  was  lost.  Her 
arm  could  not  become  carnal  without  her 
heart  becoming  the  same ;  and  the  world  soon 
saw  her  former  character  inverted.  She  had 
attempted  to  use  earth  in  defence  of  Heaven : 
she  now  employed  Heaven  itself  to  defend 
earthly  possessions.  Theocratic  forms  be- 
came, in  her  hands,  only  instruments  of  world- 
ly schemes.  The  offerings  which  the  people 
laid  at  the  feet  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  of 
Christendom,  were  used  to  support  the  luxury 
of  his  court,  and  the  charge  of  his  armies. 
His  spiritual  power  supplied  the  steps  by 
which  he  placed  his  feet  above  the  kings  and 
nations  of  the  earth.  The  charm  was  dis- 
pelled ;  and  the  power  of  the  Church  was 
gone,  from,  the  hour  that  men  could  say,  "  she 
is  become  as  one  of  us." 

The  great  were  the  first  to  scrutinize  the 
title  to  this  supposed  power.38  The  very  ques- 
tioning of  it  might  possibly  have  sufficed  to 
overturn  Rome.  But  it  was  a  favorable  cir- 
cumstance on  her  side,  that  the  education  of 
the  princes  was  everywhere  in  the  hands  of 
her  adepts.  These  persons  inculcated  in  their 
noble  pupils  a  veneration  for  the  Roman  pon- 
tiffs. The  chiefs  of  nations  grew  up  in  the 
sanctuary  of  the  C  hurch .  Princes  of  ordinary 
minds  scarce  ever  got  beyond  it.  Many  even 
desired  nothing  better  than  to  be  found  with- 
in it  at  the  close  of  life.  They  chose  to  die 
wearing  a  monk's  cowl  rather  than  a  crown. 

Italy  was  mainly  instrumental  in  enlighten- 
ing the  sovereigns  of  Europe.  They  had  to 
contract  alliances  with  the  Popes,  which  had 
reference  to  the  temporal  Prince  of  the  States 
of  the  Church, — and  not  to  the  Bishop  of  bish- 
ops. Kings  were  much  astonished  to  find 
the  Popes  ready  to  sacrifice  some  of  the  assert- 
ed rights  of  the  Pontiff,  that  they  might  retain 
the  advantages  of  the  Prince.  They  saw  these 
eelt-styled  organs  of  truth  resort  to  all  the 
petty  artifices  of  policy,  deceit,  dissimulation, 
and  even  perjury.39  Then  it  was  that  the 
bandage  that  education  had  drawn  over  the 
eyes  of  secular  princes  fell  off.  It  was  then 
that  the  artful  Ferdinand  of  Arragon  had  re- 
course to  stratagem  against  stratagem ;  it  was 


then  that  the  impetuous  Louis  XII.  struck  a 
medal  with  this  legend,  Perdarn  Babylonis 
nomen.-*  and  the  respectable  Maximilian  of 
Austria,  grieved  at  hearing  of  the  treachery  of 
Leo  X.,  exclaimed,  "  This  Pope,  like  the  rest, 
is  in  my  judgment  a  scoundrel.  Henceforth 
I  can  say  that  in  all  my  life  no  Pope  has 
kept  his  faith  or  word  with  me.  I  hope,  if 
God  be  willino-,  that  this  one  will  be  the  last 
of  them."40 

Discoveries  of  this  sort  made  by  kings 
gradually  took  effect  upon  the  people.  Many 
other  causes  had  unclosed  the  long  sealed  eyes 
of  Christian  nations.  The  most  reflecting  be- 
gan to  accustom  themselves  to  the  idea  that 
the  Bishop  of  Rome  was  a  man,  and  some- 
times even  a  very  bad  man.  The  people  be- 
gan to  suspect  that  he  was  not  much  holier 
than  their  own  bishops,  whose  characters 
were  very  doubtful.  But  the  popes  them- 
selves contributed  more  than  any  single  cause 
to  their  own  dishonour.  Released  from  con- 
straint after  the  Council  of  Basle,  they  gave 
themselves  up  to  the  boundless  licentiousness 
of  victory.  Even  the  dissolute  Romans  shud- 
dered. The  rumours  of  these  disorders  spread 
through  other  countries.  The  people,  incapa- 
ble of  arresting  the  torrent  that  swept  their 
treasure  into  this  gulf  of  profligacy,  sought 
amends  in  hatred.41 

Whilst  many  circumstances  contributed  to 
sap  what  then  existed,  there  were  others  lend- 
ing to  the  production  of  something  new. 

The  singular  system  of  theology  that  had 
established  itself  in  the  Church,  was  fitted 
powerfully  to  assist  in  opening  the  eyes  of 
the  rising  generation.  Formed  for  a  dark  age, 
as  if  the  darkness  were  to  endure  forever,  this 
system  was  destined  to  be  superseded  and  scat- 
tered to  the  winds  as  soon  as  the  age  should 
outgrow  it.  And  this  took  place.  The  Popes 
had  added  now  this,  and  now  that  article  to 
the  Christian  doctrine.  They  had  changed  or 
removed  only  what  could  not  be  made  to  square 
with  their  hierarchy ;  what  was  not  opposed 
to  their  policy  was  allowed  to  remain  during 
pleasure.  There  were  in  this  system  true 
doctrines,  such  as  redemption,  the  power  of 
the  Spirit  of  God,  &c.,  which  an  able  theolo- 
gian, if  one  had  been  found,  could  have  used 
to  combat  and  overturn  the  rest.  The  pure 
gold  mixed  with  the  baser  metal  in  the  mint 
of  the  Vatican,  was  enough  to  reveal  the  fraud. 
It  is  true  that  if  any  courageous  opponent  took 
notice  of  it,  the  winnowing  fan  of  Rome  was 
immediately  set  to  work  to  cast  the  pure  grain 
forth.  But  these  rejections  and  condemna- 
tions did  but  augment  the  confusion. 

That  confusion  was  without  bounds,  and 
the  asserted  unity  was  but  one  vast  disorder. 
At  Rome  there  were  the  doctrines  of  the  Court, 
and  the  doctrines  of  the  Church.  The  faith 
of  the  metropolis  differed  from  that  of  the  pro- 
vinces. Even  in  the  provinces  there  was  an 
infinite  diversity  of  opinion.  There  was  the 
creed  of  princes,  of  people,  and,  above  all,  of 
the  religious  orders.  There  were  the  opinions 


*  I  will  extirpate  the  name  of  Babylon. 


18 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


of  this  convent,  of  that  district,  of  this  doctor, 
and  of  that  monk. 

Truth,  that  it  might  pass  safe  through  the 
period  when  Rome  would  have  crushed  it  with 
her  iron  sceptre,  had  acted  like  the  insect  that 
weaves  with  its  threads  the  chrysalis  in  which 
it  envelopes  itself  during  the  winter.  And, 
strange  to  say,  the  means  that  had  served  in 
this  way  to  preserve  the  truth,  were  the  scho- 
lastic divines  so  much  decried.  These  inge- 
nious artisans  of  thought  had  strung  together 
all  the  current  theological  notions,  and  of  these 
threads  they  had  formed  a  net,  under  which  it 
would  have  been  difficult  for  more  skilful  per- 
sons than  their  contemporaries  to  recognise 
the  truth  in  its  first  purity.  We  may  regret, 
that  the  insect,  full  of  life^  and  so  lately  shining 
with  the  brightest  colours,  should  wrap  itself 
in  its  dark  and  seemingly  inanimate  covering; 
but  that  covering  preserves  it.  It  was  thus 
with  the  truth.  If  the  interested  and  suspi- 
cious policy  of  Rome,  in  the  days  of  her  power, 
had  met  with  the  naked  truth,  she  would  have 
destroyed  it,  or,  at  least,  endeavoured  to  do  so. 
Disguised  as  it  was  by  the  divines  of  that  pe- 
riod, under  endless  subtleties  and  distinctions, 
the  Popes  did  not  recognise  it,  or  else  per- 
ceived that  while  in  that  state  it  could  not 
trouble  them.  They  took  under  their  protec- 
tion both  the  artisans  and  their  handy-work. 
But  the  spring  might  come,  when  the  hidden 
truth  might  lift  its  head,  and  throw  off  all  the 
threads  which  covered  it.  Having  acquired 
fresh  vigour  in  its  seeming  tomb,  the  world 
might  behold  it  in  the  days  of  its  resurrection, 
obtain  the  victory  over  Rome  and  all  her  er- 
rors. This  spring  arrived.  At  the  same  time 
that  the  absurd  coverings  of  the  scholastic  di- 
vines fell,  one  after  another,  beneath  the  skil- 
ful attacks  or  derisions  of  a  new  generation, 
the  truth  escaped  from  its  concealment  in  full 
youth  and  beauty. 

It  was  not  only  from  the  writings  of  the 
scholastic  divines  that  powerful  testimony  was 
rendered  to  the  truth.  Christianity  had  every- 
where mingled  something  of  its  own  life  with 
the  life  of  the  people.  The  Church  of  Christ 
was  a  dilapidated  building:  but  in  digging 
there  were  in  some  parts  discovered  in  its 
foundations  the  living  rock  on  which  it  had 
been  first  built.  Some  institutions  which  bore 
date  from  the  best  ages  of  the  Church  still  ex- 
isted, and  could  not  fail  to  awaken  in  many 
minds  evangelical  sentiments  opposed  to  the 
reigning  superstition.  The  inspired  writers, 
the  earliest  teachers  of  the  Church,  whose 
writings  were  deposited  in  different  libraries, 
uttered  here  and  there  a  solitary  voice.  It  was 
doubtless  heard  in  silence  by  many  an  atten- 
tive ear.  Let  us  not  doubt  (and  it  is  a  consol- 
ing thought)  that  Christians  had  many  breth- 
ren and  sisters  in  those  very  monasteries  where- 
in we  are  too  apt  to  see  nothing  but  hypocri- 
sy and  dissoluteness. 

It  was  not  only  old  things  that  prepared  the 
revival  of  religion;  there  was  also  something' 
new  which  tended  powerfully  to  favour  it. ; 
The  human  mind  was  advancing.  This  fact 
alone  would  have  brought  on  its  enfranchise-  i 


ment.  The  shrub  as  it  increases  in  its  growth 
throws  down  the  walls  near  which  it  was 
planted,  and  substitutes  its  own  shade  for  theirs. 
The  high  priest  of  Rome  had  made  himself 
the  guardian  of  the  nations.  His  superiority 
of  understanding  had  rendered  this  office  easy ; 
and  for  a  long  time  he  kept  them  in  a  state  of 
tutelage  and  forced  subjection.  But  they  were 
now  growing  and  breaking  bounds  on  all  sides. 
This  venerable  guardianship,  which  had  its 
origin  in  the  principles  of  eternal  life  and  of 
civilization,  communicated  by  Rome  to  the 
barbarous  nations,  could  no  longer  be  exer- 
cised without  resistance.  A  formidable  ad  ver- 
versary  had  taken  up  a  position  opposed  to  her, 
and  sought  to  control  her.  The  natural  dis- 
position of  the  human  mind  to  develope  itself, 
to  examine  and  to  acquire  knowledge,  had 
given  birth  to  this  new  power.  Men's  eyes 
were  opening:  they  demanded  a  reason  for 
every  step  from  this  long  respected  conductor, 
under  whose  guidance  they  had  marched  in 
silence,  so  long  as  their  eyes  were  closed. 
The  infancy  of  the  nations  of  Modern  Europe 
was  passed  ;  a  period  of  ripe  age  was  arrived. 
To  a  credulous  simplicity,  disposed  to  believe 
every  thing,  had  succeeded  a  spirit  of  curiosi- 
ty, an  intelligence  impatient  to  discover  the 
foundations  of  things.  They  asked  of  each 
other  what  was  the  design  of 'God  in  speaking 
to  the  world  1  and  whether  men  had  a  right  to 
set  themselves  up  as  mediators  between  God 
and  their  brethren]  One  thing  alone  could 
have  saved  the  Church ;  a'nd  this  was  to  rise 
still  higher  than  the  laity.  To  keep  on  a  level 
with  them  was  not  enough.  But,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  Church  was  greatly  behind  them.  It 
began  to  decline  just  when  they  began  to 
arise.  While  the  laity  were  ascending  in  the 
scale  of  intelligence, — the  priesthood  was  ab- 
sorbed in  earthly  pursuits  and  worldly  in- 
terests. A  like  phenomenon  has  been  often 
seen  in  history.  The  eaglet  had  become  full- 
fledged,  and  there  was  none  who  could  reach 
it  or  prevent  its  taking  flight. 

Whilst  in  Europe  the  light  was  thus  issuing 
from  the  prisons  in  which  it  had  been  held 
captive,  the  East  was  sending  new  lights  to 
the  West.  The  standard  of  the  Osmanlis, 
planted  in  1453  on  the  walls  of  Constantino- 
ple, had  driven  thence  the  learned  of  that  city. 
They  had  carried  Grecian  literature  into  Italy. 
The  torch  of  antiquity  rekindled  the  intellec- 
tual flame  which  had  for  so  many  ages  been  ex- 
tinguished. Printing,  then  recently  discover- 
ed, multiplied  the  energetic  protests  against 
the  corruption  of  the  Church,  and  the  not  less 
powerful  calls  which  summoned  the  human 
mind  to  new  paths.  There  was  at  that  time, 
as  it  were,  a  burst  of  light.  Errors  and  vain 
ceremonies  were  exposed.  But  this  light, 
well  suited  to  destroy,  was  most  unfit  to  build 
up.  It  was  not  given  to  Homer  or  Virgil  to 
rescue  the  Church. 

The  revival  of  letters,  of  science,  and  of  the 
arts,  was  not  the  moving  principle  of  the  Re- 
formation. We  may  rather  say  that  the  Pa- 
ganism of  the  poets,  when  it  re-appeared  in 
Italy,  brought  with  it  the  Paganism  of  the 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


19 


heart.  Vain  superstitions  were  attacked  ; — 
but  it  was  incredulity  that  established  itself 
in  their  stead,  with  a  smile  of  disdain  and 
mockery.  Ridicule  of  all  things,  even  the 
most  sacred,  was  the  fashion,  and  deemed  the 
mark  of  wit.  Religion  was  regarded  only  as 
an  instrument  of  government.  "  I  have  one 
fear,"  exclaimed  Erasmus  in  1516,  «*  it  is  that 
with  the  study  of  ancient  literature  the  ancient 
Paganism  should  re-appear." 

True,  the  world  saw  then,  as  after  the 
mockeries  of  the  Augustan  age,  and  as  in  our 
own  times  after  those  of  the  last  century,  a 
new  Platonic  Philosophy,  which,  in  its  turn,  at- 
tacked this  impudent  incredulity;  and  sought, 
like  the  philosophy  of  our  own  days,  to  inspire 
respect  for  Christianity,  and  re-animate  the 
sentiments  of  religion.  At  Florence  the  Medici 
favoured  these  efforts  of  the  Platonists.  But 
never  can  philosophical  religion  regenerate  the 
Church  or  the  World.  Proud — despising  the 
preaching  of  the  cross — pretending  to  see  in 
the  Christian  dogmas  only  types  and  symbols 
unintelligible  to  the  majority  of  minds — it  may 
evaporate  in  mystical  enthusiasm,  but  must 
ever  be  powerless  to  reform  or  to  save. 

What  then  would  have  ensued  if  true 
Christianity  had  not  re-appeared  in  the  world 
—and  if  true  faith  had  not  replenished  the 
heart  with  its  strength  and  holiness  ?  The 
Reformation  saved  religion,  and  with  it  so- 
ciety. If  the  Church  of  Rome  had  had  at 
heart  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  happiness  of 
nations,  she  would  have  welcomed  the  Refor- 
mation with  joy.  But  what  were  these  to  a 
LeoX? 

In  Germany,  the  study  of  ancient  learning 
had  effects  the  very  reverse  of  those  which 
attended  it  in  Italy  and  France.  It  was 
*  mixed  with  faith.'  What  had,  in  the  latter, 
produced  only  a  certain  trivial  and  sterile  re- 
finement of  taste,  penetrated  the  lives  and 
habits  of  the  Germans,  warmed  their  hearts, 
and  prepared  them  for  a  better  light.  The 
first  restorers  of  letters  in  Italy  and  in  France 
were  remarkable  for  their  levity;  often  for 
their  immorality.  The  German  followers, 
with  a  grave  spirit,  sought  zealously  for  truth. 
There  was  formed  in  that  country  a  union  of 
free,  learned,  and  generous  individuals,  among 
whom  were  some  of  the  princes  of  the  land, 
and  who  laboured  to  render  science  useful  to 
religion.  Some  of  them  brought  to  their  stu- 
dies the  humble  teachableness  of  children : 
others  an  enlightened  and  penetrating  judg- 
ment, inclined  perhaps  to  overstep  the  limits 
of  sound  and  deliberate  criticism;  but  both 
contributed  to  clear  the  passages  of  the  tem- 
ple, hitherto  obstructed  by  so  many  supersti- 
tions. 

The  monkish  theologians  perceived  the 
danger,  and  they  began  to  clamour  against  the 
very  same  studies  that  they  had  tolerated  in 
Italy  and  France,  because  they  were  there  mix- 
efl  v/ith  levity  and  dissoluteness.  A  conspiracy 
was  entered,  into  against  languages  and  sci- 
ences, for  in  their  rear  they  perceived  the  true 
faith.  One  day  a  monk,  cautioning  some  one 
against  the  heresies  of  Erasmus,  was  asked 


"  in  what  they  consisted  ?"  He  confessed  he 
had  not  read  the  work  he  spoke  of,  and  could 
but  allege  "that  it  was  written  in  too  good 
Latin." 

Still  all  these  exterior  causes  would  have 
been  insufficient  to  prepare  the  renovation  of 
the  Church. 

Christianity  had  declined,  because  the  two 
guiding  truths  of  the  new  covenant  had  been 
lost.  The  first,  in  contradistinction  to  Church 
assumption,  is  the  immediate  relation  existing 
between  every  individual  soul  and  the  Foun- 
tain of  Truth-r-the  second,  (and  this  stood 
directly  opposed  to  the  idea  of  merit  in  human 
works,)  is  the  doctrine  of  salvation  by  Grace. 
Of  these  two  principles,  immutable  and  im- 
mortal in  themselves, — forever  true,  however 
slighted  or  corrupted,  which, — it  might  then 
have  been  asked, — was  to  be  first  set  in  mo- 
tion, and  give  the  regenerative  impulse  to  the 
Church  1 — Was  it  to  be  the  former,  the  prin- 
ciple of  Church  authority?  Or  was  it  to  be 
the  latter,  the  energy  of  the  Spirit] — In  our 
days  men  pretend  to  operate  through  the  social 
condition  upon  the  soul ;  through  human  na- 
ture in  genera],  upon  individual  character.  It 
will  be  concluded  that  the  principle  of  a 
Church  was  prominent  in  the  movement: — 
History  has  shown  the  very  contrary : — it  has 
proved  that  it  is  by  individual  influence  that 
an  impression  is  produced  on  the  community, 
and  that  the  first  step  toward  restoring  the 
social  condition — is  to  regenerate  the  soul. 
All  the  efforts  for  amelioration  witnessed  in 
the  middle  ages  arose  out  of  religious  feeling ; 
— the  question  of  authority  was  never  mooted 
till  men  were  compelled  to  defend  against  the 
hierarchy  the  newly  discovered  truth. — It  was 
the  same  in  later  times,  in  Luther's  case. — 
When  the  Truth  that  saves  appears  on  the  one 
side,  sustained  by  the  authority  of  God's  word, 
— and  on  the  other,  the  Error  that  destroys, 
backed  by  the  power  of  the  Roman  hierarchy, 
Christians  cannot  long  hesitate;  and  in  spite 
of  the  most  specious  sophisms  and  the  fairest 
credentials,  the  claim  to  authority  is  soon  dis- 
posed of. 

The  Church  had  fallen  because  the  great 
doctrine  of  Justification  through  faith  in  Christ 
had  been  lost.  It  was  therefore  necessary  that 
this  doctrine  should  be  restored  to  her  before 
she  could  arise.  Whenever  this  fundamental 
truth  should  be  restored,  all  the  errors  and 
devices  which  had  usurped  its  place,  the  train 
of  saints,  works,  penances,  masses,  and  indul- 
gences would  vanish.  The  moment  the  ONE 
Mediator  and  his  ONE  sacrifice  were  acknow- 
ledged, all  other  mediators,  and  all  other 
sacrifices,  would  disappear.  "This  article 
of  justification,"  says  one*  whom  we  may  look 
upon  as  enlightened  on  the  subject,  "  is  that 
which  forms  the  Church,  nourishes  it,  builds 
it  up,  preserves  and  defends  it.  No  one  can 
well  teach  in  the  Church,  or  successfully  re- 
sist its  adversary,  if  he  continue  not  in  his 
attachment  to  this  grand  truth."  "It  is," 
adds  the  Reformer,  referring  to  the  earliest 


*  Luther  to  Brentius. 
C 


20 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


prophecy,  "  the  heel  that  crushes  the  serpent' 
head." 

God,  who  was  then  preparing  his  work 
raised  up,  during  a  long  course  of  ages,  a  sue 
cession  of  witnesses  to  this  truth.  But  th 
generous  men,  who  bore  testimony  to  thi 
truth,  did  not  clearly  comprehend  it,  or  a 
least  did  not  know  how  to  bring  it  distinctl} 
forward.  Incapable  of  accomplishing  the 
work,  they  were  well  suited  to  prepare  it 
We  may  add  also,  that  if  they  were  not  pre 
pared  for  this  work,  the  work  itself  was  no 
ready  for  them.  The  measure  was  not  ye 
full — the  need  of  the  true  remedy  was  not  ye 
felt  so  extensively  as  was  necessary. 

Thus,  instead  of  felling  the  tree  at  the  roo 
by  preaching  chiefly  and  earnestly  the  doc- 
trine of  salvation  by  grace,  they  confinec 
themselves  to  questions  of  ceremonies,  to  th 
government  of  the  Church,  to  forms  of  wor- 
ships, to  the  adoration  of  saints  and  images 
or  to  the  transubstantiation,  &c. ;  and  thus 
limiting  their  efforts  to  the  branches,  they 
might  succeed  in  pruning  the  tree  here  anc 
there,  but  they  left  it  still  standing.  In  order 
to  a  salutary  reformation  without,  there  mus 
be  a  real  reformation  within.  And  faith  alone 
can  effect  this. 

Scarcely  had  Rome  usurped  power  before  a 
vigorous  opposition  was  formed  against  her; 
and  this  endured  throughout  the  middle  ages 

Archbishop  Claudius  of  Turin,  in  the  ninth 
century,  Peter  of  Bruys,  his  pupil  Henry 
Arnold  of  Brescia,  in  the  twelfth  century,  in 
France  and  Italy,  laboured  to  restore  the  wor- 
ship of  God  in  spirit  and  in  truth ;  but  they 
sought  that  worship  too  much  in  the  riddance 
from  images  and  outward  ceremony. 

The  Mystics,  who  have  existed  in  almost 
every  age,  seeking  in  silence,  holiness,  righ- 
teousness of  life,  and  quiet  communion  with 
God,  beheld  with  alarm  and  sorrow  the 
wretched  condition  of  the  Church.  They 
carefully  abstained  from  the  quarrels  of  the 
schools,  and  all  the  unprofitable  discussions 
beneath  which  true  piety  had  been  well  nigh 
buried.  They  laboured  to  turn  men  from  the 
empty  form  of  an  outward  worship,  from  noise 
and  pomp  of  ceremonies,  that  they  might  lead 
them  to  the  inward  peace  of  the  soul  that 
seeks  all  its  happiness  in  God.  They  could 
not  do  this  without  coming  in  collision  with 
all  the  received  opinions,  and  exposing  the 
wounds  of  the  Church;  but  still  even  they 
had  no  clear  views  of  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith. 

Far  superior  to  the  Mystics  in  purity  of  doc- 
trine, the  Vaudois  formed  a  long-continued 
chain  of  witnesses  for  the  truth.  Men  more 
free  than  the  rest  of  the  Church  appear  from 
early  times  to  have  inhabited  the  summits  of 
the  Piedmontese  Alps.  Their  numbers  had 
increased,  and  their  doctrine  had  been  purified 
by  the  disciples  of  Valdo.  From  the  heights 
of  their  mountains  the  Vaudois  protested  for 
ages  against  the  superstitions  of  Rome.42 
"They  contended,"  said  they,  "for  their 
lively  hope  in  God  through  Christ;  for  re- 
generation and  inward  renewal  by  faith,  hope, 


and  charity;  for  the  merits  of  Christ,  and  the 
all-sufficiency  of  his  grace  and  righteousness."43 

And  yet  this  primary  truth  of  the  Justifica- 
tion of  the  sinner,  which  ought  to  rise  pre- 
eminent above  other  doctrines,  like  Mount 
Blanc  above  the  surrounding  Alps,  was  not 
sufficiently  prominent  in  their  system. 

Pierre  Vaud,  or  Valdo,  a  rich  merchant  of 
Lyons,  (A.  D.  1170,)  sold  all  his  goods  and 
gave  to  the  poor.  He  and  his  friends  appear 
to  have  had  for  their  object  to  re-establish  in 
the  intercourse  of  life  the  perfection  of  primi- 
tive Christianity.  He  began  then,  like  others, 
at  the  branches,  and  not  at  the  root.  Never- 
theless his  preaching  was  powerful;  for  he 
recalled  the  minds  of  his  hearers  to  the  Scrip- 
tures which  menaced  the  Roman  hierarchy  in 
its  foundation. 

In  1360,  Wicklif  made  his  appearance  in 
England,  and  appealed  from  the  Pope  to  the 
Word  of  God ;  but  the  real  inward  wound  of 
the  Church  appeared  to  him  as  only  one  of 
many  symptoms  of  its  malady. 

John  Huss  preached  in  Bohemia  a  century 
before  Luther  appeared  in  Saxony.  He 
seemed  to  enter  more  deeply  than  all  who  had 
gone  before  him  into  the  essence  of  Christian 
truth.  He  besought  Christ  to  grant  him  grace 
to  glory  only  in  his  cross,  and  in  the  inesti- 
mable humiliation  of  his  sufferings.  But  he 
attacked  rather  the  lives  of  the  clergy  than 
the  errors  of  the  Church.  And  yet  he  was, 
if  we  may  be  allowed  the  expression,  the 
John  the  Baptist  of  the  Reformation.  The 
flames  of  his  martyrdom  kindled  a  fire  which 
shed  an  extensive  light  in  the  midst  of  the 
general  gloom,  and  was  destined  not  to  be 
speedily  extinguished. 

John  Huss  did  more:  prophetic  words  re- 
sounded from  the  depths  of  his  dungeon.  He 
foresaw  that  a  real  reformation  of  the  Church 
was  at  hand.  When  driven  from  Prague,  and 
compelled  to  wander  in  the  fields  of  Bohe- 
mia, where  he  was  followed  by  an  immense 
crowd  eager  to  catch  his  words,  he  exclaimed  : 
The  wicked  have  begun  by  laying  treache- 
rous snares  for  the  goose.*  But  if  even  the 
goose,  which  is  only  a  domestic  fowl,  a  tame 
creature,  and  unable  to  rise  high  in  the  air, 
has  yet  broken  their  snares,  other  birds,  whose 
flight  carries  them  boldly  towards  heaven,  will 
break  them  with  much  more  power.  Instead 
of  a  feeble  goose,  the  truth  will  send  forth 
eagles  and  keen-eyed  falcons."44The  Reform- 
ers fulfilled  this  prediction. 

And  when  the  venerable  priest  was  sum- 
moned, by  order  of  Sigismund.  before  the 
Council  of  Constance,  and  cast  into  prison, 
he  chapel  of  Bethlehem,  where  he  had  pro- 
claimed the  Gospel  and  the  future  triumph  of 
Christ,  employed  his  thoughts  more  than  his 
>wn  defence.  One  night,  the  holy  martyr 
bought  he  saw  from  the  depths  of  his  dungeon 
he  pictures  of  Christ,  which  he  had  painted 
•n  the  walls  of  his  oratory,  effaced  by  the 
-"ope  and  his  bishops.  This  dream  distressed 
lim.  Next  night  he  saw  several  painters 


*  The  word  Huss  in  Bohemian  signifying  goose. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


in  restoring  the  figures  in  greater  |  many  convents  may  have  concealed  similar 
arid  more  vivid  colouring;  and  this    treasures! 

the  painters,  surrounded  by        But  these  holy  men  only  held  this  faith 
themselves,  and  did  not  know  how  to  commti- 


engagect 

numbers 

work  performed, 

an  immense   multitude,  exclaimed: 


•Now 


let  the  popes  and  bishops  come  when  they  |  nicate  it  to  others.     Living  in  retirement,  they 


adds  Huss.  "Think  of  your  defence,  rather 
than  of  your  dreams,"  said  his  faithful  friend, 
the  Chevalier  de  Chlum,  to  whom  he  had  im- 
parted his  dream.  "I  am  no  dreamer,"  re- 
plied Huss;  "but  I  holo1  it  certain,  that  the 
image  of  Christ  will  never  be  effaced.  They 
desired  to  destroy  it,  but  it  will  be  imprinted 
anew  on  the  hearts  of  men  by  much  better 
preachers  than  myself.  The  nation  that  loves 
Christ  will  rejoice  at  this.  And  I,  awaking 
from  the  dead,  and  rising  as  it  were  from  the 
grave,  shall  leap  for  joy."45 

A  century  elapsed  ;  and  the  Gospel  torch, 
rekindled  by  the  Reformers,  did  in  truth  en- 
lighten many  nations,  who  rejoiced  in  its 
beams. 

But  it  was  not  only  amongst  those  whom 
Rome  regarded  as  her  adversaries,  that  a  life- 
giving  word  was  heard  at  that  period.  Ca- 
tholicism itself— and  we  may  take  comfort 
from  the  thought — reckons  amongst  its  own 
members  numerous  witnesses  for  the  truth. 
The  primitive  edifice  had  been  consumed ;  but 
a  holy  fire  smouldered  beneath  its  ashes,  and 
from  time  to  time  bright  sparks  were  seen  to 


Anselm  of  Canterbury,  in  a  work  for  the 
use  of  the  dying,  exhorted  them  "to  look 
solely  to  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ." 

A  monk,  named  Arnoldi,  offered  up  every 
day  in  his  peaceful  cell  this  fervent  prayer, 
"Oh,  Lord  Jesus  Christ!  I  believe  that  in 
thee  alone  I  have  redemption  and  righteous- 
ness."46 

A  pious  bishop  of  Bale,  Christopher  de 
Utenheim,  had  his  name  written  upon  a  pic- 
ture painted  on  glass,  which  is  still  at  B?ile, 
and  round  it  this  motto,  which  he  wished  to 
have  always  before  him, — "  My  hope  is  in 
the  cross  of  Christ ;  I  seek  grace,  and  not 
works."47 

A  poor  Carthusian,  brother  Martin,  wrote 
this  affecting  confession  :  "  Oh,  most  merciful 
God  !  I  know  that  I  can  only  be  saved,  and 
satisfy  thy  righteousness,  by  the  merit,  the 
innocent  suffering,  and  death  of  thy  well- 
beloved  Son.  Holy  Jesus !  my  salvation  is 
in  thy  hands.  Thou  canst  not  withdraw  the 
hands  of  thy  love  from  me ;  for  they  have 
created,  and  formed,  and  redemeed  me.  Thou 
hast  inscribed  my  name  with  a  pen  of  iron, 
in  rich  mercy,  and  so  as  nothing  can  efface  it, 
on  thy  side,  thy  hands,  and  thy  feet ;  &c.  &c. 
After  this  the  good  Carthusian  placed  his 
confession  in  a  wooden  box,  and  enclosed  the 


Jiteor  tamen  corde  et  scripto. — If  I  cannot  con- 
fess these  things  with  my  tongue,  I  at  least 
confess  them  with  my  pen  and  with  my  heart." 
The  word  of  truth  was  laid  up  in  the  sanc- 
tuary of  many  a  pious  mind,  but  to  use  an 
expression  in  the  Gospel,  it  had  not  free  course 
in  the  world. 

If  men  did  not  openly  confess  the  doctrine 
of  salvation,  they  at  least  did  not  fear,  even 
within  the  pale  of  the  Romish  Church,  boldly 
to  protest  against  the  abuses  which  disgraced 
it.  Italy  itself  had  at  that  time  her  witnesses 
against  the  priesthood.  The  Dominican,  Sa- 
varonola,  preached  at  Florence  in  1498  against 
the  insupportable  vices  of  Rome;  but  the 
powers  that  then  were,  despatched  him  by  the 
inquisition  and  the  stake. 

Geil'er  of  Kaisersberg  was  for  three-and- 
thirty  years  the  great  preacher  of  Germany. 
He  attacked  the  clergy  with  energy.  "  When 
the  summer  leaves  turn  yellow,"  said  he,  "  we 
say  that  the  root  is  diseased ;  and  thus  it  is,  a 
dissolute  people  proclaim  a  corrupted  priest- 
hood." "  If  no  wicked  ma'frfought  to  say  mass," 
said  he  to  his  bishop',  "  drive  out  all  the  priests 
from  your  diocese."  The  people,  hearing  this 
courageous  minister,  learned  even  in  the  sanc- 
tuary to  see  the  enormities  of  their  spiritual 
guides. 

This  state  of  things  in  the  Church  itself 
deserves  our  notice.  When  the  Wisdom  of 
God  shall  again  utter  his  teachings,  there  will 
everywhere  be  understandings  and*  hearts  to 
comprehend.  When  the  sower  shall  again 
come  forth  to  sow,  he  will  find  ground  pre- 
pared to  receive  the  seed.  When  the  word 
of  truth  shall  resound,  it  will  find  echoes  to 
repeat  it.  When  the  trumpet  shall  utter  a 
war-note  in  the  Church,  many  of  her  children 
will  prepare  themselves  to  the  battle. 

We  are  arrived  near  the  scene  on  which 
Luther  appeared.  Before  we  begin  the  his- 
tory of  that  great  commotion,  which  caused  to 
shoot  up  in  all  its  brilliancy  that  >ight  of 
truth  which  had  been  so  long  concealed,  and 
which,  by  renovating  the  Church,  renovated 
so  many  nations,  and  called  others  into  ex- 
istence, creating  a  new  Europe  and  a  new 
Christianity,  let  us  take  a  glance  at  the  differ- 
ent nations  in  the  midst  of  whom  this  revolu- 
tion in  religion  took  place. 

The  Empire  was  a  confederacy  of  different 
states,  with  the  Emperor  at  their  head.  Each 
of  these  states  possessed  sovereignty  over  its 
own  territory.  The  Imperial  Diet,  composed 


box  in  a  hole  he  had  made  in  the  wall  of  his  cell.48  of  all  the  princes,  or  sovereign  states,  exercised 
The  piety  of  brother  Martin  would  never  the  legislative  power  for  the  whole  of  the 
have  been  known,  if  his  box  had  not  been  Germanic  body.  The  Emperor  ratified  the 
found,  on  the  21st  of  December,  1776,  in  tak-  |  laws,  decrees,  or  resolutions,  of  this  assembly, 
ing  down  an  old  building  which  had  been  part  and  it  was  his  office  to  publish  and  execute 
of  the  Carthusian  convent  at  B&le.  How  them.  The  seven  more  powerful  princes,  un- 


22 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


der  the  title  of  Electors,  had  the  privilege  of 
awarding  the  Imperial  crown. 

The  princes  and  states  of  the  Germanic  Con- 
federacy had  been  anciently  subjects  of  the 
Emperors,  and  held  their  lands  of  them.  But 
after  the  accession  of  Rodolph  of  Hapsburg, 
(1273,^3  series  of  troubles  had  taken  place, 
in  which  princes,  free  cities,  and  bishops, 
acquired  a  considerable  degree  of  independ- 
ence, at  the  expense  of  the  Imperial  sovereign. 

The  north  of  Germany,  inhabited  chiefly  by 
the  old  Saxon  race,  had  acquired  most  liberty. 
The  Emperor,  incessantly  attacked  by  the 
Turks  in  his  hereditary  possessions,  was  dis- 
posed to  keep  on  good  terms  with  courageous 
chiefs  and  communities,  whose  alliance  was 
then  necessary  to  him.  Several  free  cities  in 
the  north-west  and  south  of  Europe  had,  by 
commerce,  manufactures,  and  industry,  at- 
tained a  considerable  degree  of  prosperity, 
and,  by  that  means,  of  independence.  The 
powerful  house  of  Austria,  which  wore  the 
crown  of  the  Empire,  controlled  the  majority 
of  the  states  of  central  Germany,  overlooked 
their  movements,  and  was  preparing  to  extend 
its  dominion,  over  and  beyond  the  whole  Em- 
pire, when  the  Reformation  interposed  a  power- 
ful barrier  to  its  encroachments,  and  saved  the 
liberties  of  Europe. 

If,  in  the  time  of  St.  Paul,  or  of  Ambrose, 
of  Austin,  of  Chrysostom,  or  even  in  the  days 
of  Anselrn  and  Bernard,  the  question  had  been 
asked,  what  people  or  nation  God  would  be 
likely  to  use  to  reform  the  church, — the  thought 
might  have  turned  to  the  countries  honoured 
by  the  Apostles'  ministry, — to  Asia,  to  Greece, 
or  to  Rome,  perhaps  to  Britain  or  to  France, 
where  men  of  great  learning  had  preached ; 
but  none  would  have  thought  of  the  barbarous 
Germans.  All  other  countries  of  Christendom 
had,  in  their  turn,  shone  in  the  history  of  the 
Church  ;  Germany  alone  had  continued  dark. 
Yet  it  was  Germany  that  was  chosen. 

God,  who  prepared  during  four  thousand 
years  the  Advent  of  his  Messiah,  and  led 
through  different  dispensations,  for  many  ages, 
the  people  among  whom  he  was  to  be  born, 
also  prepared  Germany  in  secret  and  unob- 
served, unknown  indeed  even  to  itself,  to  be 
the  cradle  of  a  Religious  Regeneration,  which, 
in  a  later  day,  should  awaken  the  various  na- 
tions of  Christendom. 

As  Judea,  the  birthplace  of  our  religion,  lay 
in  the  centre  of  the  ancient  world,  so  Germa- 
ny was  situated  in  the  midst  of  Christian  na- 
tions. She  looked  upon  the  Netherlands, 
England,  France,  Switzerland,  Italy,  Hunga- 
ry, Bohemia,  Poland,  Denmark,  and  the  whole 
of  the  north.  It  was  fit  that  the  principle  of 
life  should  develope  itself  in  the  heart  of  Eu- 
rope,— that  its  pulses  might  circulate  through 
all  the  arteries  of  the  body  the  generous  blood 
designed  to  vivify  its  members. 

The  particular  form  of  constitution  that  the 
Empire  had  received,  by  the  dispensations  of 
Providence,  favoured  the  propagation  of  new 
ideas.  If  Germany  had  been  a  monarchy, 
strictly  so  called,  like  France  or  England,  the 
arbitrary  will  of  the  sovereign  might  have  suf- 


ficed to  delay  for  a  long  time  the  progress  of 
the  Gospel.  But  it  was  a  confederacy.  The 
truth,  opposed  in  one  state,  might  be  received 
with  favour  by  another.  Important  centres  of 
light,  which  might  gradually  penetrate  through 
the  darkness,  and  enlighten  the  surrounding 
population,  might  be  quickly  formed  in  dif- 
ferent districts  of  the  Empire. 

The  internal  peace  which  Maximilian  had 
given  to  the  Empire  was  no  less  favourable  to 
the  Reformation.  For  a  long  while,  the  nu- 
merous members  of  the  Germanic  body  had 
laboured  to  disturb  each  other.  Nothing  had 
been  seen  but  confusions,  quarrels,  wars  in- 
cessantly breaking  out  between  neighbours, 
cities,  and  chiefs.  Maximilian  had  laid  a  so- 
lid basis  of  public  order  by  instituting  the  Im- 
perial chamber  appointed  to  settle  all  dif- 
ferences between  the  states. — The  Germans, 
after  so  many  confusions  and  anxieties,  saw  a 
new  aera  of  safety  and  repose.  This  condition 
of  affairs  powerfully  contributed  to  harmonize 
the  general  mind.  It  was  now  possible  in  the 
cities  and  peaceful  valleys  of  Germany  to  seek 
and  adopt  ameliorations,  which  discord  might 
have  banished.  We  may  add,  that  it  is  in  the 
bosom  of  peace  that  the  Gospel  loves  most  to 
gain  its  blessed  victories.  Thus  it  had  been 
the  will  of  God,  fifteen  centuries  before,  that 
Augustus  should  present  a  pacified  world  for 
the  blessed  triumphs  of  Christ's  religion. 
Nevertheless  the  Reformation  performed  a 
double  part  in  the  peace  then  beginning  for 
the  Empire.  It  was  as  much  cause  as  effect. 
Germany,  when  Luther  appeared,  offered  to 
the  contemplation  of  an  observer  the  sort  of 
movement  which  agitates  the  sea  after  a  con- 
tinued storm.  The  calm  did  not  promise  to 
be  lasting.  The  first  breath  might  again  call 
up  the  tempest.  We  shall  see  more  than  one 
example  of  this.  The  Reformation,  by  com- 
municating a  new  impulse  to  the  population, 
destroyed  forever  the  old  motives  of  agitation. 
It  made  an  end  of  the  system  of  barbarous 
times,  and  gave  to  Europe  one  entirely  new. 

Meanwhile  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ  had 
had  its  accustomed  influence  on  Germany. 
The  common  people  had  rapidly  advanced; 
numerous  institutions  arose  in  the  Empire, 
and  particularly  in  the  free  cities, — well  adapt- 
ed to  develope  the  minds  of  the  mass  of  the 
people.  The  arts  flourished  ;  the  burghers 
followed  insecurity  their  peaceable  labours  and 
the  duties  of  social  life.  They  gradually  open- 
ed to  information,  and  thus  acquired  respect 
and  influence.  It  was  not  magistrates  bend- 
ing conscience  to  political  expediency,  or  no- 
bles emulous  of  military  glory,  or  a  clergy 
seeking  gain  or  power,  and  regarding  religion 
as  their  peculiar  property,  who  were  to  be  the 
founders  of  the  Reformation  in  Germany.  It 
was  to  be  the  work  of  the  bourgeoisie — of  the 
people — of  the  whole  nation. 

The  peculiar  character  of  the  Germans  was 
such  as  especially  to  favour  a  Reformation  in 
Religion.  A  false  civilization  had  not  en- 
feebled them.  The  precious  seeds  that  a  fear 
of  God  deposits  in  a  nation  had  not  been 
scattered  to  the  winds.  Ancient  manners  still 


subsisted.    1 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


23 


ibsisted.  There  was  in  Germany  that  up- 
rightness, fidelity,  love,  and  toil,  and  perseve- 
rance,— that  religious  habit  of  mind — which 
we  still  find  there,  and  which  presages  more 
success  to  the  Gospel  than  the  scornful  or 
brutal  levity  of  other  European  nations. 

Another  circumstance  may  have  contributed 
to  render  Germany  a  soil  more  favourable  to 
the  revival  of  Christianity  than  many  other 
countries.  God  had  fenced  it  in  ;  he  had  pre- 
served its  strength  for  the  day  of  its  giving 
birth  to  his  purpose.  It  had  not  fallen  from 
the  faith  after  a  period  of  spiritual  vigour,  as 
had  been  the  case  with  the  churches  of  Asia, 
of  Greece,  of  Italy,  of  France,  and  of  Britain. 
The  Gospel  had  never  been  offered  to  Germa- 
ny in  its  primitive  purity;  the  first  missiona- 
ries who  visited  the  country  gave  to  it  a  reli- 
gion already  vitiated  in  more  than  one  particu- 
lar. It  was  a  law  of  the  Church,  a  spiritual 
discipline,  that  Boniface  and  his  successors 
carried  to  the  Prisons,  the  Saxons,  and  other 
German  nations.  Faith  in  the  "  good  tidings," 
that  faith  which  rejoices  the  heart  and  makes 
it  free  indeed,  had  remained  unknown  to  them. 
Instead  of  being  slowly  corrupted,  the  religion 
of  the  Germans  had  rather  been  purified.  In- 
stead of  declining,  it  had  arisen.  It  was  in- 
deed to  be  expected  that  more  life  and  spiritual 
strength  would  be  found  among  this  people 
than  among  those  enervated  nations  of  Chris- 
tendom where  deep  darkness  had  succeeded  to 
the  light  of  truth,  and  an  almost  universal  cor- 
ruption had  taken  place  of  the  sanctity  of  the 
earliest  times. 

We  may  make  the  like  remark  on  the  exte- 
rior relation  between  the  Germanic  body  and 
the  Churfch.  The  Germans  had  received  from 
Rome  that  element  of  modern  civilization,  the 
faith.  Instruction,  legislation,  all,  save  their 
courage  and  their  weapons,  had  come  to  them 
from  the  Sacerdotal  city.  Strong  ties  had  from 
that  time  attached  Germany  to  the  Papacy.  The 
former  was  a  spiritual  conquest  of  the  latter,  and 
we  know  to  what  use  Rome  has  ever  turned 
her  conquests.  Other  nations,  which  had  held 
the  faith  and  civilization  before  the  Roman 
Pontiff  existed,  had  continued  in  more  inde- 
pendence of  him.  But  this  subjection  of 
Germany  was  destined  only  to  make  the  re- 
action more  powerful  at  the  moment  of 
awakening.  When  Germany  should  open 
her  eyes,  she  would  indignantly  tear  away 
the  trammels  in  which  she  had  been  so  long 
kept  bound.  The  very  measure  of  slavery 
she  had  had  to  endure  would  make  her  deliver- 
ance and  liberty  more  indispensable  to  her, 
and  strong  champions  of  the  truth  would  come 
forth  from  the  enclosure  of  control  and  re- 
striction in  which  her  population  had  for  ages 
been  shut  up. 

When  we  take  a  nearer  view  of  the  times 
of  the  Reformation,  we  see,  in  the  government 
of  Germany,  still  further  reasons  to  admire  the 
wisdom  of  Him,  by  whom  kings  reign  and 
princes  execute  judgment.  There  was,  at 
that  time,  something  resembling  what  has  in 
our  own  days  been  termed  a  system  of  see- 
saw. When  an  energetic  sovereign  presided 


over  the  Empire,  the  imperial  power  was 
strengthened  ;  on  the  other  hand,  when  he  was 
of  feeble  character,  the  authority  of  the  Elec- 
tors gained  force. 

Under  Maximilian,  the  predecessor  of 
Charles  V.,  this  alternate  rise  and  depression 
of  the  various  states  was  especially  remark- 
able. At  that  time  the  balance  was  altogether 
against  the  Emperor.  The  princes  had  re- 
peatedly formed  close  alliances  with  one  ano- 
ther. The  emperors  themselves  had  urged 
them  to  do  so,  in  order  that  they  might  direct 
them  at  one  effort  against  some  common  ene- 
my. But  the  strength  that  the  princes  ac- 
quired from  such  alliances  against  a  passing 
danger,  might,  at  an  after  period,  be  turned 
against  the  encroachments  or  power  of  the 
Emperor.  This  did  indeed  ensue.  At  no 
period  had  the  electors  felt  themselves  more 
independent  of  their  head,  than  at  the  period 
of  the  Reformation.  And  their  head  having 
taken  part  against  it,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  this 
state  of  things  was  favourable  to  the  propaga- 
tion of  the  Gospel. 

WTe  may  add,  that  Germany  was  weary  of 
what  the  Romans  contemptuously  termed  "/Ac 
patience  of  the  Germans."  The  latter  had,  in 
truth,  manifested  much  patience  ever  since 
the  time  of  Louis  of  Bavaria.  From  that 
period  the  emperors  had  laid  down  their  arms, 
and  the  ascendency  of  the  tiara  over  the  crown 
of  the  Caesars  was  acknowledged.  But  the 
battle  had  only  changed  its  field.  It  was  to 
be  fought  on  lower  ground.  The  same  con- 
tests, of  which  emperors  and  popes  had  set  the 
example,  were  quickly  renewed  in  miniature, 
in  all  the  towns  of  Germany,  between  bishops 
and  magistrates.  The  commonalty  had  caught 
up  the  sword  dropped  by  the  chiefs  of  the 
empire.  As  early  as  1329,  the  citizens  of 
Frankfort  on  the  Oder  had  resisted  with  in- 
trepidity their  ecclesiastical  superiors.  Ex- 
communicated for  their  fidelity  to  the  Mar- 
grave Louis,  they  had  remained  twenty-eight 
years  without  masses,  baptisms,  marriage,  or 
funeral  rites.  And  afterwards,  when  the 
monks  and  priests  reappeared,  they  had  open- 
ly ridiculed  their  return  as  a  farce.  Deplora- 
ble irreverence,  doubtless ;  but  of  which  the 
clergy  themselves  were  the  cause.  At  the 
epoch  of  the  Reformation,  the  animosity  be- 
tween the  magistrates  and  the  ecclesiastics 
had  increased.  Every  hour  the  privileges  and 
temporal  possessions  of  the  clergy  gave  rise 
to  collision.  If  the  magistrates  refused  to 
give  way,  the  bishops  and  priests  imprudently 
had  recourse  to  the  extreme  means  at  their 
disposal.  Sometimes  the  Pope  interfered ; 
and  it  was  to  give  an  example  of  the  most  re- 
volting partiality,  or  to  endure  the  humiliating 
necessity  of  leaving  the  triumph  in  the  hand? 
of  the  commons,  obstinately  resolved  to  main- 
tain their  right.  These  continual  conflicts  had 
filled  the  cities  with  hatred  and  contempt  of 
the  Pope,  and  the  bishops,  and  the  priests. 

But  not    only  among  the    burgomasters, 
councillors,  and  town  clerks  did  Rome  and 
the  clergy  find  adversaries;   they  had  oppo- 
nents both  above  and  below  the  middle  classes 
c2 


24 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


of  society.  From  the  commencement  of  the 
16th  century,  the  Imperial  Diet  displayed  an 
inflexible  firmness  against  the  papal  envoys. 
In  May,  1510,  the  States  assembled  at  Augs- 
burg, handed  to  the  Emperor  a  statement  of 
ten  leading  grievances  against  the  Pope  and 
clergy  of  Rome.  About  the  same  time,  there 
was  a  violent  ferment  among  the  populace. 
It  broke  out  in  1512  in  the  Rhenish  provinces ; 
where  the  peasantry,  indignant  at  the  weight 
of  the  yoke  imposed  by  their  ecclesiastical 
sovereigns,  formed  among  themselves  the 
League  of  the  Shoes. 

Thus,  on  all  sides,  from  above  and  from 
beneath, twas  heard  a  low  murmur,  the  fore- 
runner of  the  thunderbolt  that  was  about  to 
fall.  Germany  appeared  ripe  for  the  work 
appointed  for  the  16th  century.  Providence, 
in  its  slow  course,  had  prepared  all  things; 
and  even  the  passions  which  God  condemns 
were  to  be  turned  by  His  power  to  the  fulfil- 
ment of  His  purposes. 

Let  us  take  a  view  of  other  nations. 

Thirteen  small  republics,  placed  with  their 
allies  in  the  centre  of  Europe,  among  moun- 
tains which  compose  as  it  were  its  citadel, 
formed  a  simple  and  brave  population.  Who 
would  have  thought  of  looking  to  these  ob- 
scure valleys  for  the  men  whom  God  would 
choose  to  be,  jointly  with  the  children  of  the 
Germans,  the  liberators  of  the  church  1  Who 
would  have  guessed  that  poor  and  unknown 
villages,  just  raised  above  barbarism — hidden 
among  inaccessible  mountains,  in  the  ex- 
tremity of  lakes  never  named  in  history, — 
would,  in  their  connexion  with  Christianity, 
eclipse  Jerusalem,  Antioch,  Ephesus,  Corinth, 
and  Rome?  Yet  so  it  was.  Such  was  the 
will  of  him  who  causeth  it  to  rain  upon  one 
city,  and  causeth  it  not  to  rain  upon  another 
city,  and  maketh  his  showers  to  descend  on 
one  piece  of  land,  while  another  withereth 
under  drought.  (Amos  iv.  7.) 

Circumstances  of  another  kind  seemed  to 
surround  with  multiplied  rocks  the  course  of 
the  Reformation  in  the  bosom  of  the  Swiss 
population.  If,  in  a  monarchy,  it  had  to  fear 
the  hinderances  of  power;  in  a  democracy  it 
was  exposed  to  the  hazards  of  the  precipita- 
tion of  the  people.  True,  this  Reformation, 
which,  in  the  states  of  the  Empire,  could  but 
advance  slowly  and  step  by  step,  might  have 
its  success  decided  in  one  day  in  the  general 
council  of  the  Swiss  republic.  But  it  was 
necessary  to  guard  against  an  imprudent  haste, 
which,  unwilling  to  wait  a  favourable  moment, 
should  abruptly  introduce  innovations,  other- 
wise most  useful,  and  so  compromise  the 
public  peace,  the  constitution  of  the  state,  and 
even  the  future  prospects  of  the  Reformation 
itself. 

But  Switzerland  also  had  had  its  prepara-. 
ttons.  It  was  a  wild  tree,  but  one  of  generous 
nature,  which  had  been  guarded  in  the  depth 
of  the  valleys,  that  it  might  one  day  be  grafted 
with  a  fruit  of  the  highest  value.  Providence 
had  diffused  among  this  recent  people,  princi- 

Sles  of  courage,  independence,  and   liberty, 
estined  to  manifest  all  their  strength  when 


the  signal  of  conflict  with  Rome  should  be 
given.  The  Pope  had  conferred  on  the  Swiss 
the  title  of  protectors  of  the  liberties  of  the 
Church;  but  it  seems  they  had  understood 
this  honourable  name  in  a  totally  different 
sense  from  the  pontiff.  I  f  their  sold  iers  guard- 
ed the  Pope  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Capi- 
tol, their  citizens,  in  the  bosom  of  the  Alps, 
carefully  guarded  their  own  religious  liberties 
against  the  invasion  of  the  Pope  and  of  the 
clergy.  Ecclesiastics  were  forbidded  to  have 
recourse  to  any  foreign  jurisdiction.  The 
"  lettre  des  pretres"  was  a  bold  protest  of  Swiss 
liberty  against  the  corruptions  and  power  of 
the  clergy,  Zurich  was  especially  distin- 
guished by  its  courageous  opposition  to  the 
claims  of  Rome.  Geneva,  at  the  other  ex- 
tremity of  Switzerland,  struggled  against  its 
bishops.  Doubtless  the  love  of  political  inde- 
pendence may  have  made  many  of  its  citizens 
forget  the  true  liberty;  but  God  had  decreed 
that  this  love  of  independence  should  lead 
others  to  the  reception  of  a  doctrine  which 
should  truly  enfranchise  the  nation.  These 
two  leading  cities  distinguished  themselves 
among  all  the  rest  in  the  great  struggle  we 
have  undertaken  to  describe. 

But  if  the  Helvetic  towns,  open  and  ac- 
cessible to  ameliorations,  were  likely  to  be 
drawn  early  within  the  current  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, the  case  was  very  different  with  the 
mountain  districts.  It  might  have  been 
thought  that  these  communities,  more  simple 
and  energetic  than  their  confederates  in  the 
towns,  would  have  embraced  with  ardour  a 
doctrine  of  which  the  characteristics  were 
simplicity  and  force:  but  He  who  said — "At 
that  time  two  men  shall  be  in  the  field,  the 
one  shall  be  taken  and  the  other  left,"  saw  fit 
to  leave  these  mountaineers,  while  He  took 
the  men  of  the  plain.  Perhaps  an  attentive 
observer  might  have  discerned  some  symptoms 
of  the  difference  which  was  about  to  manifest 
itself  between  the  people  of  the  town  and  of 
the  hills.  Intelligence  had  not  penetrated  to 
those  heights.  Those  Cantons,  which  had 
founded  Swiss  liberty,  proud  of  the  part  they 
had  played  in  the  grand  struggle  for  inde- 
pendence, were  not  disposed  to  be  tamely  in- 
structed by  their  younger  brethren  of  the 
plain.  Why,  they  might  ask,  should  they 
change  the  faith  in  which  they  had  expelled 
the  Austrians,  and  which  had  consecrated  by- 
altars  all  the  scenes  of  their  triumphs  1  Their 
priests  were  the  only  enlightened  guides  to 
whom  they  could  apply;  their  worship  and 
their  festivals  were  occupation  and  diversion 
for  their  tranquil  lives,  and  enlivened  the 
silence  of  their  peaceful  retreats.  They  con- 
tinued close  against  religious  innovations. 

Passing  the  Alps,  we  find  ourselves  in  that 
ttaly,  which,  in  the  eyes  of  many,  was  the 
Holy  Land  of  Christianity.  Whence  would 
Europe  look  for  good  to  the  Church  but  from 
Italy,  and  from  Rome  itself!  The  power 
which  placed  successively  upon  the  pontifical 
chair  so  many  different  characters,  might  it 
not  one  day  place  thereon  a  pontiff  who  should 
become  an  instrument  of  blessing  to  the  Lord's 


heri 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


25 


?  Even  if  no  hope  was  to  be  placed 
on  the  popes,  were  there  not  there  bishops  and 
councils  which  would  reform  the  Church  1 
Nothing  good  can  come  out  of  Nazareth  ;  it 
must  proceed  from  Jerusalem, — from  Rome. 
Such  might  have  been  the  thoughts  of  man, 
but  God's  thoughts  were  not  as  theirs.  He 
says,  "  Let  him  that  is  filthy  be  filthy  still ;" 
Rev.  xxii.  11,  and  He  left  Italy  to  its  unright- 
eousness. Many  causes  conspired  to  deprive 
this  unhappy  country  of  Gospel  light.  Its 
different  states,  sometimes  rivals,  sometimes 
enemies,  came  into  violent  collision  as  often  as 
they  were  shaken  by  any  commotion.  This 
lana  of  ancient  glory  was  by  turns  the  prey 
of  intestine  wars  and  foreign  invasions ;  the 
stratagems  of  policy,  the  violence  of  factions, 
the  agitation  of  battles,  seemed  to  be  its  sole 
occupation,  and  to  banish  for  a  long  time  the 
Gospel  of  peace. 

Italy,  broken  to  pieces,  and  without  unity, 
appeared  but  little  suited  to  receive  one  gene- 
ral impulse.  Every  frontier  line  was  a  new 
barrier,  where  truth  would  be  stopped  and 
challenged,  if  it  sought  to  cross  the  Alps,  or 
land  on  those  smiling  shores.  It  was  true 
the  Papacy  was  then  planning  a  union  of  all 
Italy,  desiring,  as  Pope  Julius  expressed  it, 
to  expel  the  barbarians, — that  is,  the  foreign 
princes ;  and  she  hovered  like  a  bird  of  prey 
over  the  mutilated  and  palpitating  members 
of  ancient  Italy.  But  if  she  had  gained  her 
ends,  we  may  easily  believe  that  the  Reforma- 
tion would  not  have  been  thereby  advanced. 

And  if  the  truth  was  destined  to  come  to 
them  from  the  north,  how  could  the  Italians 
so  enlightened,  of  so  refined  a  taste  and  so- 
cial habits,  so  delicate  in  their  own  eyes,  con- 
descend to  receive  any  thing  at  the  hands  of 
the  barbarous  Germans.  Their  pride,  in  fact, 
raised  between  the  Reformation  and  them- 
selves a  barrier  higher  than  the  Alps.  But 
the  very  nature  of  their  mental  culture  was  a 
still  greater  obstacle  than  the  presumption  of 
their  hearts.  Could  men,  who  admired  the 
elegance  of  a  well  cadenced  sonnet  more  than 
the  majestic  simplicity  of  the  Scriptures,  be  a 
propitious  soil  for  the  seed  of  God's  word  1 
A  false  civilization  is,  of  all  conditions  of  a 
nation,  that  which  is  most  repugnant  to  the 
Gospel. 

Finally,  whatever  might  be  the  state  of 
things  to  Italy — Rome  was  always  ROME. 
Not  only  did  the  temporal  power  of  the  Popes 
incline  the  several  parties  in  Italy  to  court  at 
any  cost  their  alliance  and  favour,  but,  in  ad- 
dition to  this,  the  universal  sway  of  Rome 
offered  more  than  one  inducement  to  the  ava- 
rice and  vanity  of  the  Italian  states.  When- 
ever it  should  become  a  question  of  emanci- 
pation of  the  rest  of  the  world  from  the  yoke 
of  Rome,  Italy  would  again  become  Italy! 
Domestic  quarrels  would  not  be  suffered  to 
prevail  to  the  advantage  of  a  foreign  system ; 
and  attacks  directed  against  the  head  of  the 
peninsula  would  immediately  call  up  the  af- 
fections and  common  interests  from  their  long 
sleep.  •* 

The  Reformation,  then,  had  little  prospect 


of  success  in  that  country.  Nevertheless, 
there  were  found  within  its  confines  souls  pre- 
pared to  receive  the  Gospel  light,  and  Italy 
was  not  then  entirely  disinherited. 

Spain  possessed  what  Italy  did  not, — a  se- 
rious and  noble  people,  whose  religious  mind 
had  resisted  even  the  stern  trial  'of  the  eight- 
eenth century,  and  of  the  Revolution,  and 
maintained  itself  to  our  own  days.  In  every 
age  this  people  has  had  among  its  clergy  men 
of  piety  and  learning,  and  it  was  sufficiently  re- 
mote from  Rome  to  throw  off  without  difficulty 
her  yoke.  There  are  few  nations  wherein  one 
might  more  reasonably  have  hoped  for  a  re- 
vival of  that  primitive  Christianity,  which 
Spain  had  probably  received  from  St.  Paul 
himself.  And  yet  Spain  did  not  then  stand 
up  among  the  nations.  She  was  destined  to 
be  an  example  of  that  word  of  the  Divine 
Wi&dom,  "•  The  first  shall  be  last."  Various 
circumstances  conduced  to  this  deplorable 
result. 

Spain,  considering  its  isolated  position,  and 
remoteness  from  Germany,  would  feel  but 
slightly  the  shocks  of  the  great  earthquake 
which  shook  the  Empire.  But  more  than 
this,  she  was  busily  occupied  in  seeking  trea- 
sure very  different  from  that  which  the  Word 
of  God  was  then  offering  to  the  nations.  In 
her  eyes  the  new  world  outshone  the  eternal 
world.  A  virgin  soil,  which  seemed  to  be 
composed  of  gold  and  silver,  inflamed  the 
imagination  of  her  people.  An  eager  desire 
after  riches  left  no  room  in  the  heart  of  the 
Spaniard  for  nobler  thoughts.  A  powerful 
clergy,  having  the  scaffolds  and  the  treasures 
of  the  land  to  their  disposal,  ruled  the  Pen- 
insula. Spain  willingly  rendered  to  its  priests 
a  servile  obedience,  which,  releasing  it  from 
spiritual  pre-occupations,  left  it  to  follow  its 
passions,  and  go  forward  in  quest  of  riches, 
and  discoveries  of  new  continents.  Victori- 
ous over  the  Moors,  she  had,  at  the  expense 
of  her  noblest  blood,  thrown  down  the  cres- 
cent from  the  towers  of  Granada,  and  many 
other  cities,  and  planted  in  its  place  the  cross 
of  Jesus  Christ.  This  great  zeal  for  Chris- 
tianity, which  promised  so  much,  —  turned 
against  the  truth, — for  could  Catholic  Spain, 
that  had  triumphed  over  infidels,  refuse  to  op- 
pose heretics  ]  How  could  a  people  who  had 
expelled  Mahomet  from  their  noble  country, 
allow  Luther  to  make  way  in  it?  Their  kings 
went  further.  They  fitted  out  their  fleets 
against  the  Reformation.  They  went  forth  to 
meet  and  conquer  it  in  England  and  in  Hol- 
land. But  these  attacks  had  the  effect  of 
elevating  the  nations  assailed  ;  and,  ere  long, 
their  power  crushed  the  power  of  Spain. 
Thus  those  Catholic  countries  lost,  owing  to 
the  Reformation,  that  very  temporal  wealth 
which  had  led  them,  at  the  first,  to  reject  the 
spiritual  liberty  of  the  Gospel.  Yet  the  Spa- 
nish nation  was  generous  and  brave;  and 
many  of  its  noble  people,  with  equal  ardour 
and  better  knowledge,  than  those  who  had 
rushed  upon  the  swords  of  the  Arabs, — gave 
up  their  lives  at  the  stake  to  the  Inquisition. 
Portugal  was  nearly  in  the  same  condition 


26 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


as  Spain.  Emanuel  the  Fortunate  gave  to  it 
an  "  age  of  gold,"  which  tended  to  unfit  it  for 
that  self-denial  which  Christianity  requires. 
The  nation  precipitating  itself  on  the  newly 
discovered  routes  to  India  and  the  Brazils, 
turned  its  back  upon  Europe  and  the  Refor- 
mation. 

Few  countries  seemed  likely  to  be  better 
disposed  than  France  for  the  reception  of  the 
evangelical  doctrines.  Almost  all  the  intel- 
lectual and  spiritual  life  of  the  middle  ages 
was  concentrated  in  her.  It  might  have  been 
said  that  the  paths  were  everywhere  trodden 
for  a  grand  manifestation  of  the  truth.  Men 
of  the  most  opposite  characters,  and  whose 
influence  over  the  people  had  been  most 
powerful,  had  in  some  degree  countenanced 
the  Reformation.  Saint  Bernard  had  set  the 
example  of  that  heartfelt  faith,  that  inward 
piety  which  is  the  most  beautiful  feature  of 
its  character.  Abelard  had  introduced  into 
the  study  of  theology  the  rational  principle, 
which,  though  incapable  of  developing  the 
truth,  is  yet  powerful  for  the  destruction  of 
error.  Many  heretics,  so  called,  had  revived 
the  light  of  God's  word  in  the  provinces. 
The  University  of  Paris  had  placed  itself  in 
opposition  to  the  Church,  and  had  not  feared 
to  combat  it.  In  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  the  Clemangis  and  the  Gersons  had 
spoken  out  with  undaunted  courage.  The 
Pragmatic  Sanction  had  been  a  grand  Act  of 
Independence,  and  promised  to  be  the  palla- 
dium of  Gallic  liberty.  The  French  nobility, 
numerous,  jealous  of  their  pre-eminence,  and 
having  at  this  period  been  gradually  deprived 
of  their  privileges  by  the  growing  power  of 
their  kings,  must  have  been  favourably  dis- 
posed towards  a  religious  change  which  might 
restore  to  them  some  portion  of  the  inde- 
pendence they  had  lost.  The  people,  of  quick 
feelings,  intelligent,  and  susceptible  of  gene- 
rous emotions,  were  as  open,  or  even  more  so, 
than  most  other  nations,  to  the  truth.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  Reformation  must  be,  among 
them,  the  birth  which  should  crown  the  tra- 
vail of  several  centuries.  But  the  chariot  of 
France,  which  for  so  many  generations  seemed 
to  be  advancing  to  the  same  goal,  suddenly 
turned  at  the  moment  of  the  Reformation,  and 
took  a  contrary  direction.  Such  was  the  will 
of  Him  who  rules  nations  and  their  kings. 
The  prince,  then  seated  in  the  chariot,  and 
holding  the  reins,  and  who,  as  a  pattern  of 
learning,  seemed  likely  to  be  foremost  in  pro- 
moting the  Reformation,  turned  his  people  in 
another  direction.  The  augury  of  ages  was 
deceived,  and  the  impulse  given  to  France 
was  spent  and  lost  in  struggles  against  the 
ambition  and  fanaticism  of  her  kings.  The 
race  of  Valois  deprived  her  of  her  rights. 
Perhaps  if  she  had  received  the  Gospel,  she 
might  have  become  too  powerful.  God  had 
chosen  a  weaker  people,  a  people  that  as  yet 
was  not, — to  be  the  depository  of  his  truth. 
France,  after  having  been  almost  reformed, 
found  herself,  in  the  result,  Roman  Catholic. 
The  sword  of  her  princes,  cast  into  the  scale, 
caused  it  to  incline  in  favour  of  Rome.  Alas ! 


another  sword,  that  of  the  Reformers  them- 
selves, insured  the  failure  of  the  effort  for 
Reformation.  The  hands  that  had  become  ac- 
customed to  warlike  weapons,  ceased  to  be 
lifted  up  in  prayer.  It  is  by  the  blood  of  its 
confessors,  not  by  that  of  its  adversaries,  that 
the  Gospel  triumphs.  Blood  shed  by  its  de- 
fenders, extinguishes  and  smothers  it.  Francis 
I.,  in  the  very  beginning  of  his  reign,  eagerly 
sacrificed  the  Pragmatical  Sanction  to  the 
Papacy,  substituting  a  concordat  detrimental 
to  France,  and  advantageous  to  the  crown  and 
to  the  Pope.  Maintaining  by  his  sword  the 
rights  of  the  German  Protestants  at  war  with 
his  rival,  this  **  father  of  the  sciences"  plunged 
it  up  to  the  hilt  in  the  hearts  of  his  own  re- 
formed subjects.  His  successors  did,  from 
motives  of  fanaticism,  or  weakness,  or  tc 
silence  the  clamours  of  a  guilty  conscience, 
what  he  had  done  for  ambition.  They  met 
indeed  with  a  powerful  resistance,  but  it  was 
not  always  such  as  the  martyrs  of  the  first 
ages  had  opposed  to  their  Pagan  persecutors. 
The  strength  of  the  Protestants  was  the  source 
of  their  weakness ;  their  success  drew  after  it 
their  ruin. 

The  Low  Countries  formed,  at  that  period, 
one  of  the  most  flourishing  portions  of  Eu- 
rope. Its  population  was  industrious,  better 
informed,  owing  to  its  numerous  connections 
with  different  regions  of  the  earth,  full  of 
courage,  and  passionately  attached  to  its  inde- 
pendence, its  privileges,  and  its  liberty.  On 
the  very  borders  of  Germany,  it  would  be  the 
first  to  hear  the  report  of  the  Reformation  ;  it 
was  capable  of  receiving  it.  But  all  did  not 
receive  it.  To  the  poor  it  was  given  to  re- 
ceive the  truth.  The  hungry  were  filled  with 
good  things,  and  the  rich  sent  empty  away. 
The  Netherlands,  which  had  always  been 
more  or  less  connected  with  the  Empire,  had 
forty  years  before  fallen  to  the  possession  of 
Austria,  and  after  Charles  V.,  they  devolved 
to  the  Spanish  branch,  and  so  to  the  ferocious 
Philip.  The  princes  and  governors  of  this 
ill-fated  country  trampled  the  Gospel  under 
foot,  and  waded  through  the  blood  of  its  mar- 
tyrs. The  country  was  composed  of  two  di- 
visions widely  dissimilar  the  one  from  the 
other.  The  south,  rich,  and  increased  in 
goods  succumbed.  How  could  its  extensive 
manufactures,  carried  to  such  perfection, — 
how  could  Bruges,  the  great  mart  of  northern 
merchandise,  or  Antwerp,  the  queen  of  com- 
mercial cities,  make  their  interests  consist 
with  a  long  and  bloody  struggle  for  the  things 
of  faith  ?  But  the  northern  provinces,  de- 
fended by  their  dykes,  the  sea,  their  marshes, 
and,  still  more,  by  the  simple  manners  of  the 
population,  and  their  determination  to  suffer 
the  loss  of  all,  rather  than  of  the  Gospel, — 
not  only  preserved  their  franchises,  their  pri- 
vileges and  their  faith,  but  achieved  independ- 
ence and  a  glorious  existence  as  a  nation. 

England  then  gave  little  promise  of  all  she 
has  subsequently  acquired.  Driven  from  the 
Continent,  where  she  had  long  obstinately 
contended  for  the  conquest  of  France,  she  be- 
gan to  turn  her  eyes  towards  the  ocean  as  to 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


27 


the  empire  which  was  designed  to  be  the  true 
end  of  her  victories,  and  of  which  the  inherit- 
ance was  reserved  for  her.  Twice  converted 
to  Christianity,  first  under  the  Britons,  then 
under  the  Anglo-Saxons,  she  paid  devoutly 
the  annual  tribute  of  St.  Peter's  pence.  Yet 
was  she  reserved  for  a  lofty  destiny.  Mis- 
tress of  the  ocean,  everywhere  present  through 
all  parts  of  the  earth,  she  was  ordained  to  be 
one  day,  with  the  people  to  whom  she  should 
give  birth,  as  the  hand  of  God  to  scatter  the 
seed  of  life  in  remotest  islands  and  on  bound- 
less continents.  Already  some  circumstances 
gave  presage  of  her  destinies.  Great  intel- 
lectual light  had  shone  in  the  British  Isles, 
and  some  glimmerings  of  it  still  remained.  A 
crowd  of  foreigners,  artists,  merchants,  work- 
men, from  the  Low  Countries,  Germany,  and 
other  regions,  thronged  her  harbours  and 
cities.  The  new  religious  opinions  would 
therefore  be  easily  and  quickly  introduced. 
Finally,  England  had  then  an  eccentric  king, 
who,  endowed  with  some  learning  and  con- 
siderable courage,  was  continually  changing 
his  purposes  and  notions,  and  turning  from 
one  side  to  another,  according  to  the  direction 
in  which  his  violent  passions  impelled  him. 
It  was  possible  that  one  of  the  inconsistencies 
of  Henry  V11I.  might  prove  favourable  to  the 
Reformation. 

Scotland  was  then  torn  by  factions.  A 
king  five  years  old,  a  queen  regent,  ambitious 
nobles,  an  influential  clergy,  harassed  this 
courageous  nation  on  all  sides.  It  was  how- 
ever destined  to  hold  a  distinguished  place 
amongst  the  nations  which  should  receive  the 
Reformation. 

The  three  northern  kingdoms,  Denmark, 
Sweden,  and  Norway,  were  united  under  one 
government.  These  rude  and  warlike  people 
seemed  likely  to  have  little  sympathy  with 
the  doctrine  of  love  and  peace.  Yet  from  the 
very  energy  of  their  character,  they  were  per- 
haps better  disposed  to  receive  the  spirit  of 
the  evangelical  doctrine  than  the  southern  na- 
tions. But  these  descendants  of  warriors  and 
pirates  brought  perhaps  too  warlike  a  spirit  to 
the  support  of  the  Protestant  cause;  in  sub- 
sequent times  they  defended  it  heroically  by 
the  sword. 

Russia,  situate  at  the  extremity  of  Europe, 
had  but  little  connection  with  other  states,  we 
may  add,  that  she  belonged  to  the  Greek 
Church.  The  Reformation  effected  in  the 
West  had  little  or  no  influence  upon  the  East. 

Poland  seemed  well  prepared  for  a  reforma- 
tion. The  vicinity  of  the  Bohemian  and 
Moravian  Christians  had  disposed  it  to  receive 
thnt  religious  impulse  which  the  neighbouring 
states  of  Germany  were  destined  speedily  to 
impart  to  it.  As  early  as  the  year  1500,  the 
nobility  of  Poland  had  demanded  that  the  cup 
should  be  given  to  the  laity,  appealing  to  the 
custom  of  the  primitive  Church.  The°liberty 
which  was  enjoyed  in  the  cities,  and  the  inde- 
pendence of  its  nobles,  made  this  country  a 
safe  asylum  for  Christians  who  were  perse- 
cuted in  their  own.  The  truth  they  brought 
with  them  was  joyfully  welcomed  by  num- 
5 


bers. — It  is  the  country  which  in  our  times  has 
the  fewest  confessors  of  the  Gospel. 

The  flame  of  Reformation,  which  had  long 
flickered  in  Bohemia,  had  almost  been  extin- 
guished in  blood.  Nevertheless  some  poor 
survivors,  escaped  from  the  carnage,  were  still 
living  to  see  the  day  that  Huss  had  predicted. 

Hungary  had  been  distracted  by  intestine 
wars,  under  the  rule  of  princes  without  ability 
or  experience,  who,  in  the  result,  made  the 
country  a  dependency  of  Austria,  by  enrolling 
that  powerful  house  among  the  heirs  of  the 
crown. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Europe  at  the 
beginning  of  that  sixteenth  century,  which 
was  destined  to  produce  so  mighty  a  change 
in  the  great  Christian  family. 

But  we  have  already  observed,  it  was  on 
the  vast  platform  of  Germany,  and  more  par- 
ticularly in  Wittemberg,  in  the  heart  of  the 
Empire,  that  the  grand  drama  of  the  Reforma- 
tion was  to  commence. 

Let  us  contemplate  the  actors  in  the  pro- 
logue which  ushered  in,  or  contributed  to  the 
work  of  which  Luther  was  appointed  to  be  in 
God's  hands  the  hero. 

Of  all  the  electors  of  the  Empire  the  most 
powerful  at  that  time  was  Frederick  of  Saxony, 
surnamed  the  Wise.  The  influence  he  exer- 
cised, joined  to  his  wealth  and  generosity, 
raised  him  above  his  equals.49  God  selected 
him  to  serve  as  a  tree,  under  shadow  of  which 
the  seed  of  truth  might  put  forth  its  first  shoot 
without  being  rooted  up  by  the  tempests 
around  it. 

Born  at  Torgua  in  1463,  he  manifested  from 
his  early  youth  much  love  for  science,  philoso- 
phy, and  piety.  Succeeding,  in  1487,  in  con- 
junction with  his  brother  John,  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  hereditary  states  of  his  family,  he 
received  the  dignity  of  Elector  from  the  Em- 
peror Frederick  III.  In  1493,  the  pious  prince 
undertook  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 
Henry  of  Schaumburg  on  that  sacred  spot  con- 
ferred upon  him  the  order  of  the  Holy  Sepul- 
chre. He  returned  to  Saxony  in  the  follow- 
ing summer.  In  1502  he  founded  the  univer- 
sity of  Wittemberg,  which  was  destined  to  be 
the  nursery  of  the  Reformation. 

When  the  light  dawned,  he  did  not  commit 
himself  on  either  side,  but  stood  by  to  secure 
it.  No  man  was  fitter  for  this  office ;  he  pos- 
sessed the  general  esteem,  and  was  in  the  in- 
timate confidence  of  the  Emperor.  He  even 
acted  for  him  in  his  absence.  His  wisdom 
consisted  not  in  the  skilful  working  of  deep 
laid  policy,  but  in  an  enlightened  and  prescient 
prudence,  of  which  the  first  law  was  never  for 
the  sake  of  any  self-interest  to  infringe  the 
rules  of  honour  and  religion. 

At  the  same  time  he  felt  in  his  heart  the 
power  of  the  word  of  God.  One  day,  when 
the  Vicar-General,  Staupitz,  was  in  his  com- 
pany, the  conversation  turned  on  public  de- 
claimers :  "All  sermons,"  said  the  Elector, 
"made  up  of  mere  subtleties  and  human  tra- 
ditions, are  marvellously  cold,  without  nerve 
or  power,  since  there  is  no  subtlety  we  can 
advance  that  may  not  by  another  subtlety  be 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


overturned.  Holy  Scripture  alone  is  clothed 
with  such  power  and  majesty  that  shaming  us 
out  of  our  rules  of  reasoning,  it  compels  us  to 
cry  out  *  Never  man  spake  as  this.'  "  Staupitz 
assenting  entirely  to  his  opinion,  the  Elector 
cordially  extended  his  hand  to  him,  and  said, 
*'  Promise  me  that  you  will  always  think  thus."50 
•  Frederic  was  precisely  the  prince  that  was 
needed  for  the  cradle  of  the  Reformation.  Too 
much  weakness  on  the  part  of  those  friendly 
to  the  work  might  have  allowed  it  to  be  crush- 
ed. Too  much  haste  would  have  caused  too 
early  an  explosion  of  the  storm  that  from  its 
origin  gathered  against  it.  Frederic  was  mo- 
derate but  firm;  he  possessed  that  Christian 
grace  which  God  has  in  all  times  required 
from  his  worshippers;  he  waited  for  God.  He 
put  in  practice  the  wise  counsel  of  Gamaliel — 
"If  this  work  be  of  man  it  will  come  to 
naught; — if  it  be  of  God  we  cannot  overthrow 
it."  "Things  are  come  to  such  a  pass,"  said 
the  prince  to  one  of  the  most  enlightened  men 
of  his  time,  Spengler  of  Nuremberg,  "  that 
men  can  do  no  more : — God  alone  can  effect 
anything;  therefore  we  must  leave  to  his  power 
those  great  events  which  are  too  hard  for  us." 
We  may  well  admire  the  wisdom  of  Provi- 
dence in  the  choice  of  such  a  prince  to  guard 
the  small  beginnings  of  its  work. 

Maximilian  I.,  who  wore  the  Imperial  crown 
from  1493  to  1519,  may  be  reckoned  among 
those  who  contributed  to  prepare  the  way  of 
the  Reformation.  He  afforded  to  the  other 
princes  the  example  of  enthusiasm  for  litera- 
ture and  science.  He  was  less  attached  than 
any  other  to  the  Popes,  and  had  even  thoughts 
of  seizing  on  the  Papacy.  No  one  can  say 
what  it  might  have  become  in  his  hands;  but 
we  may  be  allowed  to  imagine  from  this  cir- 
cumstance, that  a  rival  power  to  the  Pope, 
such  as  the  Reformation,  would  not  have 
reckoned  the  Emperor  of  Germany  among  its 
fiercest  opponents. 

Among  even  the  princes  of  the  Romish 
Church  were  found  venerable  men,  whom  sa- 
cred study  and  sincere  piety  had  prepared  for 
the  divine  work  about  to  be  wrought  in  the 
world.  Christopher  of  Stadion,  bishop  of 
Augsburg,  knew  and  loved  the  truth ;  but  he' 
would  have  had  to  sacrifice  all  by  a  coura- 
geous confession  of  it.  Laurentius  de  Biba, 
bishop  of  Wurtzburg,  a  kind,  pious,  and  wise 
man,  and  esteemed  by  the  Emperor  and  princes, 
was  accustomed  to  speak  openly  against  the 
corruption  of  the  Church.  But  he  died  in 
1519,  too  early  to  take  part  in  the  Reforma- 
tion. John  VI.,  bishop  of  Meissen,  was  used 
to  say,  "As  often  as  I  read  the  Bible,  I  find 
there  a  different  religion  from  that  which  is 
taught  to  us."  John  Thurzo,  bishop  of  Breslau, 
was  called  by  Luther  the  best  bishop  of  the 
age.51  But  he,  too,  died  in  1520.  William 
Brie,  onnet,  bishop  of  Meaux,  contributed  large- 
ly to  introduce  the  Reformation  in  France. 
Who  indeed  can  say  to  what  extent  the  en- 
lightened piety  of  these  bishops  and  of  many 
others,  was  of  use  in  preparing,  each  in  his 
diocese,  and  beyond  it,  the  great  work  of  the 
Reformation  ? 


But  it  was  reserved  to  men  of  lower  station 
than  these  princes  or  bishops  to  become  the 
chief  instruments  of  God's  providence  in  the 
work  of  preparation.  It  was  the  scholars  and 
the  learned,  then  termed  humanists,  who  ex 
ercised  the  greatest  influence  on  their  age. 

There  existed  at  that  time  open  war  be- 
tween these  disciples  of  letters  and  the  scho- 
lastic divines.  The  latter  beheld  with  alarm 
the  great  movements  going  on  in  the  field  of 
intelligence,  and  took  up  with  the  notion  that 
immobility  and  ignorance  would  be  the  best 
safeguards  of  the  Church.  It  was  to  save  Rome 
that  divines  opposed  the  revival  of  letters  ;  but 
by  so  doing  they  in  reality  contributed  to  her 
ruin,  and  Rome  herself  unconsciously  co- 
operated in  it.  In  an  unguarded  moment, 
under  the  pontificate  of  Leo  X.,  she  forsook 
her  old  friends,  and  embraced  her  youthful  ad- 
versaries. The  Papacy  formed  with  literature 
a  union  which  seemed  likely  to  break  the  old 
alliance  with  the  monastic  orders.  The  Popes 
did  not  at  first  perceive  that  what  they  had 
taken  up  as  a  toy  was  in  reality  a  sword  that 
might  destroy  them.  Thus  in  the  last  century 
we  beheld  princes  who  received  at  their  courts 
a  tone  of  politics  and  a  philosophy  which,  if 
they  had  experienced  their  full  effect,  would 
have  overturned  their  thrones.  The  alliance 
of  which  we  have  spoken  did  not  last  long. 
Literature  advanced,  entirely  regardless  of 
that  which  might  endanger  the  power  of  its 
patrons.  The  monks  and  the  scholastic  di- 
vines perceived  that  to  forsake  the  Pope  would 
be  to  abandon  their  own  interests.  And  the 
Pope,  notwithstanding  the  transient  patronage 
which  he  bestowed  upon  the  fine  arts,  adopted, 
when  it  suited  his  interest,  measures  most 
opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  time. 

The  revival  of  letters  presented  at  that  time 
an  animating  spectacle.  Let  us  sketch  some 
lines  of  this  picture,  selecting  such  as  have 
the  closest  connexion  with  the  revival  of  the 
true  faith. 

In  order  that  the  truth  might  triumph,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  arms  that  were  to  achieve 
the  victory  should  be  taken  from  the  arsenal 
in  which  for  ages  they  had  lain  hidden.  These 
weapons  were  the  Holy  Scriptures  of  the  Old 
and  New  Testament.  It  was  necessary  to 
revive  in  Christendom  the  love  and  study  of 
the  sacred  Greek  and  Hebrew  texts.  The 
man  chosen  by  God  for  this  work  was  John 
Reuchlin. 

A  very  sweet  toned  child's  voice  had  been 
noticed  in  the  choir  of  the  church  of  Pforzheim. 
It  attracted  the  attention  of  the  Margrave  of 
Baden.  It  proved  to  be  that  of  John  Reuchlin, 
a  young  boy,  of  pleasing  manners  and  of  a 
sprightly  disposition,  the  son  of  an  honest  ci- 
tizen of  the  place.  The  Margrave  treated  him 
with  great  favour,  and  made  choice  of  him  in 
1473  to  accompany  his  son  Frederick  to  the 
University  of  Paris. 

The  son  of  the  bailiff  of  Pforzheim  in  trans- 
ports of  joy  arrived  in  company  with  the 
prince  at  this  most  celebrated  school  of  the 
West.  He  there  found  the  Spartan  Hermo- 
nymos,  and  John  Weissel,  surnamed  the  Light 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


29 


of  the  World,  and  he  had  now  an  opportunity 
of  studying,  under  the  most  able  masters,  the 
Greek  and  Hebrew,  of  which  there  was  at 
that  time  no  professor  in  Germany,  and  which 
he  himself  was  destined  one  day  to  restore  in 
the  land  of  the  Reformation.  The  young  and 
indigent  German  transcribed  for  rich  students 
the  verses  of  Homer,  and  the  orations  of 
Isocrates,  and  thus  earned  the  means  of  prose- 
<  uting  his  studies,  and  purchasing  books. 

But  he  heard  other  things  from  Weissel 
which  made  a  powerful  impression  on  his 
mind.  "The  Popes  may  be  deceived,"  said 
Weissel.  "  All  satisfaction  made  by  men  is 
blasphemy  against  Christ,  who  has  com- 
pletely reconciled  and  justified  mankind.  To 
God  alone  belongs  the  power  of  giving  com- 
plete absolution.  It  is  not  necessary  to  con- 
fess our  sins  to  the  priests.  There  is  no 
purgatory,  unless  it  be  God  himself,  who  is  a 
consuming  fire,  and  purifies  from  all  pollu- 
tion." 

When  Reuchlin  was  hardly  twenty,  he 
taught  philosophy  and  Greek  and  Latin  at 
Bale,  and  it  was  then  accounted  almost  a 
miracle  that  a  German  should  speak  Greek. 

The  partisans  of  Rome  began  to  be  uneasy 
when  they  saw  men  of  independent  character 
searching  into  these  ancient  treasures.  "  The 
Romans  make  a  wry  face,"  said  Reuchlin, 
"  and  clamorously  assert  that  all  such  literary 
labours  are  contrary  to  Roman  piety,  since 
the  Greeks  are  schismatics.  Oh  !  what  pains 
and  patience  are  needed  to  restore  wisdom  and 
learning  to  Germany !" 

Soon  after,  Eberhard  of  Wiirtemberg  in- 
vited Reuchlin  to  Tubingen,  to  adorn  that 
rising  university;  and  in  1487  he  took  him 
into  Italy.  Chalco-ndylas,  Aurispa,  John 
Picus  of  Mirandola,  were  his  friends  and 
companions  at  Florence.  And  at  Rome,  when 
Eberhard  had  a  solemn  audience  of  the  Pope, 
surrounded  by  his  cardinals,  Reuchlin  pro- 
nounced an  address  in  such  pure  and  elegant 
Latin,  that  the  assembly,  who  expected  no- 
thing of  that  kind  from  a  barbarous  German, 
were  in  the  utmost  astonishment,  and  the 
Pope  exclaimed,  "  Certainly  this  man  de- 
serves to  be  ranked  with  the  best  orators  of 
France  and  Italy." 

Ten  years  after,  Reuchlin  was  obliged  to 
take  refuge  at  Heidelberg,  at  the  court  of  the 
Elector  Philip,  to  escape  the  vengeance  of  the 
successor  of  Eberhard.  Philip,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  John  of  Dalberg,  bishop  of  Worms, 
his  friend  and  chancellor,  endeavoured  to  dif- 
fuse the  light  that  was  beginning  to  dawn  in 
all  parts  of  Germany.  Dalberg  had  formed  a 
library,  which  was  open  to  all  the  studious. 
Reuchlin  made  in  this  new  field,  great  efforts 
to  enlighten  and  civilize  the  people. 

Being  sent  to  Rome  by  the  Elector  in  1498, 
on  an  important  mission,  he  employed  the 
time  and  money  he  could  command,  either  in 
improving  himself  in  the  Hebrew,  under  the 
instruction  of  the  learned  Jew,  Abdias  Sphorna, 
or  in  purchasing  whatever  Hebrew  and  Greek 
manuscripts  he  could  meet  with,  intending  to 
use  them  as  torches,  to  diffuse  in  his  own 


country  the  light  which  was  beginning  to  ap- 
pear. 

An  illustrious  Greek,  Argyropylos,  was  ex 
plaining  in  that  metropolis,  to  a  numerous 
auditory,  the  wonderful  progress  his  nation 
had  formerly  made  in  literature.  The  learned 
ambassador  went  with  his  suite  to  the  room 
where  the  master  was  teaching,  and  on  his 
entrance  saluted  him,  and  lamented  the  misery 
of  Greece,  then  languishing  under  Turkish 
despotism.  The  astonished  Greek  asked  the 
German :  "  Whence  come  you,  and  do  you 
understand  Greek  ]"  Reuchlin  replied  :  "  I 
am  a  German,  and  am  not  quite  ignorant  of 
your  language."  At  the  request  of  Argyro- 
pylos, he  read  and  explained  a  passage  of 
Thueydides,  which  the  professor  happened  to 
have  before  him ;  upon  which  Argyropylos 
cried  out  in  grief  and  astonishment,  "  Alas ! 
alas !  Greece,  cast  out  and  fugitive,  is  gone  to 
hide  herself  beyond  the  Alps." 

It  was  thus  that  the  sons  of  barbarous  Ger- 
many and  those  of  ancient  Greece  met  together 
in  the  palaces  of  Rome  ;  thus  it  was  that  the 
East  and  the  West  gave  each  other  the  right 
hand  of  fellowship  in  this  rendezvous  of  the 
world,  and  that  the  former  poured  into  the 
hands  of  the  latter  those  intellectual  treasures 
which  it  had  carried  off  in  its  escape  from  the 
barbarism  of  the  Turks.  God,  when  his  plans 
require  it,  brings  together  in  an  instant,  by 
some  unlocked  for  catastrophe,  those  who 
seemed  forever  removed  from  each  other. 

On  his  return  to  Germany,  Reuchlin  was 
again  permitted  to  take  up  his  abode  at  Wiir- 
temberg. It  was  at  this  time  that  he  entered 
upon  tne  labours  that  were  most  useful  to 
Luther  and  to  the  Reformation.  He  trans- 
lated and  expounded  the  Penitential  Psalms, 
revised  the  Vulgate,  and  especially  distin- 
guished himself,  by  the  publication  of  the 
first  Hebrew  and  German  Grammar  and  Dic- 
tionary. Reuchlin,  by  this  labour,  took  off 
the  seals  from  the  ancient  Scriptures,  and 
made  himself  a  name  more  enduring  than 
brass. 

But  it  was  not  alone  by  his  writings,  but 
also  by  his  life,  that  Reuchlin  sought  to  pro- 
mote the  cause  of  truth.  He  had  great  influ- 
ence over  the  minds  of  youth,  and  who  can 
estimate  how  much  the  reformation  owes  to 
him  on  that  account?  We  will  mention  but 
one  example.  A  young  man,  a  cousin  of  his, 
the  son  of  an  artisan,  famous  as  a  manufac- 
turer of  arms,  whose  name  was  Schwarzerd, 
came  to  lodge  with  his  sister  Elizabeth,  for 
the  purpose  of  studying  under  his  direction. 
Reuchlin,  delighted  with  the  talents  and  dili- 
gence of  his  young  pupil,  adopted  him,  and 
spared  neither  advice,  presents  of  books,  ex- 
ample, nor  any  thing  else  that  was  likely  to 
make  his  relation  useful  to  the  Church  and  to 
his  country.  He  rejoiced  in  seeing  his  work 
prosper  in  his  hands;  and  thinking  his  Ger- 
man name  Schwarzerd  too  harsh,  he  trans- 
lated it  into  Greek,  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  time,  and  called  the  young  student 
Mtlandhon.  This  was  the  illustrious  friend 
of  Luther. 


30 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


Soon  after,  the  amiable  Reuchlin  was  in- 
volved, much  against  his  inclination,  in  a 
violent  contest,  which  was  one  of  the  preludes 
of  the  Reformation. 

There  was  at  Cologne  a  baptised  Jew, 
named  Pfefferkorn,  intimately  connected  with 
the  inquisitor  Hochstraten.  This  man  and 
the  Dominicans  solicited  and  obtained  from 
the  Emperor  Maximilian,  probably  with  no 
bad  motives,  an  order,  requiring  the  Jews  to 
bring  all  their  Hebrew  books  (the  Bible  ex- 
cepted)  to  the  town-hall  of  the  city  in  which 
they  resided,  there  to  be  publicly  burnt.  The 
reason  alleged  was,  that  they  were  full  of 
blasphemies  against  Jesus.  It  must  be  con- 
fessed, that  they  were  at  least  full  of  absurdi- 
ties, and  that  the  Jews  themselves  would  not 
have  lost  much  by  the  proposed  measure. 
However,  they  did  not  think  so;  and  no 
power  could  rightly  deprive  them  of  works 
which  were,  in  their  estimation,  of  great 
value.  Add  to  which,  the  Dominicans  might 
be  influenced  by  other  motives  than  zeal  for 
the  Gospel.  It  is  probable  that  they  expected, 
by  this  means,  to  extort  considerable  ransoms 
from  the  Jews. 

The  Emperor  asked  Reuchlin  to  give  his 
opinion  of  these  works.  The  learned  doctor 
pointed  out  the  books  that  were  written 
against  Christianity,  leaving  them  to  the  fate 
they  deserved;  but  he  tried  to  save  the  rest : 
'*  The  best  way  to  convert  the  Jews,"  he 
added,  "would  be  to  establish  in  each  uni- 
versity two  masters  of  the  Hebrew  language, 
who  should  teach  divines  to  read  the  Bible  in 
Hebrew,  and  thus  refute  the  Jewish  doctors." 
The  Jews,  in  consequence  of  this  advice,  had 
their  writings  restored  to  them. 

The  proselyte  and  the  inquisitor,  like  ravens 
"who  see  their  prey  escaping,  uttered  cries  of 
rage  and  fury.  They  picked  out  different 
passages  from  the  writings  of  Reuchlin,  per- 
verted the  sense,  declared  the  author  a  he- 
retic, accused  him  of  being  secretly  inclined 
to  Judaism,  and  threatened  him  with  the  in- 
quisition. Reuchlin  was  at  first  alarmed,  but 
these  men  becoming  more  insolent,  and  pre- 
scribing to  him  disgraceful  conditions  of  peace, 
he  published,  in  1513,  a  "  Defence  against  his 
Slanderers  at  Cologne,"  in  which  he  described 
the  whole  party  in  the  liveliest  colours. 

The  Dominicans  vowed  vengeance.  Hoch- 
straten erected,  at  Mayence,  a  tribunal  against 
Reuchlin.  The  writings  of  this  learned  man 
were  condemned  to  the  flames.  Reuchlin 
appealed  to  Pope  Leo  X.  This  Pope,  who 
did  not  much  like  those  narrow-minded  and 
fanatical  monks,  referred  the  whole  affair  to 
the  Bishop  of  Spires;  the  latter  declared 
Reuchlin  innocent,  and  condemned  the  monks 
to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  investigation. 

This  affair  was  of  great  importance,  and 
made  much  noise  in  Germany.  It  exhibited 
in  the  most  revolting  publicity,  the  very  large 
class  of  monkish  theologians;  it  drew  to- 
gether in  closer  alliance  all  the  friends  of 
learning — then  called  Reuchlinists,  from  the 
name  of  their  distinguished  head.  This  strug- 
gle was  like  an  affair  of  advanced  posts, 


which  influenced  in  a  considerable  degree  the 
great  contest  which  the  heroic  courage  of  Lu- 
ther afterwards  waged  with  error. 

This  union  of  letters  with  the  faith  is  an 
important  feature  of  the  Reformation,  and 
serves  to  distinguish  it  both  from  the  esta- 
blishment of  Christianity, and  from  the  revival 
in  religion  taking  place  in  our  own  days. 
The  Christians,  in  the  Apostles'  time,  had 
against  them  the  intellectual  cultivation  of 
the  age;  and,  with  some  exceptions,  it  is  the 
same  at  this  day.  But  the  majority  of  men 
of  letters  were  ranged  on  the  side  of  the  Re- 
formers. Even  general  opinion  was  favour- 
able to  them.  The  work  gained  in  extension : 
perhaps  it  lost  in  depth ! 

Luther,  acknowledging  all  that  Reuchlin 
had  done,  wrote  to  him  shortly  after  his  vic- 
tory over  the  Dominicans:  "The  Lord  has 
wrought  in  you,  that  the  light  of  his  holy 
word  may  again  shine  forth  in  Germany, 
where,  for  so  many  ages,  it  has  been,  alas ! 
not  only  stifled,  but  extinct."52 

Reuchlin  was  about  twelve  years  old  when 
one  of  the  greatest  geniuses  of  the  age  was 
born,  A  man,  full  of  vivacity  and  wit,  named 
Gerard,  a  native  of  Gouda,  in  the  Low 
Countries,  had  formed  an  attachment  to  the 
daughter  of  a  physician,  named  Margaret. 
The  principles  of  the  Gospel  did  not  govern 
his  life ;  or,  to  say  the  least,  his  passion  si- 
lenced them.  His  parents,  and  nine  brothers, 
urged  him  to  enter  into  the  Church.  He  fled, 
leaving  Margaret  on  the  point  of  becoming  a 
mother,  and  repaired  to  Rome.  The  shame- 
struck  Margaret  gave  birth  to  a  son.  Gerard 
heard  nothing  of  it ;  and,  some  time  after- 
wards, he  received  from  his  parents  intelli- 
gence, that  she  he  loved  was  no  more.  Over- 
whelmed with  grief,  he  took  priest's  orders, 
and  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  God. 
He  returned  to  Holland;  and,  lo!  Margaret 
was  still  living,  she  would  never  marry  an- 
other ;  and  Gerard  remained  faithful  to  his 
priest's  vows.  Their  affection  was  concen- 
trated on  their  infant  son.  His  mother  had 
taken  the  tenderest  care  of  him.  The  father, 
after  his  return,  sent  him  to  school,  when  he 
was  only  four  years  old.  He  was  not  yet 
thirteen,  when  his  master,  Sinthemius  of  De- 
venter,  embracing  him  one  day  in  great  joy, 
exclaimed :  "  That  child  will  attain  the  high- 
est summits  of  learning."  This  was  Eras- 
mus of  Rotterdam. 

About  this  time  his  mother  died ;  and  shortly 
after  his  father,  from  grief,  followed  her. 

The  young  Erasmus,*  alone  in  the  world, 
felt  the  strongest  aversion  to  the  monastic  life, 
which  his  tutors  would  have  constrained  him 
to  embrace.  At  last,  a  friend  persuaded  him 
to  enter  himself  in  a  convent  of  regular  ca- 
nons; which  might  be  done  without  taking 
orders.  Soon  after,  we  find  him  at  the  court 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Cambray ;  and,  a  little 
"ater,  at  the  university  of  Paris.  There  he 


*  He  was  named  Gerhard  after  his  father.  He 
ranslated  this  Dutch  name  into  Latin,  (Deside- 
ius,)  and  into  Greek  (Erasmus.) 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION; 


31 


pursued  his  studies  in  the  greatest  poverty, 
but  with  the  most  indefatigable  perseverance. 
Whenever  he  could  obtain  any  money,  he 
employed  it  in  the  purchase  of  Greek  authors, 
— and  then,  of  clothes.  Often  the  poor  Hol- 
lander solicited  in  vain  the  generosity  of  his 
protectors :  hence,  in  after  life,  it  was  his 
greatest  satisfaction  to  contribute  to  the  sup- 
port of  young  and  poor  students.  Devoted 
incessantly  to  the  investigation  of  truth  and 
learning,  he  yet  shrunk  from  the  study  of 
theology,  from  a  fear  lest  he  should  discover 
therein  any  error,  and  so  be  denounced  as  a 
heretic. 

The  habits  of  application  which  he  formed, 
at  this  period,  continued  to  distinguish  him 
through  life.  Even  in  his  journeys,  which 
were  generally  on  horseback,  he  was  not  idle. 
He  was  accustomed  to  compose  on  the  high 
road,  or  travelling  across  the  country,  and,  on 
arriving  at  an  inn,  to  note  down  his  thoughts. 
It  is  in  this  way  that  he  composed  his  cele- 
brated "Praise  of  Folly]™ during  a  journey 
from  Italy  to  England. 

Erasmus  very  early  acquired  a  high  reputa- 
tion among  scholars. 

But  the  monks,  irritated  by  his  "  Praise  of 
Folly,"  in  which  he  had  turned  them  to  ridi- 
cule, vowed  vengeance  against  him.  Courted 
by  princes,  he  constantly  excused  himself  from 
their  invitations ;  preferring  to  gain  his  lively- 
hood  with  Frobenius  the  printer,  by  correcting 
his  proofs,  to  a  life  of  luxury  and  favour  in 
the  splendid  courts  of  Charles  V.,  of  Henry 
VIII.,  and  Francis  I. ;  or  even  to  encircling 
his  head  with  the  cardinal's  hat,  which  was 
offered  to  him.54 

From  1509  he  taught  at  Oxford.  In  1516 
he  came  to  Bale,  and  in  1521  fixed  his  abode 
there. 

What  was  his  influence  on  the  Reforma- 
tion? 

It  has  been  too  much  exalted  by  some,  and 
too  much  depreciated  by  others.  Erasmus 
never  was,  and  never  could  have  become,  a 
Reformer ;  but  he  prepared  the  way  for  others. 
Not  only  did  he  in  his  time  diffuse  a  love  of 
learning  and  a  spirit  of  inquiry  and  discussion, 
which  led  much  farther  than  he  himself  would 
follow,  but,  in  addition  to  this,  he  was  able, 
sheltered  by  the  protection  of  great  prelates 
and  powerful  princes,  to  unveil  and  combat 
the  vices  of  .the  Church  by  the  most  pungent 
satires. 

He  did  more;  not  satisfied  with  attacking 
abuses,  Erasmus  laboured  to  recall  divines 
from  the  scholastic  theology  to  the  study  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures.  "The  highest  use  of 
the  revival  of  philosophy,"  said  he,  "  will  be 
to  discover  in  the  Bible  the  pure  and  simple 
Christianity."  A  noble  saying!  and  would 
to  God  that  the  organs  of  the  philosophy  of 
our  days  understood  as  well  their  proper  duty, 
"lam  firmly  resolved,"  said  he  again,  "to 
die  in  the  study  of  the  Scripture.  In  that  is 
my  joy  and  my  peace."55  "  The  sum  of  all 
Christian  philosophy,"  says  he  in  another 
place,  "is  reduced  to  this: — to  place  all  our 
nope  in  God,  who,  without  our  deserts,  by 


grace,  gives  us  all  things  by  Jesus  Christ;  to 
know  that  we  are  redeemed  by  the  death  of 
his  Son  ;  to  die  to  the  lusts  of  the  world  ;  and 
to  walk  conformably  to  his  doctrine  and  ex- 
ample ;  not  merely  without  doing  wrong  to 
any,  but  doing  good  to  all;  to  bear  with 
patience  our  trial  in  the  hope  of  a  future  re- 
compense ;  and  finally  to  ascribe  no  honour 
to  ourselves  on  the  score  of  our  virtues,  but 
to  render  praise  to  God  for  all  our  strength 
and  works.  And  it  is  with  this  that  man 
must  be  imbued  until  it  becomes  to  him  a  se 
cond  nature."56 

But  Erasmus  was  not  content  with  making 
so  open  a  confession  of  the  evangelic  doctrine ; 
his  labours  did  more  than  his  words.  Above 
all,  he  rendered  a  most  important  service  to  the 
truth  by  publishing  his  New  Testament ;  the 
first,  and  for  a  long  time,  the  only  critical  edi 
tion.  It  appeared  at  Bale  in  1516,  the  year 
previous  to  the  usual  date  of  the  Reformation. 
He  accompanied  it  with  a  Latin  translation, 
wherein  he  boldly  corrected  the  Vulgate,  and 
with  notes,  defending  his  corrections.  Thus 
Erasmus  did  that  for  the  New  Testament 
which  Reuchlin  had  done  for  the  Old. 

Divines  and  learned  men  might  thus  read 
the  word  of  God  in  the  original  language; 
and  at  a  later  period  they  were  enabled  to  re- 
cognise the  purity  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Re- 
formers. "  Would  to  God,"  said  Erasmus, 
in  sending  forth  this  work,  "would  to  God  it 
might  bear  as  much  fruit  for  Christianity  as  it 
has  cost  me  labour  and  application."  His 
wish  was  realized.  In  vain  did  the  monks 
clamour  against  it.  "  He  pretends  to  correct 
the  Holy  Ghost!"  said  they.  The  New 
Testament  of  Erasmus  shed  a  brilliant  light. 
This  great  man  also  diffused  a  taste  for  the 
word  of  God  by  his  paraphrases  of  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans.  The  effect  of  his  studies 
went  beyond  his  own  intentions  :  Reuchlin 
and  Erasmus  gave  the  Scriptures  to  the 
learned; — Luther,  to  the  people. 

Erasmus  served  as  a  stepping-stone  to  seve- 
ral others.  Many  who  would  have  taken  alarm 
at  evangelical  truths  brought  forward  in  all 
their  energy  and  purity,  suffered  themselves 
to  be  drawn  on  by  him,  and  became  after- 
wards the  most  zealous  actors  in  the  Refor- 
mation. 

But  the  very  causes  that  made  him  a  fit  in- 
strument to  prepare  this  great  work,  disquali- 
fied him  for  accomplishing  it.  "  Erasmus 
knows  very  well  how  to  expose  error,"  said 
Luther,  "  but  he  does  not  know  how  to  teach 
the  truth."  The  Gospel  of  Christ  was  not  the 
fire  that  kindled  and  sustained  his  life,  the 
centre  around  which  his  activity  revolved.  In 
him  Christianity  was  second  to  learning.  He 
was  too  much  influenced  by  vanity  to  acquire 
a  decided  influence  over  his  contemporaries. 
He  carefully  weighed  the  effect  that  each 
step  might  have  upon  his  own  reputation. 
There  was  nothing  that  he  liked  better  to  talk 
about  than  himself  and  his  own  glory.  "The 
Pope,"  he  wrote  to  an  intimate  friend,  with  a 
childish  vanity,  at  the  period  when  he  declared 
himself  the  adversary  of  Luther,  "  the  Pope 
D 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


has  sent  me  a  diploma  fall  of  good-will  and 
honourable  testimonials.  His  secretary  de- 
clares that  it  is  an  unprecedented  honour,  and 
that  the  Pope  himself  dictated  it  word  for 
word." 

Erasmus  and  Luther  are  the  representatives 
of  two  great  ideas  relative  to  a  Reformation,  — 
of  two  great  parties  in  their  age,  and  in  all 
ages.  The  one  class  are  men  of  a  timid  pru- 
dence ;  the  other  those  of  active  courage  and 
resolution.  These  two  great  bodies  of  men 
existed  at  this  period,  and  they  were  personified 
in  these  two  illustrious  heads.  The  former 
thought  that  the  cultivation  of  theological 
science  would  lead  gradually  and  without 
violence  to  the  Reformation  of  the  Church. 
The  more  energetic  class  thought  that  the 
spread  of  more  correct,  ideas  amongst  the  learn- 
ed would  not  put  an  end  to  the  gross  supersti- 
tions of  the  people,  and  that  to  reform  such  or 
such  an  abuse  was  of  little  importance,  so  long 
as  the  life  of  the  church  was  not  thoroughly 
renovated. 

57"  A  disadvantageous  peace,"  said  Erasmus, 
"  is  better  than  the  most  just  war."  He  thought, 
-^(and  how  many  Erasmuses  have  lived  since 
that  time,  and  are  still  living)  he  thought  that 
a  Reformation  which  should  shake  the  Church 
would  risk  the  overturning  it  ;  he  foresaw  with 
terror  passions  excited,  evil  mingling  every- 
where with  the  little  good  that  might  be  done  ; 
existing  institutions  destroyed  without  others 
being  substituted  in  their  stead,  and  the  vessel 
of  the  Church,  letting  in  water  on  every  side, 
engulphed  at  last  in  the  raging  billows. 
"They  who  let  in  the  ocean  to  new  beds," 
said  he,  "are  often  deceived  in  the  result  of 
their  toil  :  for  the  mighty  element  once  ad- 
mitted, stops  not  where  they  would  have  it 
stayed,  but  overflows  where  it  will,  spreading 
devastation  around."68 

But  the  more  courageous  party  was  not  at  a 
loss  for  an  answer.  History  had  sufficiently 
proved  that  a  candid  exhibition  of  the  truth, 
and  a  decided  war  against  imposture,  could 
alone  ensure  the  victory.  If  they  had  used 
caution  and  political  artifice,  the  Papal  court 
would  have  extinguished  the  light  in  its  first 
glimmerings.  Had  not  gentler  means  been 
tried  for  ages]  Had  they  not  seen  Council 
after  Council  convoked  with  the  intention  of 
reforming  the  Church  ?  All  had  been  in  vain. 
Why  again  try  an  experiment  that  had  so  often 


Undoubtedly  a  thorough  Reformation  was 
not  to  be  effected  without  violence.  But  when 
has  anything  great  or  good  appeared  amongst 
men  without  causing  some  disturbance? 
Would  not  the  fear  of  seeing  evil  mingling 
with  good,  if  it  were  allowed,  put  a  stop  to 
the  very  noblest  and  holiest  undertakings'? 
We  must  not  fear  the  evil  that  may  arise  from 
general  disturbance,  but  we  must  strengthen 
ourselves  to  resist  and  overcome  it. 

Is  there  not,  moreover,  a  marked  difference 
between  the  agitation  which  arises  from  hu- 
man passions,  and  that  which  is  wrought  by 
the  Spirit  of  God1?  The  former  loosens  the 
bonds  of  society,  but  the  latter  strengthens 


them.  How  erroneous  was  it  to  suppose, 
with  Erasmus,  that  in  the  state  in  which 
Christianity  then  was,  with  that  mixture  of 
opposing  elements,  of  truth  and  error,  of  life 
and  death,  a  violent  convulsion  could  possibly 
be  avoided.  Close  if  you  can,  the  crater  of 
Vesuvius  when  the  contending  elements  are 
already  agitating  its  bosom !  The  middle  ages 
had  witnessed  more  than  one  violent  commo- 
tion, with  an  atmosphere  less  stormy  than  that 
existing  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation.  We 
must  not  at  such  a  moment  think  of  arresting 
and  repressing,  but  rather  of  directing  and 
guiding. 

If  the  Reformation  had  not  broke  forth,  who 
can  estimate  the  ruin  that  would  have  en- 
sued 1  Society  a  prey  to  a  thousand  destruc- 
tive elements,  without  any  regenerating  or 
preserving  principles,  would  have  been  fright- 
fully subverted.  Certainly,  a  Reformation 
such  as  Erasmus  contemplated,  and  such  as 
many  moderate  but  timid  men  of  our  times 
still  dream  of,  would  have  overturned  Chris- 
tian society.  The  people,  deprived  of  the 
light  and  piety  which  a  true  Reformation 
brought  down  even  to  the  lowest  ranks,  aban- 
doned to  violent  passion  and  a  restless  spirit 
of  revolt,  would  have  burst  the  chain  like  an 
enraged  animal  roused  by  provocation  to  un- 
controllable fury. 

The  Reformation  was  nothing  less  than  the 
coming  in  of  the  Spirit  of  God  among  men,  a 
regulating  principle,  placed  by  God  upon  the 
earth.  It  might,  it  is  true,  move  the  elements 
of  ferment  which  are  hidden  in  the  human 
heart,  but  God  triumphed  over  all.  The  evan- 
gelical doctrine,  the  truth  of  God,  penetrating 
among  the  mass  of  the  people,  destroyed  what 
was  destined  to  be  destroyed, — but  every- 
where strengthened  what  was  to  be  maintain- 
ed. The  effect  of  the  Reformation  was  to 
build  up.  Only  prejudice  could  say  that  it 
lowered.  And  it  has  been  justly  observed 
that  the  ploughshare  might  as  well  be  accused 
of  injuring  the  earth  it  breaks  up  only  to  pre- 
pare it  for  fruitful  ness. 

The  great  maxim  of  Erasmus  was,  "  Give 
light,  and  the  darkness  will  disperse  of  itself." 
The  principle  is  good  ;  Luther  acted  upon  it. 
But  when  the  enemies  of  the  light  attempted 
to  extinguish  it,  or  to  snatch  the  torch  from 
him  who  bore  it,  was  it  fit  that,  from  a  love  of 
peace,  they  should  be  suffered  to  do  so  ?  Was 
it  not  a  duty  to  resist  the  wicked  1 

Erasmus  was  deficient  in  courage.  But 
courage  is  as  necessary  to  effect  a  reformation 
as  to  capture  a  city.  There  was  much  timi- 
dity in  his  character.  From  his  youth  he 
trembled  at  the  mention  of  death.  He  took 
the  most  extraordinary  care  of  his  health.  He 
would  avjDid,  at  any  sacrifice,  a  place  where 
contagion  prevailed.  His  relish  for  the  com- 
forts of  life  surpassed  even  his  vanity,  and 
this  was  his  reason  for  declining  more  than 
one  brilliant  offer. 

Thus  it  was  that  he  did  not  pretend  to  the 
part  of  a  Reformer.  "  If  the  corrupted  morals 
of  the  court  of  Rome  require  a  great  and  speedy 
remedy,"  said  he,  "  it  is  not  for  me,  or  such 


as  me  to  eff 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


33 


to  effect  it."59  He  had  none  of  that 
strength  of  faith  which  animated  Luther. 
Whilst  the  latter  was  ever  ready  to  lay  down 
his  life  for  the  truth,  Erasmus,  with  perfect 
ingenuousness,  could  say,  "  Let  others  affect 
martyrdom  :  for  my  part,  I  think  myself  un- 
worthy of  that  honour.60  I  fear,  if  a  tumult 
arose,  I  should  be  like  Peter  in  his  fall." 

Erasmus,  by  his  writings  and  discourses, 
had,  more  than  any  other  person,  hastened  the 
Reformation;  and  yet  he  trembled  when  he 
saw  the  tempest  he  had  raised  approaching. 
He  would  have  given  every  thing  to  restore 
the  former  calm,  even  with  its  heavy  vapours. 
But  it  was  too  late, — the  darn  was  broken 
down.  It  was  no  longer  possible  to  stay  the 
violence  of  the  torrent  that  was  at  once  to 
cleanse  and  fertilize  the  world.  Erasmus  was 
powerful,  so  long  as  he  was  an  instrument  in 
God's  hands.  When  he  ceased  to  be  that — 
he  was  nothing. 

In  the  result  Erasmus  knew  not  on  which 
side  to  range  himself.  None  pleased  him, 
and  he  dreaded  all.  "  It  is  dangerous  to 
speak,"  said  he,  "  and  dangerous  to  be  silent." 
In  all  great  religious  movements,  there  are 
such  undecided  characters, — respectable  in 
some  things,  but  hindering  the  truth,  and  who, 
from  a  desire  to  displease  no  one,  displease  all. 

What,  we  may  ask,  would  become  of  truth, 
if  God  were  not  to  raise  up  in  its  defence  more 
courageous  champions  ] 

Listen  to  the  advice  given  by  Erasmus  to 
Vigilius  Zuichem,  afterwards  president  of  the 
superior  court  of  Brussels,  as  to  his  deport- 
ment towards  the  sectaries,  (for  that  was  the 
name  he  gave  to  the  reformers.)  "My  friendship 
for  you  makes  me  desire  that  you  should  keep 
yourself  quite  clear  of  contagion  of  sects,  and 
that  you  give  them  no  ground  to  claim  Zuichem 
as  their  own.  If  you  approve  their  teaching,  at 
leasi  dissemble  your  approval;  arid,  above 
all,  never  dispute  with  them.  A  jurisconsult 
must  be  on  his  guard  with  these  people,  as  a 
certain  dying  man  eluded  the  devil.  The 
devil  asked  him  what  he  believed.  The  dying 
man,  fearing  that,  if  he  confessed,  he  should 
be  surprised  in  some  heresy,  answered,  'What 
the  Church  believes.'  His  interrogator  press- 
ed him  with  the  question,  *  What  does  the 
Church  believe1?'  The  other  replied,  '  What 
I  believe]  Again  the  devil, — 'And  what  do 
you  believe?  and  the  dyino-  man  rejoined, 
'What  the  Church  believes.'"61 

So,  the  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  the  mortal 
enemy  of  Luther,  having  received  an  equivocal 
answer  to  a  question  he  had  addressed  to  Eras- 
mus, exclaimed  aloud,  "  My  dear  Erasmus, 
wash  me  the  robe,  if  you  can,  without  wetting 
it."  Secundus  Curio,  in  one  of  his  works, 
depicts  two  heavens,  the  Papal  and  the 
Christian.  He  found  Erasmus  in  neither; 
but  perceived  him  incessantly  wheeling  in 
never  ending  eddies  between  both. 

Such  was  Erasmus.  He  wanted  that 
4  liberty  of  heart'  which  makes  truly  free. 
How  different  would  he  have  been,  if  he  had 

Slven  up  himself  to  devote  his  soul  to  truth, 
ut  after  trying  to  work  some  reforms,  with 


the  approbation  of  the  heads  of  the  Church,— 
after  having,  for  the  sake  of  Rome,  abandoned 
the  Reformation,  when  he  saw  that  the  two 
could  not  walk  together, — he  lost  all  his  in- 
fluence with  either.  On  the  one  side,  his  re- 
cantations could  not  repress  the  indignation 
of  the  fanatic  partisans  of  Popery.  They  felt 
the  injury  he  had  done  them,  and  never  for- 
gave it.  The  monks  poured  forth  abuse  on 
him  from  their  pulpits.  They  called  him  a 
second  Lucian, — a  fox  that  had  laid  waste  the 
vineyard  of  the  Lord.  A  doctor  of  Constance 
had  the  portrait  of  Erasmus  hung  up  in  his 
study,  that  he  might  spit  in  his  face  as  often 
as  he  pleased. 

And  on  the  other  hand,  Erasmus,  forsaking 
the  standard  of  the  Gospel,  found  himself  de- 
prived of  the  affections  and  esteem  of  the 
noblest  men  of  his  age,  and  had  doubtless  to 
suffer  the  loss  of  those  heavenly  consolations 
which  God  sheds  into  the  hearts  of  those  who 
act  as  good  soldiers  of  Christ.  So  at  least  it 
would  seem  from  the  bitter  tears,  painful 
vigils,  disturbed  rest,  failure  of  appetite  and 
loss  of  relish  for  literary  pursuits,  once  his 
only  enjoyments,  wrinkled  forehead,  sallow 
complexion,  and  dejected  and  sorrowful  ex- 
pression, that  hatred  of  what  he  calls  a  cruel 
life,  and  desire  of  death  which  he  described  to 
his  friends.62  Poor  Erasmus! 

The  enemies  of  Erasmus  went  a  little  beyond 
the  truth,  when  they  said,  on  the  appearance 
of  Luther,  "  Erasmus  laid  the  egg,  and  Luther 
has  hatched  it."63 

The  same  signs  of  new  life  that  were  seen 
among  the  princes,  the  bishops  and  the  learn- 
ed, were  visible  among  men  of  the  world, 
nobles,  knights,  and  warriors.  The  nobles  of 
Germany  played  an  important  part  in  the  Re- 
formation. Many  of  the  most  illustrious  sons 
of  Germany  formed  a  close  alliance  with  lite- 
rary men,  and,  inflamed  with  a  zeal  some- 
times indiscreet,  made  efforts  to  deliver  their 
dependents  from  the  yoke  of  Rome. 

Various  causes  would  contribute  to  make 
friends  to  the  Reformation  among  the  nobles. 
Some,  having  frequented  the  Universities,  had 
there  received  into  their  bosoms  that  fire  with 
which  the  learned  were  animated.  Others, 
educated  in  noble  sentiments,  had  hearts  open 
to  the  elevating  doctrines  of  the  Gospel.  Many 
found  in  the  Reformation  a  vague  and  chival- 
rous something  to  charm  and  captivate  them. 
Others,  it  must  be  owned,  were  influenced  by 
ill-will  to  the  clergy,  who  had  helped,  unde'r 
the  rule  of  Maximilian,  to  deprive  them  of 
their  ancient  independence,  and  reduce  them 
to  submission  to  their  princes.  Full  of  enthusi- 
asm, they  deemed  the  Reformation  the  prelude 
of  a  great  political  renovation;  they  hoped  to 
behold  the  Empire  emerge  from  the  crisis  with 
a  splendour  altogether  unprecedented,  and  a 
better  and  more  glorious  state  of  things  estab- 
lished in  the  world,  as  much  by  the  sword  of 
chivalry  as  by  the  word  of  God.64 

Ulric  de  Hiitten,  surnamed  the  Demosthenes 
of  Germany  from  his  philippics  against  the 
Papacy,  forms,  as  it  were,  the  link  which  then 
held  united  the  knights  and  the  men  of  letters 


34 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


He  was  no  less  distinguished  by  his  writings  ' 
than  by  his  military  exploits.  Descended  j 
from  an  ancient  family  of  Franconia,  he  was 
sent  when  eleven  years  old,  to  the  convent  of 
Fulda,  to  become  in  due  time  a  monk.  But 
TJlric,  who  felt  no  inclination  for  that  vocation, 
fled  from  the  convent  in  his  sixteenth  year, 
and  repaired  to  the  University  of  Cologne, 
where  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  lan- 
guages and  poetry.  At  a  later  period  he  led 
a  wandering  life,  was  present  in  1513  at  the 
siege  of  Padua,  in  the  capacity  of  a  common 
soldier,  saw  Rome  and  all  her  abominations, 
and  there  sharpened  the  darts  which  he  after- 
wards hurled  against  her. 

On  his  return  to  Germany,  Hiitten  com- 
posed against  Rome  a  writing  entitled  The 
Roman  Trinity.  He  there  strips  bare  the 
disorders  of  that  court,  and  shows  the  neces- 
sity of  putting  a  forcible  stop  to  its  oppres- 
sions. "There  are  three  things,"  says  a 
traveller  named  Vadiscus,  introduced  in  this 
tract,  "  which  we  commonly  bring  away  with 
us  from  Rome, — a  bad  conscience,  a  vitiated 
stomach,  and  an  empty  purse.  There  are 
three  things  which  Rome  does  not  believe  in : 
the  immortality  of  the  soul,  the  resurrection 
of  the  dead,  and  hell.  There  are  three  things 
which  Rome  trades  in:  the  grace  of  Christ, 
the  dignities  of  the  church,  and  women." — 
The  last  writing  obliged  Hiitten  to  quit  the 
court  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  where  he 
•was  residing  when  he  composed  it. 

When  Reuchlin's  affair  with  the  Domini- 
cans made  a  noise,  Hiitten  took  the  part  of  the 
learned  doctor.  One  of  his  university  ac- 
quaintances, Crotus  Robianus,and  others,  com- 
posed at  that  time  the  famous  satire  known  by 
the  name  of  "  Letters  of  Obscure  Men,"  which 
first  appeared  in  1516,  one  year  before  the 
theses  of  Luther.  This  writing  was  attributed 
especially  to  Hiitten,  and  it  is  very  probable 
that  he  had  a  large  share  in  its  composition. 
In  it  the  monks  who  were  the  enemies  of 
Reuchlin,  and  are  exhibited  as  the  authors  of 
these  letters,  discourse  of  the  affairs  of  the 
time,  and  of  theological  subjects,  in  their  man- 
ner and  in  barbarous  Latin.  They  address  to 
their  correspondent  Eratius,  professor  at  Co- 
logne, the  most  idiotic  and  useless  questions; 
they  discover  with  the  utmost  simplicity  their 
gross  ignorance,  incredulity,  superstition,  and 
low  arid  vulgar  spirit,  and  at  the  same  time 
their  pride,  and  fanatical  and  persecuting  zeal. 
They  relate  to  him  many  of  their  low  adven- 
tures and  debaucheries,  and  many  scandalous 
particulars  of  the  conduct  of  Hochstraten, 
Ptefferkorn,  and  other  heads  of  their  party. 
These  letters  are  very  amusing,  from  their 
mixture  of  hypocrisy  and  stupidity :  and  the 
whole  was  so  much  to  the  life,  that  the  Domi- 
nicans and  Franciscans  of  England  received 
the  writing  with  great  approbation,  and  thought 
it  to  be  really  composed  in  the  principles  and 
for  the  defence  of  their  order.  A  prior  of  Bra- 
bant, in  his  credulous  simplicity,  bought  a 
large  number  of  copies,  and  sent  them  as  pre- 
sents to  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Domi- 
nicans. The  monks,  more  and  more  irritated, 
importuned  Leo  X.  for  a  severe  bull  against 


all  who  should  dare  to  read  these  letters;  but 
that  pontiff  refused  them.  They  were  com- 
pelled to  endure  the  general  ridicule,  and  to 
suppress  their  anger.  No  work  ever  struck 
a  more  terrible  blow  at  the  pillars  of  Popery. 
But  it  was  not  by  ridicule  and  satire  that  the 
Gospel  was  ordained  to  triumph.  If  its 
friends  had  continued  their  progress  in  these 
ways; — if  the  Reformation,  instead  of  attack- 
ing error  with  the  weapons  of  God,  had  had 
recourse  to  the  spirit  of  mockery, — its  cause 
had  been  lost.  Luther  loudly  condemned 
these  satires.  One  of  his  acquaintances  hav- 
ing sent  him  one,  entitled  "The  Burden  of 
the  Petition  of  Pasquin."  "The  absurdities 
you  have  sent  me,"  said  he,  "appear  to  be 
the  production  of  an  ill-regulated  mind.  I 
have  shown  them  to  some  friends,  and  they 
all  formed  the  same  opinion  of  them."  And 
in  reference  to  the  same  work,  he  wrote  to 
another  of  his  correspondents.  "This  peti- 
tion seems  to  me  a  freak  of  the  same  buffoon 
who  wrote  the  Letters  of  Obscure  Men.  I 
approve  his  design,  but  not  his  performance; 
for  he  deals  only  in  reproachful  and  insulting 
language."65  This  judgment  may  be  thought 
severe,  but  it  shows  the  spirit  of  Luther,  and 
how  he  arose  above  his  contemporaries. — Yet 
it  must  be  added  that  he  did  not  always  follow 
these  wise  maxims. 

Ulric,  being  obliged  to  renounce  the  protec- 
tion of  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  courted  the 
favour  of  Charles  V.,  who  was  then  at  variance 
with  the  Pope. 

He  repaired  to  Brussels,  where  Charles 
held  his  court.  But,  far  from  gaining  any 
advantage,  he  learned  that  the  Pope  had  re- 
quired the  Emperor  to  send  him  bound  hand 
and  foot  to  Rome.  The  inquisitor  Hochstra- 
ten, the  persecutor  of  Reuchlin,  was  one  of 
those  charged  with  the  office  of  bringing  him 
to  trial.  Indignant  that  his  enemies  should 
have  dared  to  make  such  a  demand  of  the 
Emperor,  Ulric  quitted  Brabant.  Just  outside 
Brussels  he  met  Hochstraten  on  the  road. 
The  terrified  inquisitor  fell  upon  his  knees  and 
commended  his  soul  to  God  and  the  saints. 
"  No,"  said  the  knight ;  "  I  will  not  soil  rny 
weapon  with  thy  blood  !"  He  gave  him  some 
strokes  with  the  flat  of  his  sword,  and  allowed 
him  to  pass  unhurt. 

Hiitten  sought  refuge  in  the  Castle  of 
Ebernburg,  where  Francis  of  Sickingen  offered 
an  asylum  to  all  who  were  persecuted  by  the 
Ul tramontanes.  It  was  there  that  his  zeal, 
panting  for  the  enfranchisement  of  his  nation, 
dictated  those  remarkable  letters  addressed  to 
Charles  V.,  Frederic  the  elector  of  Saxony, 
Albert  archbishop  of  Mentz,  and  the  princes 
and  nobility,  which  place  him  in  the  first  rank 
of  orators.  There  he  composed  all  those 
writings,  destined  to  be  read  and  compre- 
hended by  the  common  people,  which  spread 
throughout  the  German  population  a  horror  of 
Rome  and  a  love  of  liberty.  Devoted  to  the 
cause  of  the  Reformer,  his  design  was  to  lead 
|  the  nobles  to  take  up  arms  in  favour  of  the 
Gospel,  and  to  rush  sword  in  hand  on  that 
Rome  which  Luther  aimed  to  destroy  only 
by  the  word  and  invincible  power  of  the  truth 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION 


35 


And  yet,  in  the  midst  of  all  this  warlike  exul- 
tation, it  is  delightful  to  find  in  Hiitten  kind  and 
considerate  feelings.  At  the  death  of  his  pa- 
rents, he  gave  up  to  his  brothers  all  the 
property  of  the  family,  though  he  was  the 
eldest  son,  and  even  begged  them  not  to  write 
to  him  nor  send  him  any  money,  lest,  notwith- 
standing their  innocence,  they  should  be  ex- 
posed to  the  malice  of  his  enemies,  and  fall 
with  him  into  the  pit. 

If  truth  cannot  acknowledge  him  as  one  of 
her  children,  for  she  ever  walks  in  company 
with  holiness  of  life  and  charity  of  heart,  she 
will  at  least  accord  to  him  all  honourable 
mention  as  one  of  the  most  formidable  enemies 
of  error.63 

The  same  may  be  said  of  Francis  of  Sick- 
ingen, his  illustrious  friend  and  protector. 
This  noble  knight,  whom  many  of  his  con- 
temporaries judged  worthy  of  the  Imperial 
crown,  s'vines  in  the  foremost  rank  of  the  war- 
like antagonists  of  Rome.  Though  delight- 
ing in  the  noise  of  battles,  he  was  full  of  ar- 
dour for  learning,  and  veneration  for  its  pro- 
fessors. At  the  head  of  an  army  which 
threatened  Wiirtemberg,  he  commanded  that 
in  case  Stutgard  should  be  taken  by  assault, 
the  house  and  property  of  the  distinguished 
scholar,  John  Reuchlin,  should  be  respected. 
He  afterwards  invited  him  to  his  camp,  em- 
braced him  and  tendered  him  his  assistance 
in  the  contest  between  him  and  the  monks  of 
Cologne.  Chivalry  had  for  a  long  time  prided 
itself  in  despising  learning.  The  period  we 
are  retracing  presents  a  new  spectacle.  Under 
the  ponderous  cuirasses  of  Sickingen  and  Hiit- 
ten, we  perceive  that  new  movement  of  the 
general  intelligence  then  everywhere  begin- 
ning to  make  itself  felt.  The  Reformation 
gave  to  the  world  as  its  first  fruits,  warriors 
who  were  friends  of  the  arts  and  of  peace. 

Hiitten,  during  his  residence  at  the  castle 
of  Sickingen,  after  his  return  from  Brussels, 
encouraged  the  brave  knight  to  study  the 
evangelic  doctrine,  and  explained  to  him  the 
main  truths  on  which  it  is  based.  "  And  is 
there  any  man,"  exclaimed  Sickingen  in  as- 
tonishment, "that  dares  seek  to  overturn  such 
a  doctrine !  Who  dares  to  attempt  it1?" 

Several  who  were  at  a  later  period  distin- 
guished as  Reformers  found  a  refuge  in  his 
castle.  Among  others  Martin  Bucer,  Aquila, 
Schwebel,  (Ecolampadius;  so  that  Hiitten, 
with  some  reason,  designated  Ebernburg  the 
"  house  of  the  just/'  (Ecolampadius  preach- 
ed, according  to  his  custom,  every  day  at  the 
castle.  Nevertheless  the  warriors  there  col- 
lected were  ere  long  weary  of  hearing  so  much 
of  the  mild  virtues  of  Christianity;  the  ser- 
mons were  too  long  for  them,  though  (Ecolam- 
padius did  his  best  to  be  brief.  They,  how- 
ever, came  every  day  to  church,  but  it  was 
merely  to  hear  the  benediction,  or  to  make  a 
short  prayer,  so  that  (Ecolampadius  was  used 
to  exclaim,  "Alas!  the  word  is  here  sown 
upon  rocks." 

Soon  after,  Sickingen,  wishing  to  help  the 
cause  of  truth  in  his  own  fashion,  declared 
war  against  the  Archbishop  of  Treves,  "  to 
6 


open  a  door,"  as  he  said  "  for  the  Gospel." 
It  was  in  vain  that  Luther,  who  had  then  ap- 
peared, dissuaded  him  from  it;  he  attacked 
Treves  with  five  thousand  horse  and  a  thou- 
sand foot.  The  courageous  Archbishop  as- 
sisted by  the  Palatine  and  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse,  compelled  him  to  retreat.  In  the 
spring  following,  the  allies  besieged  him  in 
his  castle  of  Landstein.  After  a 'bloody  as- 
sault, Sickingen  was  obliged  to  retire:  he  was 
mortally  wounded.  The  three  princes  pene- 
trated into  the  fortress,  and  passing  through 
its  apartments,  found  the  lion-hearted  knight 
in  a  vault,  stretched  on  his  death-bed.  He 
put  forth  his  hand  to  the  Palatine,  without 
seeming  to  notice  the  princes  who  accompa- 
nied him.  But  they  overwhelmed  him  with 
questions  and  reproaches.  "  Leave  me  in 
quiet,"  said  he,  "  for  I  must  now  prepare  to 
answer  to  a  greater  Lord  than  ye."  When 
Luther  heard  of  his  death,  he  exclaimed, "  The 
Lord  is  just  but  wonderful !  It  is  not  by  the 
sword  that  he  will  have  his  gospel  propagated." 

Such  was  the  melancholy  end  of  a  warrior 
who,  as  Emperor,  or  as  an  Elector,  might 
perhaps  have  raised  Germany  to  a  high  degree 
of  glory,  but  who,  confined  within  a  narrow 
circle,  expended  uselessly  the  great  powers 
with  which  he  was  gifted.  It  was  not  in  the 
tumultuous  minds  of  these  warriors  that  divine 
truth  came  to  fix  her  abode.  It  was  not  by 
their  arms  that  the  truth  was  to  prevail ;  and 
God  by  bringing  to  nought  the  mad  projects 
of  Sickingen,  confirmed  anew  the  testimony 
of  St.  Paul,  "The  weapons  of  our  warfare  are 
not  carnal,  but  mighty  through  God." 

Another  knight,  Harmut  of  Cronberg,  the 
friend  of  Hiitten  and  Sickingen,  appears,  how- 
ever, to  have  had  more  wisdom  and  knowledge 
of  the  truth.  He  wrote  with  much  modesty 
to  Leo  X.,  urging  him  to  restore  his  temporal 
power  to  him  to  whom  it  belonged,  namely, 
to  the  Emperor.  Addressing  his  subjects  as 
a  father,  he  endeavoured  to  explain  to  them 
the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  and  exhorted  them 
to  faith,  obedience,  and  trust  in  Jesus  Christ, 
"  who,"  added  he,  "  is  the  sovereign  Lord  of 
all."  He  resigned  to  the  Emperor  a  pension 
of  two  hundred  ducats,  "  because  he  would  no 
longer  serve  one  who  gave  ear  to  the  enemies 
of  the  truth."  And  we  find  a  saying  of  his  re- 
corded, which  places  him  in  our  judgment 
above  Hiitten  and  Sickingen.  "  Our  heaven- 
ly teacher,  the  Holy  Ghost,  can,  when  he 
pleases,  teach  us  in  one  hour  much  more  of 
the  faith  of  Christ,  than  could  be  learned  in 
ten  years  at  the  University  of  Paris." 

However,  those  who  only  look  for  the 
friends  of  the  Reformation  on  the  steps  of67 
thrones,  or  in  cathedrals  and  academies,  and 
who  suppose  it  had  no  friends  amongst  the 
people,  are  greatly  mistaken.  God,  who  was 
preparing  the  hearts  of  the  wise  and  powerful, 
was  also  preparing  amongst  the  lowest  of  the 
people  many  simple  and  humble  men,  who 
were  one  day  to  become  the  promoters  of  his 
truth.  The  history  of  those  times  shows  the 
excitement  that  prevailed  among  the  lower 
classes.  There  were  not  only  many  young 

D2 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


men  who  rose  to  fill  the  highest  offices  in  the  j  shop,  situated  at  one  of  the  gates  of  the  im- 
Church,  but  there  were  men  who  continued    perial  city  of  Nuremberg,  proceeded  sounds 


all  their  lives  employed  in  the  humblest  occu- 
pations, who  powerfully  contributed  to  the 
revival  of  Christianity.  We  relate  some  cir- 
cumstances in  the  life  of  one  of  them. 

He  was  the  son  of  a  tailor  named  Hans 


that  resounded  through  all  Germany,  prepar 
ing  the  minds  of  men  for  a  new  era,  and  every- 
where endearing  to  the  people  the  great  revo- 
lution which  was  then  in  progress.  The 
spiritual  songs  of  Hans  Sachs,  his  Bible  in 


Sachs,  and  was  born  at  Nuremberg,  the  5th  |  verse,  powerfully   assisted    this    work.      It 
November,    1494.      He    was    named   Hans 
(John)  after  his  father,  and  had  made  some 


',       <f 
man  s   genius 


progress  in  his  studies,  when  a  severe  illness 
obliging  him  to  abandon  them,  he  applied 
himself  to  the  trade  of  a  shoemaker.  Young 
Hans  took  advantage  of  the  liberty  this  hum- 
ble profession  afforded  to  his  mind,  to  search 
into  higher  subjects  better  suited  to  his  incli- 
nation. Since  music  had  been  banished  from 
the  castles  of  the  nobles,  it  seemed  to  have 
sought  and  found  an  asylum  amongst  the 
lower  orders  of  the  merry  cities  of  Germany. 
A  school  for  singing  was  held  in  the  church 
of  Nuremberg.  The  exercises  in  which  young 
Hans  joined  opened  his  heart  to  religious  im- 
pressions, and  helped  to  excite  in  him  a  taste 
for  poetry  and  music.  However,  the  young 
could  not  long  be  confined 
within  the  walls  of  a  workshop.  He  wished 
to  see  that  world  of  which  he  had  read  so 
much  in  books,  of  which  his  companions  had 
told  him  so  much,  and  which  his  youthful 
imagination  peopled  with  wonders.  In  1511, 
he  took  his  bundle  on  his  shoulders,  and  set 
out.  directing  his  course  towards  the  south. 
The  young  traveller,  who  met  with  merry 
companions  on  his  road,  students  who  were 
passing  through  the  country,  and  many  dan- 
gerous attractions,  soon  felt  within  himself  a 
fearful  struggle.  The  lusts  of  life  and  his 
holy  resolutions  contended  for  the  mastery. 
Trembling  for  the  issue,  he  fled  and  sought 
refuge  in  the  little  town  of  Wels,  in  Austria, 
(1513,)  where  he  lived  in  retirement,  and  in 
the  cultivation  of  the  fine  arts.  The  Emperor 
Maximilian  happened  to  pass  through  the 
town  with  a  brilliant  retinue.  The  young 
poet  was  carried  away  by  the  splendour  of 
this  court.  The  prince  received  him  into  his 
hunting  establishment,  and  Hans  again  forgot 
his  better  resolutions  in  the  joyous  chambers 
of  the  palace  of  Inspruck.  But  again  his 

The 


conscience  loudly  reproached 
young  huntsman  laid  aside  his  glittering  uni- 
form, set  out,  repaired  to  Schwartz,  and  after- 
wards to  Munich.  It  was  there,  in  1514,  at 
the  age  of  twenty,  he  sang  his  first  hymn, 

'to  the  honour  of  God,"  to  a  well  known 
:;hanl.  He  was  loaded  with  applause. 
Everywhere  in  his  travels  he  had  occasion  to 
notice  numerous  and  melancholy  proofs  of  the 
abuses  under  which  religion  was  labouring. 

.  On  his  return  to  Nuremberg,  Hans  settled 
in  life,  married,  and  became  the  father  of  a 
family.  When  the  Reformation  burst  forth, 
tie  lent  an  attentive  ear.  He  clung  to  that 
holy  book  which  had  already  become  dear  to 
him  as  a  poet,  and  which  he  now  no  longer 
searched  for  pictures  and  music,  but  for  the 


would  perhaps  be  difficult  to  say  to  which  it 
was  most  indebted,  the  Prince  Elector  of 
Saxony,  Administrator  of  the  Empire,  or  the 
shoemaker  of  Nuremberg! 

There  was  at  this  time  something  in  every 
class  of  society  that  presaged  a  Reformation. 
In  every  quarter  signs  were  manifest,  and 
events  were  pressing  forward  that  threatened 
to  overturn  the  work  of  ages  of  darkness,  and 
to  bring  about  "  a  new  order  of  things."  The 
light  discovered  in  that  age  had  communicat- 
ed to  all  countries,  with  inconceivable  rapidi- 
ty, a  multitude  of  new  ideas.  The  minds  of 
men,  which  had  slept  for  so  many  ages,  seem- 
ed resolved  to  redeem  by  their  activity  the  time 
they  had  lost.  To  have  left  them  idle  and 
without  nourishment,  or  to  have  offered  them 
no  other  food  than  that  which  had  long  sus- 
tained their  languishing  existence,  would 
have  shown  great  ignorance  of  human  nature. 
The  mind  of  man  saw  clearly  what  was,  and 
what  was  coming,  and  surveyed  with  daring 
eye  the  immense  gulf  that  separated  these 
two  worlds.  Great  princes  were  seated  upon 
the  throne,  the  ancient  colossus  of  Rome  was 
tottering  under  its  own  weight;  the  by-gone 
spirit  of  chivalry  was  leaving  the  world,  and 
giving  place  to  a  new  spirit  which  breathed 
at  the  same  time  from  the  sanctuaries  of  learn- 
ing and  from  the  dwellings  of  the  common 
people.  The  art  of  printing  had  given  wings 
to  the  written  word,  which  carried  it,  like 
certain  seeds,  to  the  most  distant  regions. 
The  discovery  of  the  Indies  enld.ged  the 
boundaries  of  the  world.  Every  thing  pro- 
claimed a  mighty  revolution  at  hand. 

But  whence  was  the  stroke  to  come  that 
should  throw  down  the  ancient  edifice,  and 
call  up  a  new  structure  from  the  ruins?  No 
one  could  answer  this  question.  Who  had 
more  wisdom  than  Frederic  I  Who  had  more 
learnino- than  Reuchlin]  Who  had  more  ta- 


lent than  Erasmus  1 
energy  than  Huttenl 


Who  had  more  wit  and 
Who  had  more  courage 


than  Sickingen  1  Who  had  more  virtue  than 
Cronberg  1  And  yet  it  was  neither  Frederic, 
nor  Reuchlin,  nor  Erasmus,  nor  Hiitten,  nor 
Sickingen,  nor  Cronberg.  Learned  men, 
princes,  warriors,  the  Church  itself,  all  had 
undermined  some  of  the  old  foundations;  but 
there  they  had  stopped :  and  no  where  was 
seen  the  hand  of  power  that  was  to  be  God's 
instrument. 

However,  all  felt  that  it  would  soon  be 
seen.  Some  pretended  to  have  discovered  in 
the  stars  sure  indications  of  its  appearing. 
Some,  seeing  the  miserable  state  of  religion, 
foretold  the  near  approach  of  Antichrist. 
Others,  on  the  contrary,  presaged  some  refor- 


light  of  truth.     To  this  sacred  truth  he  soon  mation  at  hand.     The  world  was  in  expect* 
dedicated  his  lyre.     From  a  humble  work-jtion.     Luther  appeared. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


BOOK    II. 


THE  YOUTH,  CONVERSION,  AND  EARLY  LABOURS  OF  LUTHER. 

1483—1517. 

Luther's  Parents — Birth  of  Luther — Luther's  Early  Life — Magdeburg — His  Hardships — The  "Shu- 
namite" — Recollections — The  University — Discovery — The  Bible — Mental  Agitation — Visit  to 
Mansfeld —  Luther's  Resolution — The  Farewell — The  Convent — Humiliations — Endurance — 
His  Studies — Ascetic  Life — Mental  Struggle — Monastic  Tendencies — Staupitz — Staupitz  and 
Luther — Present  of  a  Bible — The  Aged  Monk — The  Change — Consecration — Luther  at  Eisleben 
— Invitation  to  Wittemberg — First  Instructions — Lectures — The  Old  Chapel — His  Preaching — 
Journey  to  Rome — Sickness  at  Bologna — Luther  in  Rome — Effects  of  his  Journey — Pilate's 
Staircase — Confession  of  Faith — Luther  leaves  Home. — Carlstadt — Luther's  Oath — Luther's 
Courage — Attacks  the  Schoolmen — Spalatin — Luther's  Faith — His  Preaching — Luther  on  Idolatry 
— On  Superstitions — His  Conduct — George  Spenlein — The  True  Righteousness — Luther  and 
Erasmus — Christian  Charity — George  Leiffer — Luther's  Theses — His  Visitation — Plague  at 
Wittemberg — The  Elector  and  the  Relics — Spalatin — Duke  George — Luther's  Sermon — Eraser 
—The  Supper— Free  Will— Theses— Nature  of  Man—Doctor  Eck— Urban  Regius—The  Theses 
sent  to  Eck — Effect  of  the  Theses. 


ALL  things  were  ready.  God  who  prepares 
his  work  for  ages,  accomplishes  it,  when  his 
time  is  come,  by  the  feeblest  instruments.  It 
is  the  method  of  God's  providence  to  effect 
great  results  by  inconsiderable  means.  This 
law,  which  pervades  the  kingdom  of  nature, 
is  discerned  also  in  the  history  of  mankind. 
God  chose  the  Reformers  of  the  Church  from 
the  same  condition,  and  worldly  circum- 
stances, from  whence  he  had  before  taken 
the  Apostles.  He  chose  them  from  that  hum- 
ble class  which,  though  not  the  lowest,  can 
hardly  be  said  to  belong  to  the  middle  ranks. 
Everything  was  thus  to  make  manifest  to  the 
world,  that  the  work  was  not  of  man,  but  of 
God.  The  reformer,  Zwingle,  emerged  from 
a  shepherd's  hut  among  the  Alps:  Melanc- 
thon,  the  great  theologian  of  the  Reformation, 
from  an  armourer's  workshop  :  and  Luther 
from  the  cottage  of  a  poor  miner. 

The  opening  period  of  a  man's  life, — that 
in  which  his  natural  charactei  is  formed  and 
developed  under  the  hand  of  God, — is  always 
important.  It  is  especially  so  in  Luther's 
career.  The  whole  Reformation  was  there. 

The  different  phases  of  this  work  succeeded 
each  ether  in  the  mind  of  him  who  was  to  be 
the  instrument  for  it,  before  it  was  publicly 
accomplished  in  the  world.  The  knowledge 
of  the  Reformation  effected  in  the  heart  of 
Luther  himself  is,  in  truth,  the  key  to  the 
Reformation  of  the  Church.  It  is  only  by 
studying  the  work  in  the  individual  that  we 
can  comprehend  the  general  work.  They 
who  neglect  the  former,  will  know  but  the 
form  and  exterior  signs  of  the  latter.  They 
may  gain  knowledge  of  certain  events  and 
results,  but  they  will  never  comprehend  the 
intrinsic  nature  of  that  renovation ;  for  the 
principle  of  life  that  was  the  soul  of  it  will 
remain  unknown  to  them.  Let  us  then  study 
the  Reformation  of  Luther  himself,  before  we 
contemplate  the  facts  that  changed  the  state 
of  Christendom. 

John  Luther,  the  son  of  a  peasant  of  the 
village  of  Mora,  near  Eisonach,  in  the  county 
of  Mansfeld,  in  Thuringia,  descended  from  an 
ancient  and  widely-spread  family  of  humble 


peasantry^married  the  daughter  of  an  inhabit- 
ant of  Neustadt,  in  the  bishopric  of  Wurzburg, 
named  Margaret  Lindemann.  The  newly 
married  couple  left  Eisenach,  and  went  to  set- 
tle in  the  little  town  of  Eisleben,  in  Saxony. 

Seckendorff  relates,  on  the  testimony  of 
Relban,  the  superintendant  of  Eisenach  in 
1601,  that  the  mother  of  Luther,  thinking  that 
her  time  was  not  near,  had  gone  to  the  fair  of 
Eisleben,  and  that  there  she  was  brought  to 
bed  of  her  son.  Notwithstanding  the  credit 
that  is  due  to  Seckendorff,  this  fact  does  not 
seem  well  authenticated  ;  indeed  it  is  not  al- 
luded to  by  any  of  the  oldest  historians  of 
Luther ;  moreover,  the  distance  from  Mora  to 
Eisleben  must  be  about  twenty-four  leagues, 
— a  journey  not  likely  to  have  been  underta- 
ken in  the  state  in  which  Luther's  mother 
then  was,  for  the  sake  of  going  to  a  fair ;  and 
lastly  the  testimony  of  Luther  himself  appears 
to  contradict  this  assertion.2 

John  Luther  was  a  man  of  upright  charac- 
ter, diligent  in  his  business,  open-hearted,  and 
possessing  a  strength  of  purpose  bordering 
upon  obstinacy.  Of  more  cultivated  mind 
than  the  generality  of  his  class,  he  read  much. 
Books  were  then  rare ;  but  John  did  not 
neglect  any  opportunity  of  procuring  them. 
They  were  his  recreation  in  the  intervals  of 
rest  that  his  severe  and  assiduous  labours  al- 
lowed him.  Margaret  possessed  those  vir- 
tues which  adorn  good  and  pious  women. 
Modesty,  ihe  fear  of  God,  and  devotion,  espe- 
cially marked  her  character.  She  was  con- 
sidered by  the  mothers  of  families  in  the  place 
where  she  resided,  as  a  model  worthy  of  their 
imitation.3 

It  is  not  precisely  known  how  long  the  new- 
married  couple  bad  been  settled  at  Eisleben, 
when,  on  the  10th  of  November,  at  11  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  Margaret  gave  birth  to  a  son. 
Melancthon  often  questioned  the  mother  of 
his  friend  as  to  the  time  of  her  son's  birth.  "I 
well  remember  the  day  and  the  hour,"  replied 
she;  "but  lam  not  certain  about  the  year." 
But  James,  the  brother  of  Luther,  an  honest 
and  upright  man,  said  that,  according  to  the 
opinion  of  all  the  family,  Martin  was  born  in 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


the  year  of  our  Lord  1483,  on  the  10th  of  No- 
vember. It  was  the  eve  of  St.  Martin.4  The 
first  thought  of  his  pious  parents  was  to  de- 
vote to  God,  by  the  rite  of  baptism,  the  child 
that  had  been  sent  them.  The  next  day,  which 
was  Tuesday,  the  father,  with  joy  and  grati- 
tude, carried  his  son  to  St.  Peter's  church.  It 
was  there  he  received  the  seal  of  his  dedica- 
tion to  the  Lord.  They  named  him  Martin, 
in  memory  of  the  day. 

Little  Martin  was  not  six  months  old,  when 
his  parents  left  Eisleben,  to  go  to  Mansfeld, 
which  is  only  five  leagues  distant.  The  mines 
of  Mansfeld  were  then  much  celebrated.  John 
Luther,  an  industrious  man,  feeling  that  he 
should  perhaps  be  called  upon  to  bring  up  a 
numerous  family,  hoped  to  get  a  better  liveli- 
hood there  for  himself  and  his  children.  It 
was  in  this  town  that  the  understanding  and 
physical  powers  of  young  Luther  were  first 
developed ;  it  was  there  that  his  activity  began 
to  display  itself; — there  he  began  to  speak  and 
act.  The  plains  of  Mansfeld,  the  banks  of 
the  Vipper,  were  the  theatre  of  his  first  sports 
with  the  children  of  the  neighbourhood. 

The  early  years  of  their  abode  at  Mansfeld 
were  full  of  difficulty  for  the  worthy  John  and 
his  wife.  They  lived  at  first  in  extreme 
poverty.  "  My  parents,"  said  the  Reformer, 
"  were  very  poor.  My  father  was  a  woodcut- 
ter, and  my  mother  has  often  carried  the  wood 
on  her  back,  that  she  might  earn  wherewith 
to  bring  us  children  up.  They  endured  the 
hardest  labour  for  our  sakes."  The  example 
of  parents  whom  he  reverenced,  and  the  habits 
they  trained  him  to,  very  early  accustomed 
Luther  to  toil  and  frugal  fare.  How  often  may 
Martin,  when  a  child  have  accompanied  his 
mother  to  the  wood,  and  made  up  and  brought 
to  her  his  little  fagot. 

There  are  blessings  promised  to  the  labour 
of  the  righteous ;  and  John  Luther  experienced 
their  reality.  He  gradually  made  his  way, 
and  established  at  Mansfeld  two  small  fur- 
naces for  iron.  By  the  side  of  these  forges 
little  Martin  grew  up, — and  it  was  with  the 
earnings  of  this  industry  that  his  father  was 
afterwards  able  to  place  him  at  school.  "  It 
was  from  a  miner's  fireside,"  says  the  worthy 
Mathesius,  "  that  one  who  was  destined  to 
recast  vital  Christianity  was  to  go  forth  : — an 
expression  of  God's  purpose,  by  his  means,  to 
cleanse  the  sons  of  Levi,  and  refine  them  as 
gold  in  His  furnace."5  Respected  by  all  for 
his  uprightness,  irreproachable  conduct,  and 
good  sense,  he  was  made  one  of  the  council 
of  Mansfeld,  the  chief  town  of  the  district  so 
called.  Circumstances  of  too  pinching  want 
might  have  weighed  down  their  child's  spirit; 
while  comparatively  easy  circumstances  would 
dilate  his  heart  and  raise  his  character. 

John  took  advantage  of  his  new  appoint- 
ment, to  court  the  society  he  preferred.  He 
\>aid  great  attention  to  the  learned,  and  often 
invited  to  his  table  the  ecclesiastics  and  school- 
masters of  the  place.  His  house  afforded  a 
sample  of  those  social  meetings  of  citizens 
that  did  honour  to  Germany  in  the  beginning 
of  the  16th  century.  It  was  a  kind  of  mirror, 


to  which  came,  and  wherein  were  reflected, 
the  numerous  subjects  which  successively 
took  possession  of  the  agitated  stage  of  the 
times.  The  child  derived  advantage  from 
this.  Doubtless  the  sight  of  these  men,  to 
whom  so  much  respect  was  shown  in  his 
father's  house,  excited  in  the  haart  of  young 
Martin  the  ambitious  desire  that  he  himself 
might  one  day  be  a  schoolmaster  or  a  man  of 
learning. 

As  soon  as  he  was  old  enough  to  receive 
instruction,  his  parents  endeavoured  to  com- 
municate to  him  the  knowledge  of  God,  to 
train  him  in  His  fear,  and  form  him  to  the 
practice  of  the  Christian  virtues.  They  applied 
the  utmost  care  to  this  earliest  domestic  educa- 
tion.6 But  their  solicitude  was  not  confined  to 
this  instruction. 

His  father,  desiring  to  see  him  acquire  the 
elements  of  that  learning  for  which  he  had  so 
much  esteem,  invoked  upon  him  the  blessing 
of  God,  and  sent  him  to  school.  Martin  was 
then  a  little  child.  His  father  and  Nicholas 
Emler,  a  young  man  of  Mansfeld,  often  car- 
ried him  in  their  arms  to  the  house  of  George 
Ernilius,  and  came  again  to  fetch  him.  Years 
afterwards,  Emler  married  Luther's  sister. 
Fifty  years  later,  the  Reformer  reminded  the 
aged  Nicholas  of  this  touching  mark  of  affec- 
tion received  in  his  childhood,  and  commemo- 
rated it  on  the  blank  leaves  of  a  book  present- 
ed to  this  old  friend.7 

The  piety  of  his  parents,  their  active  turn 
of  rnind  and  strict  virtue,  gave  to  the  boy  a 
happy  impulse,  and  helped  to  form  in  him  a 
habit  of  seriousness  and  application.  In  those 
days  it  was  the  practice  to  use  chastisements 
and  fear  as  the  main  impulses  in  education. 
Margaret,  although  she  sometimes  approved 
the  too  great  severity  of  her  husband,  often 
opened  her  maternal  arms  to  Martin,  and  com- 
forted him  in  his  tears.  Yet  she  herself  over- 
stepped the  precept  of  that  wisdom  which  tells 
us  that  he  who  loves  his  child  will  chastise 
him  early.  The  resolute  character  of  the  child 
gave  frequent  occasion  for  correction  and  re- 
primand. "  My  parents,"  said  Luther  in  after 
life,  "treated  me  cruelly,  so  that  I  became 
very  timid  ;  one  day  for  a  mere  trifle  my 
mother  whipped  me  till  the  blood  came.  They 
truly  thought  they  were  doing  right ;  but  they 
had  no  discernment  of  character,  which  is  yet 
absolutely  necessary,  that  we  may  know  when, 
on  whom,  and  how,  punishment  should  be 
inflicted."8 

At  school,  the  poor  child  was  treated  with 
equal  severity.  His  master  flogged  him  fifteen 
times  in  one  day.  "  It  is  right,"  said  Luther, 
relating  this  fact,  "  it  is  right  to  punish  child- 
ren, but  at  the  same  time  we  must  love  them." 
With  such  an  education  Luther  early  learned 
to  despise  the  attractions  of  a  self-indulgent 
life.  It  is  a  just  remark  of  one  of  his  earliest 
biographers,  that  "  that  which  is  to  become 
great  must  begin  in  small  things ;  and  if  child- 
ren are  from  their  youth  brought  up  with  too 
much  daintiness  and  care,  they  are  injured  for 
the  rest  of  their  lives." 

Martin  learned  something  at  school.     He 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


39 


was  taught  the  heads  of  the  Catechism,  the 
Ten  Commandments,  the  Apostles'  Creed, 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  some  hymns,  some  forms 
of  prayer,  a  Latin  Grammar  composed  in  the 
fourth  century  by  Donatus,  master  of  St. 
Jerome,  and  which,  improved  by  Remigius,  a 
French  monk,  in  the  eleventh  century,  was  for 
a  long  while  in  great  repute  in  the  schools; 
he  also  read  the  Cisio  Janus,  a  singular 
calendar,  composed  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh 
century ; — in  a  word  all  that  was  studied  in 
the  Latin  school  of  Mansfeld. 

But  it  appears  that  the  child  was  not  yet  led 
to  God.  The  only  religious  feeling  that  he 
then  manifested  was  that  of  fear.  Every  time 
that  he  heard  Christ  spoken  of,  he  turned  pale 
with  terror ;  for  he  had  been  represented  to 
him  only  as  an  angry  judge.9  This  servile 
fear,  which  is  so  far  removed  from  true  reli- 
gion, perhaps  prepared  his  mind  for  the  good 
tidings  of  the  gospel,  and  for  that  joy  which 
he  afterwards  felt  when  he  learned  to  know 
Christ  as  meek  and  lowly  of  heart. 

John  Luther,  in  conformity  with  his  pre- 
dilections, resolved  to  make  his  son  a  scholar. 
That  new  world  of  light  and  science  which 
was  everywhere  producing  vague  excitement, 
reached  even  to  the  cottage  of  the  miner  of 
Mansfeld,  and  excited  the  ambition  of  Martin's 
father.  The  remarkable  character,  and  per- 
severing application  of  his  son,  made  John 
conceive  the  highest  hopes  of  his  success. 
Therefore,  when  Martin  was  fourteen  years 
of  age,  in  1497,  his  father  came  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  parting  from  him,  and  sending  him  to 
the  school  of  the  Franciscans  at  Magdeburg. 
Margaret  was  obliged  to  yield  to  this  decision, 
and  Martin  made  preparations  for  leaving  his 
paternal  roof. 

Amongst  the  young  people  of  Mansfeld, 
there  was  one  named  John  Reinecke,  the  son 
of  a  respectable  burgher.  Martin  and  John, 
who  had  been  school-fellows,  in  early  child- 
hood, had  contracted  a  friendship  which  lasted 
to  the  end  of  their  lives.  The  two  boys  set 
out  together  for  Magdeburg.  It  was  at  that 
place,  when  separated  from  their  families, 
that  they  drew  closer  the  bonds  of  their  friend- 
ship. 

Magdeburg  was  like  a  new  world  to  Martin. 
In  the  midst  of  numerous  privations,  (for  he 
had  hardly  enough  to  subsist  on,)  he  observed 
and  listened.  Andreas  Proles,  a  provincial 
of  the  Augustine  order,  was  then  preaching 
with  great  zeal  the  necessity  of  reforming 
Religion  and  the  Church.  Perhaps  these 
discourses  deposited  in  the  soul  of  the  youth 
the  earliest  germ  of  the  thoughts  which  a 
later  period  unfolded. 

This  was  a  severe  apprenticeship  for  Luther. 
Cast  upon  the  world  at  fourteen,  without 
friends  or  protectors,  he  trembled  in  the  pre- 
sence of  his  masters,  and  in  his  play-hours  he 
and  some  children,  as  poor  as  himself,  with 
difficulty  begged  their  bread.  "I  was  accus- 
tomed," says  he,  "with  my  companions  to 
beg  a  little  food  to  supply  our  wants.  One 
day  about  Christmas  time,  we  were  going  all 
together  through  the  neighbouring  villages, 


from  house  to  house,  singing  in  concert  the 
usual  carols  on  the  infant  Jesus  born  at 
Bethlehem.  We  stopped  in  front  of  a  pea- 
sant's house  which  stood  detached  from  the 
rest,  at  the  extremity  of  the  village.  The 
peasant  hearing  us  sing  our  Christmas  carols, 
came  out  with  some  food  which  he  meant  to 
give  us,  and  asked  in  a  rough  loud  voice, 
'Where  are  you,  boys?'  Terrified  at  these 
words,  we  ran  away  as  fast  as  we  could.  We 
had  no  reason  to  fear,  for  the  peasant  offered 
us  this  assistance  in  kindness;  but  our  hearts 
were  no  doubt  become  fearful  from  the  threats 
and  tyranny  which  the  masters  then  used 
towards  their  scholars,  so  that  we  were  seized 
with  sudden  fright.  At  last,  however,  as  the 
peasant  still  continued  to  call  after  us,  we 
stopped,  forgot  our  fears,  ran  to  him,  and 
received  the  food  that  he  offered  us.  It  is 
thus,"  adds  Luther,  "  that  we  tremble  and 
flee  when  our  conscience  is  guilty  and  alarmed. 
Then  we  are  afraid  even  of  the  help  that  is 
offered  us,  and  of  those  who  are  our  friends, 
and  wish  to  do  us  good."10 

A  year  had  scarcely  elapsed,  when  John 
and  Margaret,  hearing  what  difficulty  their 
son  found  in  supporting  himself  at  Magdeburg, 
sent  him  to  Eisenach,  where  there  was  a  cele- 
brated school,  and  at  which  place  they  had 
relations.11  They  had  other  children,  and  though 
their  circumstances  were  much  improved,  they 
could  not  maintain  their  son  in  a  city  where 
he  was  a  stranger.  The  unremitting  labours 
of  John  Luther  could  do  no  more  than  support 
the  family  at  Mansfeld.  He  hoped  that  when 
Martin  got  to  Eisenach  he  would  find  it  easier 
to  earn  his  living.  But  he  was  not  more 
fortunate  there  than  he  had  been  at  Magdeburg. 
His  relations  who  lived  in  the  town  did  not 
trouble  themselves  about  him,  or  perhaps  they 
were  very  poor  and  could  not  give  him  any 
assistance. 

When  the  young  scholar  was  pressed  with 
hunger,  he  was  obliged,  as  at  Magdeburg,  to 
go  with  his  school-fellows  and  sing  in  the 
streets  to  earn  a  morsel  of  bread.  This  cus- 
tom of  Luther's  time  is  still  preserved  in 
many  towns  in  Germany.  These  young 
people's  voices  sometimes  form  a  most  harmo- 
nious concert.  Often  the  poor  modest  boy, 
instead  of  bread,  received  nothing  but  harsh 
words.  More  than  once,  overwhelmed  with 
sorrow,  he  shed  many  tears  in  secret;  he 
could  not  look  to  the  future  without  trem- 
bling. 

One  day,  in  particular,  after  having  been 
repulsed  from  three  houses,  he  was  about  to 
return  fasting  to  his  lodging,  when  having 
reached  the  Place  St.  George,  he  stood  before 
the  house  of  an  honest  burgher,  motionless, 
and  lost  in  painful  reflections.  Must  he,  for 
want  of  bread,  give  up  his  studies,  and  go  to 
work  with  his  father  in  the  mines  of  Mans- 
feld? Suddenly  a  door  opens,  a  woman 
appears  on  the  threshold  : — it  is  the  wife  of 
Conrad  Cotta,  a  daughter  of  the  burgomaster 
of  Eilfeld.12  Her  name  was  Ursula.  The 
chronicles  of  Eisenach  call  her  "the  pious 
Shunamite,"  in  remembrance  of  her  who  so 


40 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


earnestly  entreated  the  prophet  Elijah  to  eat 
bread  with  her.  This  Christian  Shunamite 
had  more  than  once  remarked  young  Martin 
in  the  assemblies  of  the  faithful ;  she  had 
been  affected  by  the  sweetness  of  his  voice 
and  his  apparent  devotion.13  She  had  heard 
the  harsh  words  with  which  the  poor  scholar 
had  been  repulsed.  She  saw  him  over- 
whelmed with  sorrow  before  her  door;  she 
came  to  his  assistance,  beckoned  him  to  enter, 
and  supplied  his  urgent  wants. 

Conrad  approved  his  wife's  benevolence; 
he  even  found  so  much  pleasure  in  the  society 
of  young  Luther,  that,  a  few  days  afterwards, 
he  took  him  to  live  in  his  house.  From  that 
moment  he  no  longer  feared  to  be  obliged  to 
relinquish  his  studies.  He  was  not  to  return 
to  Mansfeld,  and  bury  the  talent  that  God 
had  committed  to  his  trust!  God  had  opened 
the  heart  and  the  doors  of  a  Christian  family 
at  the  very  moment  when  he  did  not  know 
what  would  become  of  him.  This  event 
disposed  his  soul  to  that  confidence  in  God, 
which  at  a  later  period  the  severest  trials  could 
not  shake. 

In  the  house  of  Cotta,  Luther  lived  a  very 
different  life  from  that  which  he  had  hitherto 
done.  He  enjoyed  a  tranquil  existence, 
exempt  from  care  and  want;  his  mind  became 
more  calm,  his  disposition  more  cheerful,  his 
heart  more  enlarged.  His  whole  nature  was 
awakened  by  the  sweet  beams  of  charity,  and 
began  to  expand  into  life,  joy,  and  happiness. 
His  prayers  were  more  fervent;  his  thirst  for 
learning  became  more  ardent;  and  he  made 
rapid  progress  in  his  studies. 

To  literature  and  science  he  united  the 
study  of  the  arts ;  for  the  arts  also  were  then 
advancing  in  Germany.  The  men  whom 
God  designs  to  influence  their  contemporaries, 
are  themselves  at  first  influenced  and  led  by 
the  tendencies  of  the  age  in  which  they  live. 
Luther  learned  to  play  on  the  flute  and  on  the 
lute.  He  often  accompanied  his  fine  alto 
voice  with  the  latter  instrument,  and  thus 
cheered  his  heart  in  his  hours  of  sadness. 
He  also  took  pleasure  in  expressing  by  his 
melody  his  gratitude  to  his  adoptive  mother, 
who  was  very  fond  of  music.  He  himself 
loved  this  art  even  to  his  old  age,  and  com- 
posed the  words  and  music  of  some  of  the 
most  beautiful  German  hymns. 

Happy  time  for  the  young  man !  Luther 
always  looked  back  to  them  with  emotion ! 
and  a  son  of  Conrad  having  gone  many  years 
after  to  study  at  Wittemberg,  when  the  poor 
scholar  of  Eisenach  had  become  the  learned 
teacher  of  his  age,  he  joyfully  received  him  at 
his  table  and  under  his  roof.  He  wished  to 
repay  in  part  to  the  son  what  he  had  received 
from  the  father  and  mother. 

It  was  when  memory  reverted  to  the  Chris- 
tian woman  who  had  supplied  him  with  bread 
when  every  one  else  repulsed  him,  that  he 
uttered  this  memorable  saying:  "There  is 
nothing  sweeter  than  the  heart  of  a  pious  wo- 
man." 

But  never  did  Luther  feel  ashamed  of  the 
time,  when,  pressed  by  hunger,  he  sorrow- 


fully begged  the  bread  necessary  for  the  sup- 
port of  life  and  the  continuance  of  his  studies. 
So  far  from  this,  he  thought  with  gratitude  on 
the  extreme  poverty  of  his  youth.  He  con- 
sidered it  as  one  of  the  means  that  God  had 
made  use  of  to  make  him  what  he  afterwards 
became,  and  he  thanked  him  for  it.  The  condi- 
tion of  poor  children,  who  were  obliged  to  lead 
the  same  kind  of  life,  touched  him  to  the  heart. 
"  Do  not  despise,"  said  he,  "  the  boys  who 
try  to  earn  their  bread  by  chanting  before 
your  door,  *  bread  for  the  love  of  God,'  Punem 
propier  Deum.  I  have  done  the  same.  It  is 
true  that  in  later  years  my  father  maintained 
me  at  the  University  of  Erfurth,  with  much 
love  and  kindness,  supporting  me  by  the 
sweat  of  his  brow ;  but  at  one  time  I  was  only 
a  poor  mendicant.  And  now  by  means  of  my 
pen,  I  have  succeeded  so  well,  that  I  would 
not  change  fortunes  with  the  Grand  Seignor 
himself.  I  may  say  more:  if  I  were  to  be 
offered  all  the  possessions  of  the  earth  heaped 
one  upon  another,  I  would  not  take  them  in 
exchange  for  what  I  possess.  And  yet  I 
should  never  have  known  what  I  do,  if  I  had 
not  been  to  school,  and  been  taught  to  write.'* 
Thus  did  this  great  man  acknowledge  that 
these  humble  beginnings  were  the  origin  of 
his  glory.  He  was  not  afraid  of  reminding 
his  readers  that  that  voice  whose  accents  elec- 
trified the  Empire  and  the  world,  had  not  very 
long  before  begged  a  morsel  of  bread  in  the 
streets  of  a  petty  town.  The  Christian  takes 
pleasure  in  such  recollections,  because  they 
remind  him  that  it  is  in  God  alone  that  he  is 
permitted  to  glory. 

The  strength  of  his  understanding,  the  live- 
liness of  his  imagination,  and  his  excellent 
memory,  enabled  him  in  a  short  time  to  get 
the  start  of  all  his  fellow-students.14  He  made 
especially  rapid  progress  in  the  dead  lan- 
guages, in  rhetoric,  and  in  poetry.  He  wrote 
sermons,  and  made  verses.  Cheerful,  oblig- 
ing, and  what  is  called  good-hearted,  he  was 
beloved  by  his  masters  and  his  companions. 

Amongst  the  professors,  he  was  particularly 
attached  to  John  Trebonius,  a  learned  man,  of 
an  agreeable  address,  and  who  had  that  regard 
for  the  young  which  is  so  encouraging  to  them 
Martin  had  observed  that  when  Trebonius 
came  into  the  school-room  he  took  off  his  hat 
and  bowed  to  the  scholars ;  a  great  condescen- 
sion in  those  pedantic  times.  This  had 
pleased  the  young  man.  He  began  to  per- 
ceive that  he  himself  was  something.  The 
respect  paid  him  by  his  master  had  raised  the 
scholar  in  his  own  estimation.  The  col- 
leagues of  Trebonius,  whose  custom  was  dif- 
ferent, having  one  day  expressed  their  asto- 
nishment at  this  extreme  condescension,  he 
answered  them ; — and  his  answer  made  an 
rnpression  on  young  Luther.  "  There  are," 
said  he,  "  amongst  these  youths,  some  whom 
God  will  one  day  raise  to  the  ranks  of  bur- 
gomasters, chancellors,  doctors  and  magis- 
rates.  Though  you  do  not  now  see  the 
outward  signs  of  their  respective  dignities,  it 
s  yet  proper  to  treat  them  with  respect." 
Doubtless  the  young  scholar  heard  these 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


41 


words  with  pleasure,  and  perhaps  he  then 
saw  himself  in  prospect  adorned  with  a  doc- 
tor's cap. 

Luther  had  attained  his  eighteenth  year. 
He  had  tasted  the  sweets  of  learning.  He 
thirsted  after  knowledge.  He  sighed  for  a 
university  education.  He  longed  to  go  to  one 
of  those  fountains  of  all  knowledge,  where  his 
thirst  for  it  might  be  satisfied.15  His  father  re- 
quired him  to  study  the  law.  Full  of  confi- 
.dence  in  his  son's  talents,  he  desired  to  see  him 
cultivate  them  and  make  them  known  in  the 
world.  Already,  in  anticipation,  he  beheld 
him  filling  honourable  offices  amongst  his  fel- 
low-citizens, gaining  the  favour  of  princes,  and 
shining  on  the  great  stage  of  the  world.  It 
was  determined  that  the  young  man  should  be 
sent  to  Erfurth. 

Luther  arrived  at  that  university  in  the 
year  1501;  Jodocus,  surnamed  the  Doctor  of 
Eisenach,  was  then  teaching  scholastic  philo- 
sophy in  that  place  with  great  success.  Me- 
lancthon  regrets  that  there  was  at  that  time 
nothing  taught  at  Erfurth  but  a  logic  beset 
with  difficulties.  He  expresses  the  opinion 
that  if  Luther  had  met  with  professors  of  a 
different  character,  if  he  had  been  taught  the 
milder  and  more  tranquillizing  doctrines  of 
true  philosophy,  it  might  have  moderated  and 
softened  the  natural  vehemence  of  his  cha- 
racter.16 The  new  pupil,  however,  began  to 
study  the  philosophy  of  the  times  in  the  writ- 
ings of  Occam,  Scotus,  Bonaventura,  and 
Thomas  Aquinas.  In  later  years  he  looked 
upon  this  class  of  writers  with  abhorrence; — 
he  trembled  with  rage  when  even  the  name  of 
Aristotle  was  pronounced  in  his  presence ;  and 
he  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  if  Aristotle  had 
not  been  a  man,  he  should  be  tempted  to  take 
him  for  the  devil.  But  his  mind,  eager  for 
instruction,  required  better  food ;  and  he  ap- 
plied himself  to  the  study  of  the  best  ancient 
authors,  Cicero,  Virgil,  and  others.  He  did 
not  satisfy  himself,  like  the  generality  of  stu- 
dents, with  learning  by  heart  the  works  of 
these  writers;  but  he  endeavoured  especially 
to  fathom  their  thoughts,  to  imbibe  the  spirit 
by  which  they  were  animated,  to  make  their 
wisdom  his  own,  to  comprehend  the  object 
they  aimed  at  in  their  writings,  and  to  enrich 
his  understanding  with  their  weighty  sen- 
tences and  brilliant  descriptions.  He  often 
pressed  his  tutors  with  inquiries,  and  soon 
outstript  his  school-fellows.17  Gifted  with  a 
retentive  memory  and  a  vivid  imagination,  all 
that  he  had  read  or  heard  remained  fixed  on 
his  memory;  it  was  as  if  he  had  seen  it  him- 
self. Thus  did  Luther  distinguish  himself 
in  his  early  youth.  "The  whole  University," 
says  Melancthon,  "admired  his  genius."18 

But  even  at  this  early  period  the  young 
man  of  eighteen  did  not  study  merely  with  a 
view  of  cultivating  his  understanding;  there 
was  within  him  a  serious  thoughtfulness,  a 
heart  looking  upwards,  which  God  gives  to 
those  whom  he  designs  to  make  his  most 
zealous  servants.  Luther  felt  that  he  de- 
pended entirely  upon  God, — a  simple  and 
powerful  conviction,  which  is  at  once  a  prin- 


ciple of  deep  humility  and  an  incentive  to 
great  undertakings.  He  fervently  invoked 
the  divine  blessing  upon  his  labours.  Every 
morning  he  began  the  day  with  prayer;  then 
he  went  to  church  ;  afterwards  he  commenced 
his  studies,  and  he  never  lost  a  moment  in  the 
course  of  the  day.  "To  pray  well,"  he  was 
wont  to  say,  "was  the  better  half  of  study."19 

The  young  student  spent  in  the  library  of 
the  university  the  moments  he  could  snatch 
from  his  academical  labours.  Books  being 
then  scarce,  it  was  in  his  eyes  a  great  privi- 
lege to  be  able  to  profit  by  the  treasures  of  this 
vast  collection.  One  day,  (he  had  been  then 
two  years  at  Erfurth,  and  was  twenty  years 
of  age,)  he  was  opening  the  books  in  the  li- 
brary one  after  another,  in  order  to  read  the 
names  of  the  authors.  One  which  he  opened 
in  its  turn  drew  his  attention.  He  had  not 
seen  anything  like  it  till  that  hour.  He  reads 
the  title : — it  is  a  Bible  !  a  rare  book,  unknown 
at  that  time.20  His  interest  is  strongly  excited  ; 
he  is  filled  with  astonishment  at  finding  more 
in  this  volume  than  those  fragments  of  the 
gospels  and  epistles  which  the  Church  has  se- 
lected to  be  read  to  the  people  in  their  places 
of  worship  every  Sunday  in  the  year.  Till 
then  he  had  thought  that  they  were  the  whole 
word  of  God.  And  here  are  so  many  pages, 
so  many  chapters,  so  many  books,  of  which 
he  had  no  idea  !  His  heart  beats  as  he  holds 
in  his  hand  all  the  Scripture  divinely  inspired. 
With  eagerness  and  indescribable  feelings  he 
turns  over  these  leaves  of  God's  word.  The 
first  page  that  arrests  his  attention,  relates  the 
history  of  Hannah  and  the  young  Samuel.  He 
reads,  and  can  scarcely  restrain  his  joyful 
emotion.  This  child  whom  his  parents  lend 
to  the  Lord  as  long  as  he  liveth  ;  Hannah's 
song  in  which  she  declares  that  the  Lord 
raiseth  up  the  poor  out  of  the  dust  and  lifteth 
up  the  beggar  from  the  dunghill,  to  set  him 
among  princes ;  the  young  Samuel  who  grows 
up  in  the  temple  before  the  Lord  ;  all  this  his- 
tory, all  this  revelation  which  he  has  discover- 
ed, excites  feelings  till  then  unknown.  He 
returns  home  with  a  full  heart.  "Oh!" 
thought  he,  "if  God  would  but  give  me  such 
a  book  for  my  own  !21  Luther  did  not  yet  under- 
stand either  Greek  or  Hebrew.  It  is  not  pro- 
bable that  he  should  have  studied  those  lan- 
guages during  the  first  two  or  three  years  of 
his  residence  in  the  university.  The  Bible 
that  filled  him  with  such  transport  was  in 
Latin.  He  soon  returned  to  the  library  to  find 
his  treasure  again.  He  read  and  re-read,  and 
then  in  his  surprise  and  joy,  he  went  back  to 
read  again.  The  first  gleams  of  a  new  truth 
then  arose  in  his  mind. 

Thus  has  God  caused  him  to  find  His  word  ! 
He  has  now  discovered  that  book  of  which  he 
is  one  day  to  give  to  his  countrymen  that  ad- 
mirable translation  in  which  the  Germans  for 
three  centuries  have  read  the  oracles  of  God. 
For  the  first  time,  perhaps,  this  precious 
volume  has  been  removed  from  the  place  that 
it  occupied  in  the  library  at  Erfurth.  This  book, 
deposited  upon  the  unknown  shelves  of  a  dark 
room,  is  soon  to  become  the  book  of  life  to  a 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


whole  nation, 
that  Bible. 


The  Reformation  lay  hid  in  I  grounded  hope  of  immortality.    Two  events 
occurred,  one  after  the  other,  to  rouse  his  soul 


It  was  in  the  same  year  that  Luther  took 
his  first  academical  degree,  that  of  a  bachelor. 

The  excessive  labour  he  had  undergone  in 
preparing  for  his  examination,  occasioned  a 
dangerous  illness.  Death  seemed  at  hand. 
Serious  reflections  filled  his  mind.  He  thought 
his  earthly  career  was  at  an  end.  All  were 
interested  about  the  young  man.  "  It  was  a 
pity,"  thought  they,  "  to  see  so  many  hopes 
so  early  extinguished."  Several  friends  came 
to -visit  him  on  his  sick  bed.  Amongst  them 
was  an  old  man,  a  venerable  priest,  who  had 
observed  with  interest  the  labours  and  academi- 
cal life  of  the  student  of  Mansfeld.  Luther 
could  not  conceal  the  thoughts  that  filled  his 
mind.  "  Soon,"  said  he,  "  I  shall  be  sum- 
moned hence."  But  the  prophetic  old  man 
kindly  answered.  "  My  dear  bachelor,  take 
courage!  you  will  not  die  this  time.  Our 
God  will  yet  make  you  his  instrument  in  com- 
forting many  others.22  For  God  lays  his  cross 
upon  those  whom  he  loves,  and  those  who 
bear  it  patiently  gain  much  wisdom."  The 
words  impressed  the  sick  youth.  It  was  as 
he  lay  in  the  dust  of  death  that  he  heard  the 
voice  of  a  priest  remind  him  that  God,  as 
Samuel's  mother  had  said,  raiseth  up  the  poor. 
The  old  man  has  poured  sweet  consolation 
into  his  heart, and  revived  his  spirits;  he  will 
never  forget  it.  "  This  was  the  first  prophecy 
the  doctor  ever  heard,"  says  Mathesius,  the 
friend  of  Luther,  who  relates  this  circumstance, 
"and  he  often  recollected  it."  We  may  easily 
comprehend  in  what  sense  Mathesius  calls 
this  speech  a  prophecy. 

When  Luther  was  restored  to  health  there 
was  in  him  a  something  new.  The  Bible,  his 
sickness,  the  words  of  the  old  priest,  seemed 
to  have  called  him  to  a  new  vocation.  There 
was,  however,  as  yet,  no  settled  purpose  in 
his  mind.  He  resumed  his  studies.  In  1505 
he  was  made  master  of  arts,  or  doctor  in  phi- 
losophy. The  university  of  Erfurth  was  then 
the  most  celebrated  in  all  Germany.  The  others 
were  in  comparison  but  inferior  schools.  The 
ceremony  was  performed  according  to  custom, 
with  much  pomp.  A  procession  with  torches 
came  to  do  honour  to  Luther.23  The  festival 
was  magnificent.  There  was  general  rejoicing. 
Luther,  perhaps,  encouraged  by  these  honours, 
prepared  to  apply  himself  entirely  to  the  study 
of  the  law,  agreeably  to  the  wishes  of  his  father. 

But  God  willed  otherwise.  Whilst  Luther 
was  engaged  in  various  studies,  and  beginning 
to  teach  natural  philosophy  and  the  ethics  of 
Aristotle,  with  the  other  branches  of  philoso- 
phy, his  conscience  incessantly  reminded  him 
that  religion  was  the  one  thing  needful,  and 
that  his  first  care  should  be  the  salvation  of 
his  soul.  He  had  learned  God's  hatred  of 
sin ;  he  remembered  the  penalties  that  his 
word  denounces  against  the  sinner;  and  he 
asked  himself  tremblingly,  if  he  was  sure  that 
he  possessed  the  favour  of  God.  His  con- 
science answered  :  No!  His  character  was 
prompt  and  decided ;  he  resolved  to  do  all 
that  depended  upon  himself,  to  ensure  a  well 


and  confirm  his  resolution. 

Amongst  his  college  friends  there  was  one, 
named  Alexis,  with  whom  he  was  very  inti- 
mate. One  morning  a  report  was  spread  in 
Erfurth  that  Alexis  had  been  assassinated. 
Luther  hurried  to  the  spot  and  ascertained  the 
truth  of  the  report.  This  sudden  loss  of  his 
friend  affected  him,  and  the  question  which  he 
asked  himself:  "  What  would  become  of  me, 
if  /  were  thus  suddenly  called  away  1"  filled 
his  mind  with  the  liveliest  apprehension.24 

It  was  then  the  summer  of  1505.  Luther 
availed  himself  of  the  leisure  afforded  him  by 
the  university  vacation,  to  take  a  journey  to 
Mansfeld,  to  revisit  the  beloved  abode  of  his  in- 
fancy, and  to  see  his  affectionate  parents.  Per- 
haps, also,  he  intended  to  open  his  heart  to  his 
father,  to  sound  him  upon  the  plan  that  was 
forming  in  his  mind,  and  obtain  his  permission 
to  engage  in  a  different  vocation.  He  foresaw 
all  the  difficulties  that  awaited  him.  The  idle 
life  of  the  greater  part  of  the  priests  was  par- 
ticularly offensive  to  the  active  miner  of  Mans- 
feld. The  ecclesiastics  were  moreover  little 
esteemed  in  society :  most  of  them  possessed 
but  a  scanty  revenue,  and  the  father  who  had 
made  many  sacrifices  to  keep  his  son  at  the 
university,  and  saw  him  lecturing  publicly  in 
his  twentieth  year,  in  a  celebrated  school,  was 
not  likely  readily  to  renounce  his  proud  hopes. 

We  are  not  informed  of  what  passed  during 
Luther's  abode  at  Mansfeld.  Perhaps  the  de- 
cided wish  of  his  father  made  him  fear  to  open 
his  mind  to  him.  He  again  left  his  father's 
house  for  the  halls  of  the  academy.  He  was 
within  a  short  distance  of  Erfurth  when  he 
was  overtaken  by  a  violent  storm.  The  thun- 
der roared  ;  a  thunderbolt  sunk  into  the  ground 
by  his  side.  Luther  threw  himself  on  his 
knees.  His  hour  is  perhaps  come.  Death, 
judgment,  eternity,  are  before  him  in  all  their 
terrors,  and  speak  with  a  voice  which  he  can 
no  longer  resist.  "Encompassed  with  the 
anguish  and  terror  of  death,"25  as  he  himself 
says,  he  makes  a  vow,  if  God  will  deliver  him 
from  this  danger,  to  forsake  the  world,  and 
devote  himself  to  His  service.  Risen  from 
the  earth,  having  still  before  his  eyes  that 
death  that  must  one  day  overtake  him,  he  ex- 
amines himself  seriously,  and  inquires  what 
he  must  do.26  The  thoughts  that  formerly 
troubled  him  return  with  redoubled  power. 
He  has  endeavoured,  it  is  true,  to  fulfil  all  his 
duties.  But  what  is  the  state  of  his  soul? 
Can  he,  with  a  polluted  soul,  appear  before 
the  tribunal  of  so  terrible  a  God  1  He  must 
become  holy.  He  now  thirsts  after  holiness 
as  he  had  thirsted  after  knowledge.  But 
where  shall  he  find  it?  How  is  it  to  be  at- 
tained ?  The  university  has  furnished  him 
with  the  means  of  satisfying  his  first  wish. 
Who  will  assuage  this  anguish,  this  vehement 
desire  that  consumes  him  now  1  To  what  school 
of  holiness  can  he  direct  his  steps?  He  will 
go  into  a  cloister ;  the  monastic  life  will  ensure 
his  salvation.  How  often  has  he  been  told 
of  its  power  to  change  the  heart,  to  cleanse 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


43 


the  sinner,  to  make  man  perfect !  He  will 
enter  into  a  monastic  order.  He  will  there 
become  holy.  He  will  thus  ensure  his  eter- 
nal salvation.27 

Such  was  the  event  that  changed  the  voca- 
tion and  the  whole  destiny  of  Luther.  The 
hand  of  God  was  in  it.  It  was  that  powerful 
hand  that  cast  to  the  ground  the  young  master 
of  arts,  the  aspirant  to  the  bar,  the  intended 
jurisconsult,  to  give  an  entirely  new  direction 
to  his  after  life.  Rubianus,  one  of  Luther's 
friends  at  the  university  of  Erfurth,  .wrote  to 
him  in  later  times:  "Divine  Providence  fore- 
saw what  you  would  one  day  become,  when, 
on  your  return  from  your  parents,  the  fire  of 
heaven  struck  you  to  the  ground,  like  another 
Paul,  near  the  city  of  Erfurth,  and  separating 
you  from  us,  led  you  to  enter  the  Augustine 
order."  Thus,  similar  circumstances  marked 
the  conversion  of  two  of  the  greatest  instru- 
ments chosen  by  Divine  Providence  to  effect 
the  two  greatest  revolutions  that  have  ever 
taken  place  upon  the  earth :  Saint  Paul  and 
Luther.* 

Luther  re-onters  Erfurth.  His  resolution  is 
unalterable.  Still  it  is  with  reluctance  that 
he  prepares  to  break  ties  that  are  so  dear  to 
him.  He  does  not  communicate  his  design. 
to  any  of  his  companions.  But  one  evening 
he  invites  his  college  friends  to  a  cheerful  and 
simple  repast.  Music  once  more  enlivens 
their  social  meeting.  It  is  Luther's  farewell 
to  the  world.  Henceforth  the  companions  of 
his  pleasures  and  studies  are  to  be  exchanged 
for  the  society  of  monks;  cheerful  and  witty 
discourse  for  the  silence  of  the  cloister :  merry 
voices,  for  the  solemn  harmony  of  the  quiet 
chapel.  God  calls  him;  he  must  sacrifice  all 
things.  Now,  however,  for  the  last  time,  let 
him  give  way  to  the  joys  of  his  youth  !  The 
repast  excites  his  friends.  Luther  himself 
encourages  their  joy.  But  at  the  moment 
when  their  gaiety  is  at  its  height,  the  young 
man  can  no  longer  repress  the  serious  thoughts 
that  occupy  his  mind.  He  speaks.  He  de- 
clares his  intention  to  his  astonished  friends ; 
they  endeavour  to  oppose  it;  but  in  vain. 
And  that  very  night  Luther,  perhaps  dreading 
their  importunity,  quits  his  lodgings.  He 
leaves  behind  his  books  and  furniture,  taking 
•with  him  only  Virgil  and  Plautus.  (He  had 
not  yet  a  Bible.)  Virgil  and  Plautus!  an 
epic  poem,  and  comedies !  Singular  picture 
of  Luther's  mind  !  .There  was,  in  fact,  in  his 
character,  the  materials  of  a  complete  epic 
poem;  beauty,  grandeur,  ai^}, sublimity ;  but 
his  disposition  inclined  to  gaiety,  wit,  and 
mirth ;  and  more  than  one  ludicrous  trait 
broke  forth  from  the  serious  and  noble  ground- 
work of  his  life. 

Furnished  with  these  two  books,  he  goes 
alone  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  to  the  con- 


vent of  the  hermits  of -St.  Augustine.  He 
asks  admittance.  The  door  opens  and  closes 
again.  Behold  him  forever  separated  from, 
his  parents,  from  his  companions  in  study, 
and  from  the  world.  It  was  the  17th  of 
August,  1505.  Luther  was  then  twenty-one 
years  and  nine  months  old. 

At  length  he  is  with  God.  His  soul  is  safe. 
He  is  now  to  obtain  that  holiness  he  so  ar- 
dently desired.  The  monks  who  gathered 
round  the  young  doctor  were  full  of  admiration, 
commending  his  decision  and  renunciation  of 
the  world.28  But  Luther  did  not  forget  his 
friends.  He  wrote  to  them,  bidding  adieu  to 
them  and  to  the  world,  and  the  next  day  he  sent 
them  these  letters,  together  with  the  clothes  he 
had  till  then  worn,  and  the  ring  he  received, 
when  made  master  of  arts,  which  he  returned 
to  the  university,  that  nothing  might  remind 
him  of  the  world  he  had  renounced. 

His  friends  at  Erfurth  were  struck  with 
astonishment.  Must  it  be,  thought  they,  that 
such  eminent  talents  should  be  lost  in  that 
monastic  life,  which  is  but  a  kind  of  burial 
alive.29  Full  of  grief,  they  immediately  re- 
paired to  the  convent,  in  hopes  of  inducing 
Luther  to  retract  so  fatal  a  resolution;  but  in 
vain.  The  doors  were  closed  against  them. 
A  whole  month  was  to  elapse  before  any  one 
could  be  permitted  to  see  the  new  monk,  or  to 
speak  to  him. 

Luther  had  almost  immediately  communi- 
cated to  his  parents  the  great  change  that  had 
now  taken  place.  His  father  was  thunder- 
struck. He  trembled  for  his  son,  as  Luther 
himself  tells  in  the  dedication  of  his  book  on 
monastic  vows,  addressed  to  his  father.  His 
weakness,  his  youth,  the  strength  of  his  pas- 
sions, made  his  father  fear  that,  after  the  first 
moments  of  enthusiasm  should  have  passed, 
the  indolent  life  of  a  monk  might  either  tempt 
the.  young  man  to  despair,  or  occasion  him  to 
fall  into  some  grievous  sin.  He  knew  that  a 
monastic  life  had  already  ruined  many.  Be- 
sides, the  miner  of  Mansfeld  had  formed 
other  plans  for  his  son.  He  had  hoped  that 
he  would  contract  a  rich  and  honourable  mar- 
riage. And  now  all  his  ambitious  projects 
were  overthrown  in  one  night  by  this  impru- 
dent step. 

John  wrote  an  angry  letter  to  his  son,  in 
which  he  used  a  tone  of  authority  that  he  had 
laid  aside  from  the  period  when  his  son  had 
been  made  Master  of  Arts.  He  withdrew  all 
his  favour,  and  declared  him  disinherited  from 
a  father's  love.  In  vain  did  John  Luther's 
friends,  and  doubtless  his  wife,  endeavour  to 
soften  his  displeasure,  by  saying:  "If  you 
would  make  a  sacrifice  to  God,  let  it  be  the 
best  and  dearest  of  your  possessions,  your 
son,  your  Isaac."  The  inexorable  town-coun- 
cillor of  Mansfeld  would  listen  to  nothing. 

After  some  time,  however,  (Luther  tells  us 
this  in  a  sermon  preached  at  Wittemberg,  the 
20th  of  January,  1544,)  the  plague  visited  the 
neighbourhood,  and  deprived  John  Luther  of 
two  of  his  sons.  Just  then  there  came  one 


*  Some  historians  relate  that  Alexis  was  killed 
by  the  thunder-bolt  that  alarmed  Luther;  but  two 
contemporaries,  Mathesius  and  Selneccer  (in  Orat. 
de  Luth.)  distinguish  between  these  two  events ; 
•we  may  even  add  to  their  testimony  that  of  Me- 
lancthon,  who  says,  "  Sodalem  nescio  quo  casu  |  who  tol(1  the  father'  who  was  in  deep  afflic- 
iaterfectum."  (Vita  Luth.)  Ition:  "The  monk  of  Erfurth  is  also  dead." 


44 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


His  friends  took  that  opportunity  of  recon- 
ciling the  father  to  the  young  novice.  "  If  it 
should  be  a  false  report,"  said  they,  "at  least 
sanctify  your  present  affliction  by  consenting 
that  your  son  should  be  a  monk."  "  Well,  be 
it  so,"  said  John  Lutber,  with  a  heart  broken 
and  yet  struggling;  "and  God  grant  he  may 
prosper !"  When  Luther,  at  a  later  period, 
reconciled  to  his  father,  related  the  event  that 
had  induced  him  to  embrace  a  monastic  life  : 
"  God  grant,"  replied  the  worthy  miner,  "that 
you  may  not  have  mistaken  a  delusion  of  the 
devil  for  a  sign  from  heaven."30 

There  was  then  in  Luther  little  of  that 
which  made  him  in  after  life  the  Reformer  of 
the  Church.  His  entering  into  a  convent  is 
a  proof  of  this.  It  was  an  act  in  that  spirit 
of  a  past  age  from  which  he  was  to  contribute 
to  deliver  the  Church.  He  who  was  about  to 
become  the  teacher  of  the  world,  was  as  yet 
only  its  servile  imitator.  A  new  stone  was 
added  to  the  edifice  of  superstition,  by  the  very 
person  who  was  shortly  to  overturn  it.  Lu- 
ther was  then  looking  for  salvation  in  himself, 
in  works  and  observances ;  he  knew  not  that 
salvation  cometh  of  God  only.  He  sought  to 
establish  his  own  righteousness  and  his  own 
glory, — being  ignorant  of  the  righteousness  and 
glory  of  God.  But  what  he  was  then  igno- 
rant of  he  soon  learned.  It  was  in  the  cloister 
of  Erfurth  that  the  great  change  was  effected 
which  substituted  in  his  heart  God  and  His 
wisdom,  for  the  world  and  its  traditions,  and 
prepared  the  mighty  revolution  of  which  he 
was  the  most  illustrious  instrument. 

Martin  Luther,  on  entering  the  convent, 
changed  his  name,  and  took  that  of  Augustine. 
"  What  can  be  more  mad  and  impious,"  said 
he,  in  relating  this  circumstance,  "than  to  re- 
nounce one's  Christian  name  for  the  sake  of  a 
cowl!  It  is  thus  the  popes  are  ashamed  of 
their  Christian  names,  and  show  thereby  that 
they  are  deserters  from  Jesus  Christ."31 

The  monks  had  received  him  joyfully.  It 
was  no  small  gratification  to  their  self-love  to 
see  the  university  forsaken,  by  one  of  its  most 
eminent  scholars,  for  a  house  of  their  order. 
Nevertheless,  they  treated  him  harshly,  and 
imposed  upon  him  the  meanest  offices.  They 
perhaps  wished  to  humble  the  doctor  of  phi- 
losophy, and  to  teach  him  that  his  learning 
did  not  raise  him  above  his  brethren ;  and 
thought,  moreover,  by  this  method,  to  prevent 
his  devoting  himself  to  his  studies,  from  which 
the  convent  would  derive  no  advantage.  The 
former  master  of  arts  was  obliged  to  perform 
the  functions  of  door-keeper,  to  open  and  shut 
the  gates,  to  wind  up  the  clock,  to  sweep  the 
church,  to  clean  the  rooms.32  Then,  when  the 
poor  monk,  who  was  at  once  porter,  sexton, 
and  servant  of  the  cloister,  had  finished  his 
work :  "  Cum  sacco  per  civitatem — With  your 
bag  through  the  town!"  cried  the  brothers; 
and,  loaded  with  his  bread-bag,  he  was  obliged 
to  go  through  the  streets  of  Erfurth,  begging 
from  house  to  house,  and  perhaps  at  the  doors 
of  those  very  persons  who  had  been  either  his 
friends  or  his  inferiors.  But  he  bore  it  all. 
Inclined,  from  his  natural  disposition,  to  de- 


vote himself  heartily  to  whatever  he  under- 
took, it  was  with  his  whole  soul  that  he  had 
become  a  monk.  Besides,  could  he  wish  to 
spare  the  body!  to  regard  the  satisfying  of 
the  flesh]  Not  thus  could  he  acquire  the 
humility,  the  holiness,  that  he  had  court?  to 
seek  within  the  walls  of  a  cloister1? 

The  poor  monk,  overwhelmed  with  toil, 
eagerly  availed  himself  of  every  moment  he 
could  snatch  from  his  degrading  occupations. 
He  sought  to  retire  apart  from  his  companions, 
and  give  himself  up  to  his  beloved  studies. 
But  the  brethren  soon  perceived  this,  came 
about  him  with  murmurs,  and  forced  him  to 
leave  his  books:  "  Come,  come!  it  is  not  by 
study,  but  by  begging  bread,  corn,  eggs,  fish, 
meat  and  money,  that  you  can  benefit  the 
cloister."33  And  Luther  submitted,  put  away 
his  books,  and  resumed  his  bag.  Far  from 
repenting  of  the  yoke  he  had  taken  upon  him- 
self, he  resolved  to  go  through  with  it.  Then 
it  was  that  the  inflexible  perseverance  with 
which  he  ever  prosecuted  the  resolutions  he 
had  once  formed  began  to  develope  itself.  His 
patient  endurance  of  this  rough  usage  gave  a 
powerful  energy  to  his  will.  God  was  exer- 
cising him  first  with  small  trials,  that  he  might 
learn  to  stand  firm  in  great  ones.  Besides,  to 
be  able  to  deliver  the  age  in  which  he  lived 
from  the  miserable  superstitions  under  which 
it  groaned,  it  was  necessary  that  he  should 
feel  the  weight  of  them.  To  empty  the  cup, 
he  must  drink  it  to  the  very  dregs. 

This  severe  apprenticeship  did  not,  how- 
ever, last  so  long  as  Luther  might  have  feared. 
The  prior  of  the  convent,  upon  the  intercession 
of  the  university  of  which  Luther  was  a  mem- 
ber, freed  him  from  the  mean  offices  the  monks 
had  imposed  upon  him.  The  young  monk 
then  resumed  his  studies  with  fresh  zeal. 
The  works  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  es- 
pecially those  of  St.  Augustine,  attracted  his 
attention.  The  exposition  which  this  cele- 
brated doctor  has  written  upon  the  Psalms, 
and  his  book  concerning  the  Letter  and  the 
Spirit,  were  his  favourite  reading.  Nothing 
struck  him  so  much  as  the  opinions  of  this 
Father  upon  the  corruption  of  man's  will,  and 
upon  the  grace  of  God.  He  felt,  in  his  own 
experience,  the  reality  of  that  corruption,  and 
the  necessity  for  that  grace.  The  words  of 
St.  Augustine  found  an  echo  in  his  heart:  if 
he  could  have  belonged  to  any  other  school 
than  that  of  Christ,  it  would  have  undoubted- 
ly been  that  of  the  doctor  of  Hippo.  He 
almost  knew  by^  heart  the  works  of  Peter 
d'Ailly  and  of  Gabriel  Biel.  He  was  struck 
with  an  observation  of  the  former,  that  if  the 
Church  had  not  decided  otherwise,  it  would 
have  been  preferable  to  allow  that  we  really 
receive  the  bread  and  wine  in  the  Holy  Sacra- 
ment, and  not  mere  accidents. 

He  also  studied  with  attention  Occam  and 
Gerson,  who  have  so  freely  expressed  them- 
selves concerning  the  authority  of  the  Popes. 
To  this  course  of  reading  he  united  other  ex- 
ercises. He  was  heard  publicly  to  unravel 
the  most  complicated  arguments,  and  extri- 
cate himself  from  labyrinths  whence  others 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


45 


could  find  no  outlet.  His  hearers  were  asto- 
nished.34 

But  it  was  not  to  gain  the  credit  of  being 
a  great  genius  that  he  entered  a  cloister;  it 
was  to  find  the  aliments  of  piety  to  God.35  He 
regarded  these  pursuits  only  as  recreations. 

He  loved,  above  all,  to  draw  wisdom  from 
the  pure  spring  of  the  Word  of  God.  He 
found  in  the  convent  a  Bible,  fastened  by  a 
chain.  He  had  constant  recourse  to  this 
chained  Bible.  He  understood  but  little  of 
the  Word  ;  but  still  it  was  his  most  absorbing 
study.  Sometimes  he  would  meditate  on  a 
single  passage  for  a  whole  day ;  another  time 
hs  learned  by  heart  some  parts  of  the  Prophets, 
but  above  all  he  wished  to  acquire,  from  the 
writings  of  the  Apostles  and  Prophets,  the 
knowledge  of  God's  will, — to  increase  in 
reverence  for  His  name, — and  to  nourish  his 
faith  by  the  sure  testimony  of  the  word.36 

It  was  apparently  at  this  period,  that  he 
began  to  study  the  Scriptures  in  the  originals, 
and,  by  this  means,  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the 
most  perfect  and  useful  of  his  printed  works, 
— the  translation  of  the  Bible.  He  made  use 
of  the  Hebrew  Lexicon,  by  Reuchlin,  which 
had  just  appeared.  John  Lange,  a  brother  in 
the  convent,  who  was  skilled  in  the  Greek 
and  Hebrew,  and  with  whom  he  always  main- 
tained an  intimate  acquaintance,  probably  as- 
sisted him  at  the  outset.  He  also  made  much 
use  of  the  learned  comments  of  Nicholas  Lyra, 
who  died  in  1340.  It  was  this  circumstance 
that  made  Pflug  (afterwards  Bishop  of  Naurn- 
burg)  remark  :  "  Si  Lyra  non  lyrasset,  Luther- 
us  nun  saltassef. — If  Lyra  had  not  played  his 
lyre  Luther  had  never  danced."37 

The  young  monk  applied  himself  to  his 
studies  with  so  much  zeal,  that  often,  for  two 
or  three  weeks  together,  he  would  omit  the 
prescribed  prayers.  But  he  was  soon  alarmed 
by  the  thought  that  he  had  transgressed  the 
rules  of  his  order.  Then  he  shut  himself  up 
to  redeem  his  negligence;  he  set  himself  to 
repeat  conscientiously  all  his  omitted  prayers 
without  thinking  of  his  necessary  food.  On 
one  occasion  he  passed  seven  weeks  almost 
without  sleep. 

Burning  with  the  desire  after  that  holiness 
which  he  had  sought  in  the  cloister,  Luther 
gave  himself  up  to  all  the  rigour  of  an  ascetic 
life.  He  endeavoured  to  crucify  the  flesh  by 
fastings,  macerations,  and  watchings.38  Shut 
up  in  his  cell,  as  in  a  prison,  he  was  continu- 
ally struggling  against  the  evil  thoughts  and 
inclinations  of  his  heart.  A  little  bread,  a 
single  herring,  were  often  his  only  food.  In- 
deed he  was  constitutionally  abstemious.  So 
it  was  that  his  friends  have  often  seen  him, — 
even  after  he  had  learned  that  heaven  was  not 
to  be  purchased  by  abstinence, — content  him- 
self with  the  poorest  food,  and  go  four  days 
together  without  eating  or  drinking.39  This  is 
stated  on  the  authority  of  a  credible  witness, 
— Melancthori;  and  we  see  from  this  how 
little  attention  is  due  to  the  fables  which  igno- 
rance and  prejudice  have  circulated  as  to  in- 
temperance in  Luther.  Nothing  was  too 
great  a  sacrifice,  at  the  period  we  speak  of, 


for  the  sake  of  becoming  holy  to  gain  heaven. 
Never  did  the  Rornish  Church  contain  a  monk 
of  more  piety ;  never  did  a  cloister  witness 
efforts  more  sincere  and  unwearied  to  purchase 
eternal  happiness.40  When  Luther,  become  a 
Reformer,  declared  that  heaven  could  not  be 
thus  purchased,  he  knew  \vell  what  he  said; 
"  Verily,"  wrote  he  to  Duke  George  of  Sax- 
ony, "I  was  a  devout  monk,  and  followed  the 
rules  of  my  order  so  strictly,  that  I  cannot  tell 
you  all.  If  ever  a  monk  entered  into  heaven 
by  his  monkish  merits,  certainly  I  should  have 
obtained  an  entrance  there.  All  the  monks 
who  knew  me  will  confirm  this ;  and  if  it  had 
lasted  much  longer,  I  should  have  become 
literally  a  martyr,  through  watchings,  prayer, 
reading,  and  other  labours."41 

We  approach  the  period  which  made  Luther 
a  new  man;  and,  by  discovering  to  him  the 
unfathomable  love  of  God,  created  in  him  the 
power  to  declare  it  to  the  world. 

Luther  did  not  find,  in  the  tranquillity  of  the 
cloister  and  monkish  perfection,  the  peace  he 
was  in  quest  of.  He  wanted  an  assurance 
that  he  was  saved.  This  was  the  great  want 
of  his  soul;  without  it  he  could  not  rest. 
But  the  fears  which  had  shaken  him  in  the 
world,  pursued  him  to  his  cell.  Nay,  more,, 
they  increased  there,  and  the  least  cry  of  his 
conscience  seemed  to  resound  beneath  the 
vaulted  roofs  of  the  cloister.  God  had  led 
him  thither,  that  he  might  learn  to  know  him- 
self, and  to  despair  of  his  own  strength  or 
virtues.  His  conscience,  enlightened  by  the 
Divine  Word,  taught  him  what  it  was  to  be 
holy ;  but  he  was  filled  with  terror  at  finding, 
neither  in  his  heart  nor  in  his  life,  the  tran- 
script of  that  holiness  which  he  contemplated 
with  wonder  in  the  Word  of  God.  Melancholy 
discovery  !  and  one  that  is  made  by  every 
sincere  man.  No  righteousness  within ;  no 
righteousness  in  outward  action:  everywhere 
omission  of  duty, — sin,  pollution. — The  more 
ardent  Luther's  natural  character,  the  more 
powerful  was  this  secret  and  constant  resis- 
tance of  his  nature  to  that  which  is  good,  and 
the  deeper  did  it  plunge  him  into  despair. 

The  monks  and  theologians  encouraged  him 
to  do  good  works,  and  in  that  way  satisfy  the 
divine  justice.  "But  what  works,"  thought 
he,  "  can  proceed  out  of  a  heart  like  mine  ? 
How  can  I,  with  works,  polluted  even  in  their 
source  and  motive,  stand  before  a  Holy 
Judge1?" — "I  was,  in  the  sight  of  God,  a 
great  sinner,"  says  he;  "and  I  could  not 
think  it  possible  for  me  to  appease  him  with 
my  merits" 

He  was  agitated  and  dejected ;  shunning 
the  trivial  and  dull  discourse  of  the  monks. 
The  latter,  unable  to  comprehend  the  tempes- 
tuous heavings  of  his  soul,  watched  him  with 
astonishment,  while  they  complained  of  his 
silent  and  unsocial  manners.42  One  day, 
Cochlaeus  tells  us,  whilst  mass  was  perform- 
ing in  the  chapel,  Luther's  abstraction  led  him 
thither,  and  he  found  himself  in  the  choir  in 
the  midst  of  the  monks,  dejected  and  in 
anguish  of  mind.  The  priest  had  bowed 
before  the  altar — the  incense  was  offered,  the 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


Gloria  chanted,  and  the  gospel  was  being 
read,  when  the  unhappy  monk,  unable  to 
suppress  his  mental  torment,  exclaimed,  fall- 
ing upon  his  knees,  "  It  is  not  I— it  is  not  I." 
The  monks  were  all  amazement,  and  the 
solemnity  was  for  an  instant  interrupted. 
Luther  may  perhaps  have  thought  he  heard 
some  reproach  of  which  he  knew  himself 
guiltless ;  or  he  may  have  meant,  at  the  mo- 
ment, to  declare  himself  undeserving  of  being 
of  the  number  of  those  to  whom  Christ's 
death  had  brought  eternal  life.  According  to 
Cochlaeus,  the  gospel  of  the  day  was  the 
account  of  the  dumb  man  out  of  whom  Jesus 
cast  a  devil.  Possibly  Luther's  exclamation 

if  the  story  be  true,)  had  reference  to  this 


£ 


ct,  and  that  resembling  the  dsemoniac  in 
being  like  him  speechless,  he  by  his  cry  pro- 
tested that  his  silence  was  owing  to  a  different 
cause  from  demoniacal  possession.  Indeed, 
Cochlaeus  tells  us  that  the  monks  did  some- 
times ascribe  the  mental  distresses  of  their 
brother  to  a  secret  intercourse  with  the  devil, 
and  that  writer  appears  himself  to  have  shared 
in  the  opinion.44 

A  tender  conscience  led  him  to  regard  the 
least  sin  as  a  great  crime.  No  sooner  had  he 
detected  it,  than  he  laboured  to  expiate  it  by 
the  strictest  self-denial ;  and  that  served  only 
to  make  him  feel  the  inutility  of  all  human 
remedies.  "  I  tormented  myself  to  death," 
says  he, "  to  procure  for  my  troubled  heart  and 
agitated  conscience  peace  in  the  presence  of 
God  :  but  encompassed  with  thick  darkness,  I 
nowhere  found  peace." 

All  the  practices  of  monkish  holiness  which 
quieted  so  many  drowsy  consciences  around 
Jiim,  and  to  which  in  his  agony  of  mind  he 
had  recourse,  soon  evinced  themselves  to  be 
useless  prescriptions  of  an  empirical  quackery 
in  religion.  "  When  during  the  time  I  was  a 
monk,  I  felt  temptations  assail  me,  I  am  a  lost 
man,  thought  I.  Immediately  I  resorted  to  a 
thousand  methods  to  appease  the  reproaches 
of  my  heart.  I  confessed  every  day.  But  all 
that  was  of  no  use.  Then,  overwhelmed  with 


conflict.  The  young  monk  moved,  like  a 
spectre,  through  the  long  corridors  of  the  clois- 
ters with  sighs  and  groans.  His  bodily  powers 
failed,  his  strength  forsook  him;  sometimes  he 
was  motionless  as  if  dead.45 

One  day,  overcome  with  sadness,  he  shut 
himself  in  his  cell,  and  for  several  days  and 
nights  suffered  no  one  to  approach  him.  One 
of  his  friends,  Lucas  Edemberger,  uneasy 
about  the  unhappy  monk,  and  having  some  • 
presentiment  of  his  state,  took  with  him  some 
young  boys,  choral  singers,  and  went  and 
knocked  at  the  door  of  his  cell.  No  one  open- 
ed or  answered.  The  good  Edemberger,  still 
more  alarmed,  broke  open  the  door,  and  dis- 
covered Luther  stretched  on  the  floor  in  un- 
consciousness, and  without  any  sign  of  life. 
His  friend  tried  in  vain  to  recall  his  senses, 
but  he  continued  motionless.  Then  the  young 
choristers  began  to  sing  a  sweet  hymn.  Their 
clear  voices  acted  like  a  charm  on  the  poor 
monk,  to  whom  music  had  always  been  a 
source  of  delight,  and  by  slow  degrees  his 
strength  and  consciousness  returned.46  But  if 
for  a  few  instants  music  could  restore  to  him 
a  degree  of  serenity,  another  and  more  power- 
ful remedy  was  needed  for  the  cure  of  his  mala- 
dy; there  was  needed  that  sweet  and  penetrat- 
ing sound  of  the  Gospel,  which  is  the  voice 
of  God.  He  felt  this  to  be  his  want.  Accord- 
ingly his  sufferings  and  fears  impelled  him  to 
study  with  unwearied  zeal  the  writings  of  the 
Apostles  and  Prophets.47 

Luther  was  not  the  first  monk  who  had 
passed  through  these  conflicts.  The  cloisters 
often  enveloped  in  their  dark  walls  abomina- 
ble vices,  which,  if  they  had  been  revealed, 
would  have  made  an  upright  mind  shudder; 
but  often  also  they  concealed  Christian  vir- 
tues, which  grew  up  beneath  the  shelter  of  a 
salutary  retirement ;  and  which,  if  they  had 
been  brought  forth  to  view,  would  have  been 
the  admiration  of  the  world.  They  who  pos- 
sessed these  virtues,  living  only  with  each 
other  and  with  God,  drew  no  attention  from 
without,  and  were  often  unknown  even  to  the 


dejection,  I  distressed  myself  by  the  multi-   small  convent  in  which  they  were  enclosed; — 


tude  of  my  thoughts.  See,  said  I  to  myself, 
thou  art  envious,  impatient,  passionate;  there- 
fore wretch  that  thou  art !  it  is  of  no  use  to 
thee  to  have  entered  into  this  holy  order." 

And  yet  Luther,  imbued  with  the  prejudices 
of  the  age,  had  from  his  youth  deemed  the  re- 
medies of  which  he  now  experienced  the  in- 
efficacy,  the  certain  cure  of  a  sick  soul.  What 
was  to  be  thought  of  this  strange  discovery 
which  he  had  just  made  in  the  solitude  of  his 
cloister?  One  may  then  live  in  the  sanctuary, 
and  yet  carry  within  a  man  of  sin.  He  has 
obtained  another  garment,  but  not 


their  life  was  known  only  to  God.  At  times 
these  humble  recluses  fell  into  that  mystic  theo- 
logy, the  melancholy  failing  of  the  noblest 
minds,  which  in  an  earlier  age  had  been  the 
delight  of  the  first  monks  on  the  banks  of  the 
Nile,  and  which  wears  out  unprofitably  the 
souls  in  which  it  reigns. 

But  whenever  one  of  these  men  was  called 
to  fill  a  distinguished  post,  he  manifested  vir- 
tues of  which  the  salutary  effects  were  long 
and  widely  felt.  The  candle  being  placed  on 
the  candlestick,  gave  light  to  all  the  house; 


another  many  were  awakened  by  this  light.     Thus  it 

heart;  his  hopes  are  disappointed;  where  shall  was  that  these  pious  souls  were  propagated 
he  turn1?  All  these  rules  and  observances,  from  generation  to  generation ;  and  they  were 
can  they  be  mere  inventions  1  Such  a  suppo-  j  shining  like  distant  torches  in  the  very  periods 
sition  appeared  to  him  one  moment  as  a  temp-  when  the  cloisters  were  often  only  the  impure 
tation  of  the  devil, — and  the  next,  an  irresisti-  j  receptacles  of  darkness, 
ble  truth.  Struggling  either  against  the  holy  I  There  was  a  young  man  who  had  thus  dis- 
voice  which  spoke  in  his  heart,  or  against  the  :  tinguished  himself  in  one  of  the  convents  in 
venerable  institutions  which  had  the  sanction  Germany.  His  name  was  John  Staupitz;  he 
of  ages,  Luther's  existence  was  a  continued  j  was  descended  from  a  noble  family  in  Misnia. 


Prom  e: 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


47 


early  youth  he  had  been  marked  by  a 
taste  for  letters  and  a  love  of  virtue.48  He  felt 
the  necessity  of  retirement  that  he  might  de- 
vote himself  to  learning.  But  he  soon  found 
that  philosophy,  and  the  study  of  nature, 
could  do  nothing  for  our  eternal  salvation. 

He  therefore  began  to  study  divinity.  But 
he  especially  endeavoured  to  join  obedience 
with  knowledge.  "  For,"  says  one  of  his 
biographers,  "  it  is  in  vain  to  call  ourselves 
divines,  if  we  do  not  confirm  that  noble  title 
by  our  lives."  The  study  of  the  Bible  and 
of  St.  Augustine,  the  knowledge  of  himself, 
the  war  he,  like  Luther,  had  to  wage  with  the 
deceitfulness  and  lusts  of  his  own  heart, — 
led  him  to  the  Saviour.  He  found  in  faith  in 
Christ,  Peace  to  his  soul.  The  doctrine  of 
the  Election  by  Grace  especially  engaged  his 
thoughts.  The  uprightness  of  his  life,  the 
depth  of  his  learning,  the  eloquence  of  his 
speech,  no  less  than  a  striking  exterior  and 
dignified  manners,  recommended  him  to  his 
contemporaries.49  The  Elector  of  Saxony, 
Frederic  the  Wise,  honoured  him  with  his 
friendship,  employed  him  in  several  embas- 
sies, and  founded  under  his  direction  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wittemberg.  Staupitz  was  the 
first  professor  of  divinity  in  that  school,  from 
whence  the  light  was  one  day  to  issue  to  en- 
lighten the  schools  and  churches  of  so  many 
nations.  He  was  present  at  the  Council  of 
Lateran,  in  place  of  the  archbishop  of  Salz- 
burg, became  provincial  of  his  order  in  Thu- 
ringia  and  Saxony,  and  afterwards  Vicar- 
general  of  the  Augustines  for  all  Germany. 

Staupitz  deeply  lamented  the  corruption  of 
morals  and  the  errors  of  doctrine  which  then 
devastated  the  Church.  His  writings  on  •  the 
love  of  God,'  'on  Christian  faith,'  and  'con- 
formity with  the  death  of  Christ,'  as  well  as 
the  testimony  of  Luther,  give  proof  of  this. 
But  he  -considered  the  first  of  these  two  evils 
as  much  greater  than  the  latter.  Besides,  the 
gentleness  and  indecision  of  his  character,  his 
desire  not  to  go  beyond  the  sphere  of  action 
which  he  thought  assigned  to  him,  made  him 
more  fit  to  be  the  restorer  of  a  convent  than 
the  Reformer  of  the  Church.  He  would  have 
wished  to  raise  none  but  men  of  distinguished 
characters  to  offices  of  importance,  but  not 
finding  them,  he  submitted  to  the  necessity  of 
employing  others.  "  We  must,"  said  he, 
"  plough  with  such  horses  as  we  can  find ; 
and  if  we  cannot  find  horses,  we  must  plough 
with  oxen."60 

We  have  seen  the  anguish  and  internal 
struggles  which  Luther  underwent  in  the  con- 
vent of  Erfurth.  At  this  period  the  visit  of 
the  Vicar-general  was  announced.  Staupitz, 
in  fact,  arrived  in  his  usual  visitation  of  in- 
spection. The  friend  of  Frederic,  the  founder 
of  the  University  of  Wittemberg,  the  chief  of 
the  Augustines,  cast  a  benevolent  look  upon 
those  monks  who  were  subject  to  his  authority. 
Soon  one  of  the  brothers  attracted  his  notice. 
He  was  a  young  man  of  middle  stature,  re- 
duced by  study,  fasting,  and  watching,  so  that 
you  might  count  his  bones.51  His  eyes,  which 
were  afterwards  compared  to  a  falcon's,  were 


sunk;  his  demeanour  was  dejected;  his  coun- 
tenance expressed  a  soul  agitated  with  severe 
conflicts,  but  yet  strong  and  capable  of  en- 
durance. There  was  in  his  whole  appearance 
something  grave,  melancholy,  and  solemn. 
Staupitz,  who  had  acquired  discernment  by 
long  experience,  easily  discerned  what  was 
passing  in  that  mind,  and  at  once  distinguished 
the  young  monk  from  all  his  companions. 
He  felt  drawn  towards  him,  had  a  kind  of 
presentiment  of  his  singular  destiny,  and  soon 
experienced  for  his  inferior  a  paternal  interest. 
He,  like  Luther,  had  been  called  to  struggle; 
he  could,  therefore,  understand  his  feelings. 
He  could,  above  all,  show  him  the  path  to 
that  peace  which  he  had  himself  found.  What 
he  was  told  of  the  circumstances  that  had  in- 
duced the  young  Augustine  to  enter  the  con- 
vent, increased  his  sympathy.  He  enjoined 
the  prior  to  treat  him  with  more  mildness. 
He  availed  himself  of  the  opportunities  his 
office  afforded  for  gaining  the  confidence  of 
the  young  monk.  He  approached  him  affec- 
tionately, and  endeavoured  in  every  way  to 
overcome  the  timidity  of  the  novice — a  timidity 
increased  by  the  respect  and  fear  that  he  felt 
for  a  person  of  rank  so  exalted  as  that  of 
Staupitz. 

The  heart  of  Luther,  which  had  remained 
closed  under  harsh  treatment,  at  last  opened 
and  expanded  to  the  sweet  beams  of  love. 
"  As  in  water  face  answereth  to  face,  so  the 
heart  of  man  to  man."  (Prov.  xxvii.  9.) 
Staupitz's  heart  responded  to  that  of  Luther. 
The  Vicar-general  understood  him.  The  monk 
felt  towards  him  a  confidence  till  then  un- 
known. He  opened  to  him  the  cause  of  his 
sadness,  he  described  the  horrid  thoughts  that 
distressed  him,  and  hence  ensued,  in  the  clois- 
ter of  Erfurth,  conversations  full  of  wisdom 
and  instruction.  . 

"It  is  in  vain,"  said  the  dejected  Luther 
to  Staupitz,  "that  I  make  promises  to  God; 
sin  is  always  too  strong  for  me." 

"  Oh,  my  friend,"  answered  the  Vicar- 
general,  looking  back  on  his  own  experience, 
"I  have  vowed  to  the  holy  God  more  than  a 
thousand  times  that  I  would  live  a  holy  life, 
and  never  have  I  kept  my  vow  !  I  now  make 
no  more  vows,  for  I  know  well  I  shall  not 
keep  them.  If  God  will  not  be  merciful  to 
me  for  Christ's  sake,  and  grant  me  a  happy 
death  when  I  leave  this  world,  I  cannot,  with 
all  my  vows  and  good  works  stand  before 
him.  I  must  perish."52 

The  young  monk  is  terrified  at  the  thought 
of  divine  justice.  He  confesses  all  his  fears. 
The  unspeakable  holiness  of  God — his  sove- 
reign majesty  fill  him  with  awe.  W7ho  can 
endure  the  day  of  his  coming?  Who  can 
stand  when  he  appeareth  ? 

Staupitz  resumed.  He  knew  where  he  had 
found  peace,  and  it  was  in  his  heart  to  tell  the 
young  man.  "  Why,"  said  he,  "  do  you  dis- 
tress °yourself  with  these  speculations  and 
high  thoughts  ?  Look  to  the  wounds  of  Jesus 
Christ,  to  the  blood  which  he  has  shed  for 
you ;  it  is  there  you  will  see  the  mercy  of 
God.  Instead  of  torturing  yourself  for  your 

E2 


48 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


faults,  cast  yourself  into  the  arms  of  the  Re- 
deemer. Trust  in  him, — in  the  righteousness 
of  his  life,  in  the  expiatory  sacrifice  of  his 
death.  Do  not  shrink  from  him  ;  God  is  not 
against  you ;  it  is  you  who  are  estranged  and 
averse  from  God.  Listen  to  the  Son  of  God. 
He  became  man  to  assure  you  of  the  divine 
favour.  He  says  to  you,  *  You  are  my  sheep ; 
you  hear  my  voice ;  none  shall  pluck  you  out 
of  my  hand.'"53 

But  Luther  could  not  find  in  himself  the 
repentance  he  thought  necessary  to  his  salva- 
tion ;  he  answered,  (and  it  is  the  usual  answer 
of  distressed  and  timid  minds,)  "  How  can  I 
dare  believe  in  the  favour  of  God,  so  long  as 
there  is  no  real  conversion?  I  must  be 
changed  before  He  can  receive  me." 

His  venerable  guide  proves  to  him  that 
there  can  be  no  real  conversion,  so  long  as 
man  fears  God  as  a  severe  judge.  "What 
will  you  say  then,"  cries  Luther,  "  to  so 
many  consciences,  to  whom  are  prescribed  a 
thousand  insupportable  penances  in  order  to 
gain  heaven?" 

Then  he  hears  this  answer  from  the  Vicar- 
general  ; — or  rather  he  does  not  beJieve  that  it 
comes  from  a  man ;  it  seems  to  him  a  voice 
resounding  from  heaven.54  "There  is,"  said 
Staupilz,  "  no  true  repentance  but  that  which 
begins  in  the  love  of  God  and  of  righteous- 
ness.55 That  which  some  fancy  to  be  the  end 
of  repentance  is  only  its  beginning.  In  order 
to  be  filled  with  the  love  of  that  which  is 
good,  you  must  first  be  filled  with  the  love  of 
God.  If  you  wish  to  be  really  converted,  do 
not  follow  these  mortifications  and  penances. 
Love  him  who  has  first  loved  you." 

Luther  listens,  and  listens  again.  These 
consolations  fill  him  with  a  joy  before  un- 
known, and  impart  to  him  a  new  light.  "It 
is  Jesus  Christ,"  thinks  he  in  his  heart; 
"yes,  it  is  Jesus  Christ  himself  who  comforts 
me  so  wonderfully  by  these  sweet  and  saluta- 
ry words."56 

These  words,  indeed,  penetrated  the  heart  of 
the  young  monk  like  a  sharp  arrow  from  the 
bow  of  a  strong  man.57  In  order  to  repentance, 
we  must  love  God!  Guided  by  this  new  light, 
he  consulted  the  Scriptures.  He  looked  to  all 
the  passages  which  speak  of  repentance  and 
conversion.  These  words,  so  dreaded  hitherto, 
(to  use  his  own  expressions,)  become  to  him 
an  agreeable  pastime  and  the  sweetest  refresh- 
ment. All  the  passages  of  Scripture  which 
once  alarmed  him,  seemed  now  to  run  to  him 
from  all  sides,  to  smile,  to  spring  up  and  play 
around  him.58 

"  Before,"  he  exclaims,  "  though  I  carefully 
dissembled  with  God  as  to  the  state  of  my 
heart,  and  though  I  tried  to  express  a  love  for 
him,  which  was  only  a  constraint  and  a  mere 
fiction,  there  was  na  word  in  the  Scripture 
more  bitter  to  me  than  that  of  repenlance.  But 
now  there  is  not  one  more  sweet  and  pleasant 
to  me.59  Oh!  how  blessed  are  all  God's  pre- 
cepts, when  we  read  them  not  in  books  alone, 
but  in  the  precious  wounds  of  the  Saviour."60 

However,  Luther,  though  comforted  by  the 
words  of  Staupitz,  sometimes  relapsed  into 


depression.  Sin  was  again  felt  in  his  timid 
conscience,  and  then  to  the  joy  of  salvation, 
succeeded  all  his  former  despair.  "  Oh,  my 
sin !  my  sin !  my  sin !'  cried  the  young  monk, 
one  day  in  the  presence  of  the  Vicar-general, 
and  in  a  tone  of  the  bitterest  grief.  "  Well, 
would  you  be  only  the  semblance  of  a  sinner," 
replied  the  latter,  "  and  have  only  the  semblance 
of  a  SAVIOUR?"  And  then  Staupitz  added 
with  authority :  "  Know  that  Jesus  Christ  is 
the  Saviour  of  those  even  who  are  real  and 
great  sinners,  and  deserving  of  utter  con- 
demnation." 

It  was  not  only  the  sin  that  he  found  in  his 
heart  that  troubled  Luther:  to  the  doubts  of 
his  conscience  were  added  those  of  his  reason. 
If  the  holy  precepts  of  the  Bible  distressed 
him,  some  of  the  doctrines  of  the  divine  word 
increased  his  distress.  The  truth,  which  is 
the  great  instrument  by  means  of  which  God 
gives  peace  to  man,  must  necessarily  begin  by 
taking  from  him  that  false  confidence  which 
is  his  ruin.  The  doctrine  of  election  especially 
troubled  the  young  man,  and  launched  him 
into  a  field  difficult  indeed  to  explore.  Must 
he  believe  that  it  was  man  who  first  chose  God 
for  his  portion?  or  that  it  was  God  who  first 
chose  man?  The  Bible,  history,  daily  expe- 
rience, the  writings  of  Augustine,  all  had 
shown  him  that  we  must  always  and  in  every 
thing  refer  in  the  last  case  to  that  sovereign 
will  by  which  every  thing  exists,  and  upon 
which  every  thing  depends.  But  his  ardent 
mind  desired  to  go  farther.  He  wished  to 
penetrate  into  the  secret  counsels  of  God, — to 
unveil  his  mysteries,  to  see  the  invisible,  and 
comprehend  the  incomprehensible.  Staupitz 
checked  him.  He  persuaded  him  not  to  at- 
tempt to  fathom  God,  who  hideth  himself;  but 
to  confine  himself  to  what  He  has  revealed  of 
his  character  in  Christ.  "  Look  at  the  wounds 
of  Christ,"  said  he,  "and  you  will  there  §ee 
shining  clearly  the  purpose  of  God  towards 
men.  We  cannot  understand  God  out  of 
Christ.  '  In  Christ  you  will  see  what  I  am 
and  what  I  require,'  hath  the  Lord  said  ;  '  you 
will  not  see  it  elsewhere,  either  in  heaven  or 
on  earth.'  "61 

The  Vicar-general  did  yet  more.  He  brought 
Luther  to  acknowledge  the  fatherly  design  of 
God's  providence  in  permitting  these  tempta- 
tions and  varied  struggles  with  which  his  soul 
had  to  contend.  He  made  him  see  them  in  a 
light  well  suited  to  revive  his  spirit.  God 
prepares  for  himself  by  such  trials  the  souls 
which  he  destines  to  some  important  work. 
We  must  prove  the  vessel  before  we  launch 
it  on  the  mighty  deep.  If  education  is  neces- 
sary for  every  man,  there  is  a  particular  educa- 
tion necessary  for  those  who  are  to  influence 
the  generation  in  which  they  live.  This  is 
what  Staupitz  represented  to  the  monk  of  Er- 
furth.  "  It  is  not  for  nothing,"  said  he,  "  that 
God  proves  you  by  so  many  trials;  however, 
you  will  see  there  are  great  things  in  which 
he  will  make  use  of  you  as  his  minister." 

These  words,  which  Luther  heard  with 
wonder  and  humility,  filled  him  with  courage, 
and  discovered  to  him  in  himself,  powers  which 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


49 


lie  had  not  even  suspected.  The  wisdom  and 
prudence  of  an  enlightened  friend  gradually 
revealed  the  strong  man  to  himself.  Staupitz 
did  not  stop  there.  He  gave  him  valuable  di- 
rections for  his  studies.  He  advised  him  to 
derive  henceforth  all  his  divinity  from  the 
Bible,  laying  aside  the  systems  of  the  schools. 
11  Let  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,"  said  he, 
"be  your  favourite  occupation."  Never  was 
better  advice,  or  better  followed.  But  what 
especially  delighted  Luther,  was  the  present 
that  Staupitz  made  him  of  a  Bible.  At  last 
he  himself  possessed  that  treasure  which  until 
that  hour  he  had  been  obliged  to  seek  either 
in  the  library  of  the  University,  or  at  the  chain 
in  the  convent,  or  in  the  cell  of  a  friend.  From 
that  time  he  studied  the  Scriptures,  and  espe- 
cially St.  Paul's  Epistles,  with  increasing 
zeal.  His  only  other  reading  was  the  works 
of  St.  Augustine.  All  that  he  read  was  power- 
fully impressed  upon  his  mind.  His  struggles 
had  prepared  him  to  understand  the  word.  The 
soil  had  been  deeply  ploughed  ;  the  incorrupti- 
ble seed  took  deep  root.  When  Staupitz  left 
Erfurth,  a  new  light  had  arisen  upon  Luther. 
Still  the  work  was  not  finished.  The  Vicar- 
general  had  prepared  it.  God  reserved  the 
completion  of  it  for  a  more  humble  instrument. 
The  conscience  of  the  young  Augustine  had 
not  yet  found  repose.  His  health  at  last  sunk 
under  the  exertions  and  stretch  of  his  mind. 
He  was  attacked  with  a  malady  that  brought 
him  to  the  gates  of  the  grave.  It  was  then 
the  second  year  of  his  abode  at  the  convent. 
All  his  anguish  and  terrors  returned  in  the 
prospect  of  death.  His  own  impurity  and 
God's  holiness  again  disturbed  his  mind.  One 
day  when  he  was  overwhelmed  with  despair, 
an  old  monk  entered  his  cell,  and  spoke  kindly 
to  him.  Luther  opened  his  heart  to  him,  and 
acquainted  him  with  the  fears  that  disquieted 
him.  The  respectable  old  man  was  incapable 
of  entering  into  all  his  doubts,  as  Staupitz  had 
done;  but  he  knew  his  Credo,  and  he  had 
found  there  something  to  comfort  his  own 
heart.  He  thought  he  would  apply  the  same 
remedy  to  the  young  brother.  Calling  his 
attention  therefore  to  the  Apostle's  creed, 
which  Luther  had  learnt  in  his  early  child- 
hood at  the  school  of  Mansfeld,  the  old  monk 
uttered  in  simplicity  this  article:  "  /  believe 
in  the  forgiveness  of  sins."  These  simple 
words,  ingenuously  recited  by  the  pious 
brother  at  a  critical  moment,  shed  sweet  con- 
solation in  the  mind  of  Luther.  "  I  believe," 
repeated  he  to  himself  on  his  bed  of  suffering, 
"1  believe  the  remission  of  sins."  "Ah," 
said  the  monk,  "  you  must  not  only  believe 
that  David's  or  Peter's  sins  are  forgiven :  the 
devils  believe  that.68  The  commandment  of 
God  is  that  we  believe  our  own  sins  are  for- 
given." How  sweet  did  this  commandment 
appear  to  poor  Luther !  "  Hear  what  St.  Ber- 
nard says  in  his  discourse  on  the  Annuncia- 
tion," added  the  old  brother.  "The  testimony 
which  the  Holy  Ghost  applies  to  your  heart 
is  this :  '  Thy  sins  are  forgiven  theeS  " 

From  that  moment  the  light  shone  into  the 
heart  of  the  young  monk  of  Erfurth.     The 


word  of  Grace  was  pronounced,  and  he  believed 
it. — He  renounced  the  thought  of  meriting  sal- 
vation ; — and  trusted  himself  with  confidence 
to  God's  Grace  in  Christ  Jesus.  He  did  not 
perceive  the  consequence  of  the  principle  he 
admitted  ; — he  was  still  sincerely  attached  to 
the  Church  : — and  yet  he  was  thenceforward 
independent  of  it;  for  he  had  received  salva- 
tion from  God  himself;  and  Romish  Catho- 
licism was  virtually  extinct  to  him.  From 
that  hour  Luther  went  forward; — besought 
in  the  writings  of  the  Apostles  and  Prophets 
for  all  that  might  strengthen  the  hope  which 
rilled  his  heart.  Every  day  he  implored  help 
from  above,  and  every  day  new  light  was  im- 
parted to  his  soul. 

This  comfort  to  his  spirit  restored  health  to 
his  body.  He  quickly  arose  from  his  sick-bed. 
He  had  received  new  life  in  more  than  one 
sense.  The  festival  of  Christmas,  which 
soon  after  arrived,  was  to  him  an  occasion  of 
rich  enjoyment  of  all  the  consolations  of  faith. 
He  took  part  in  the  solemnities  of  that  sacred 
season  with  sweet  emotion;  and  when,  in  the 
services  of  the  day,  he  had  to  sing  these  words, 
"  0  beata  culpa  quac  talem  meruisti  Redemp- 
torem!"Gshis  whole  soul  joyfully  responded — 
Jlmen. 

Luther  had  now  been  two  years  in  the  clois- 
ter. The  time  drew  near  when  he  was  to  be 
ordained  priest.  He  had  received  largely  ; 
and  he  looked  forward  with  joy  to  the  liberty 
afforded,  by  the  priest's  office,  of  freely  giving 
what  he  had  so  freely  received.  He  resolved 
to  take  advantage  of  the  approaching  solem- 
nity, to  be  perfectly  reconciled  to  his  father. 
He  invited  him  to  be  present  at  it,  and  even 
asked  him  to  fix  the  day.  John  Luther,  who 
had  not  yet  entirely  forgiven  his  son,  neverthe- 
less accepted  this  invitation,  and  named  Sun- 
day, May  2,  1507. 

Amongst  the  number  of  Luther's  friends  was 
John  Braun,  vicar  of  Eisenach,  who  had  been 
his  faithful  adviser  during  his  abode  in  that 
town.  Luther  wrote  to  him  on  the  22d  of 
April :  this  is  the  earliest  letter  extant  of  the 
Reformer.  It  is  addressed :  "  To  John  Braun, 
holy  and  venerable  priest  of  Christ  and  of 
Mary." 

It  is  only  in  the  two  earliest  letters  of 
Luther  that  the  name  of  the  Virgin  occurs. 

"  God,  who  is  glorious  and  holy  in  all  his 
works,"  said  the  candidate  for  the  priesthood, 
"having  condescended  to  raise  me  up,  who 
am  but  a  wretched  man,  and  in  every  way  an 
unworthy  sinner,  and  to  call  me,  by  his  alone 
and  most  free  mercy,  to  his  high  and  holy 
ministry,  I,  that  I  may  testify  my  gratitude 
for  goodness  so  divine  and  munificent,  ought 
(as  far  as  dust  and  ashes  can)  to  fulfil,  with 
all  my  heart,  the  office  intrusted  to  me. 

"  For  this  cause,  my  beloved  father,  lord, 
and  brother,  1  ask  you,  if  you  have  time,  and 
your  ecclesiastical  and  domestic  affairs  allow 
it,  to  deign  to  assist  me  by  your  presence  and 
your  prayers,  that  my  sacrifice  may  be  ac- 
ceptable in  the  sight  of  God. 

"  But  I  give  you  notice,  that  you  must  come 
straight  to  our  monastery,  and  spend  some 


50 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


time  with  us,  without  seeking  any  other  lodg- 
incr;  you  must  become  an  inhabitant  of  our 
cells." 

At  length  the  day  arrived.  The  miner  of 
Mansfeld°did  not  fail  to  be  present  at  the  con- 
secration of  his  son.  He  even  gave  him  an 
unequivocal  proof  of  his  affection  and  gene- 
rosity, by  making  him  a  present  on  this  occa 
sion  of  twenty  florins. 

The  ceremony  took  place.  Jerome,  bishop 
of  Brandenburg,  officiated.  At  the  moment 
in  which  he  conferred  upon  Luther  the  power 
of  celebrating  the  mass,  he  put  the  cup  into 
his  hand,  and  addressed  him  in  these  solemn 
words:  "  JLctipe  potestatem  mcrificandi  pro 
vivis  et  morluis — Receive  the  power  of  offering- 
sacrifice  for  the  living  and  the  dead."  Luther, 
at  that  moment  listened  calmly  to  these  words, 
which  granted  him  power  to  do  the  work  of 
the  Son  of  God  himself;  but,  at  a  later  period, 
they  made  him  shudder.  "That  the  earth 
did  not  then  swallow  us  both  up,"  says  he, 
"  was  an  instance  of  the  patience  and  long 
suffering  of  the  Lord."61 

His  father  afterwards  dined  in  the  convent 
with  his  son,  the  friends  of  the  young  priest, 
and  the  monks.  The  conversation  turned  on 
Martin's  enterance  into  the  cloister.  The 
brethren  commended  it  as  a  highly  meritori- 
ous action ;  on  which  the  inflexible  John,  turn- 
ing to  them,  remarked  :  *'  Have  you  not  read 
in  the  scripture,  that  it  is  a  duty  to  obey  father 
and  mother  1"  These  words  struck  Luther. 
They  exhibited  the  action  which  brought  him 
into  the  convent  in  a  totally  different  light; 
and  long  afterwards  they  resounded  in  his 
heart. 

Luther,  after  his  consecration,  acting  by  the 
advice  of  Staupitz,  made  several  short  excur- 
sions on  foot  to  the  parishes  and  convents  of 
the  environs ;  either  to  occupy  his  mind,  or 
for  the  sake  of  necessary  exercise ;  or  else  to 
accustom  himself  to  preaching. 

It  had  been  appointed  that  Corpus-Christi 
should  be  kept  with  much  ceremony  at  Eisle- 
ben.  The  Vicar-general  was  to  be  present : 
Luther  attended.  He  still  felt  his  need  of 
Staupitz,  and  took  every  opportunity  of  being 
in  the  company  of  that  enlightened  guide,  who 
helped  forward  his  soul  in  the  way  of  life. 
The  procession  was  numerous  and  gaudy. 
Staupitz  himself  carried  the  host: — Luther 
followed  next  in  his  priestly  garments.  The 
thought  that  Jesus  Christ  himself  was  borne 
before  him  by  the  Vicar-general, — the  idea 
that  the  Lord  in  person  was  present, — sudden- 
ly struck  upon  Luther's  imagination,  and  so 
overawed  him,  that  it  was  with  difficulty  he 
went  forward: — a  cold  sweatcame  over  him ;  he 
staggered,  and  thought  he  should  die  in  the  ago- 
ny of  his  fear : — at  last  the  procession  stopped. 
The  host  which  had  awakened  the  monk's  ter- 
rors was  reverently  deposited  in  the  sacristy, 
and  Luther,  left  alone  with  Staupitz,  threw 
himself  into  his  arms,  and  confessed  the  cause 
of  his  fear.  Then  the  Vicar-general,  who 
had  long  known  that  gracious  Saviour  who 
breaks  not  the  bruised  reed,  gently  whis- 1 
pered ! — "  Dear  brother,  it  was  not  Jesus  j 


Christ;  for  Christ  does  not  terrify;  he  ever 
comforts."65 

Luther  was  not  destined  to  remain  hidden 
in  an  obscure  convent.  The  time  had  arrived 
which  was  to  transfer  him  to  a  wider  theatre. 
Staupitz,  with  whom  he  still  maintained  a 
regular  correspondence,  was  well  persuaded 
that  there  was  in  the  young  monk  a  spirit  too 
stirring  to  be  confined  within  a  narrow  range. 
He  spoke  of  him  to  Frederic,  the  Elector  of 
Saxony;  and  that  enlightened  prince  invited 
Luther,  in  1508,  probably  near  the  close  of 
that  year,  to  become  professor  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Wittemberg.  Wittemberg  was  the 
field  on  which  Luther  was  ordained  to  fight 
many  a  hard  battle.  He  felt  himself  called 
thither.  He  was  pressed  to  repair  quickly  to 
his  new  post.  He  answered  the  call  imme- 
diately; and  in  the  haste  of  his  removal,  he 
had  not  time  even  to  write  to  one  whom  he 
called  his  master  and  well-beloved  father,  the 
curate  of  Eisenach,  John  Braun.  He  wrote 
to  him  from  Wittemberg,  a  few  months  after : 
"  My  departure  was  so  sudden,"  said  he,  "  that 
it  was  almost  unknown  to  those  with  whom  I 
was  living.  It  is  true,  I  am  at  a  greater  dis- 
tance, but  the  better  half  of  me  remains  still 
with  you ;  and  the  further  I  am  removed  in 
bodily  presence,  the  more  closely  my  spirit  is 
drawn  to  you."06  Luther  had  been  three  years 
in  the  cloister  of  Erfurth. 

Arriving  at  Wittemberg,  he  repaired  to  the 
convent  of  the  Augustines,  where  a  cell  was 
assigned  him ;  for  though  a  professor,  he 
ceased  not  to  be  a  monk.  He  was  appointed 
to  teach  physics  and  dialectics.  This  ap- 
pointment was  probably  conferred  upon  him 
in  consideration  of  his  philosophical  studies 
at  Erfurth,  and  his  degree  of  master  of  arts. 
Thus  Luther,  who  was  then  hungering  and 
thirsting  for  the  word  of  God,  was  obliged  to 
apply  himself  almost  exclusively  to  the  scho- 
lastic philosophy  of  Aristotle.  He  felt  the 
need  of  that  bread  of  life  which  God  gives  to 
the  world  ;  and  he  was  forced  to  bury  himself 
in  mere  human  subtleties.  Hard  necessity  ! 
how  did  he  sigh  under  it !  "I  am  very  well, 
by  God's  favour,"  wrote  he  to  Braun,  "  but 
that  I  am  compelled  to  give  my  whole  atten- 
tion to  philosophy.  From  the  moment  of  my 
arrival  at  Wittemberg  I  have  longed  to  ex- 
change that  study  for  theology;  but,"  added 
he,  lest  he  should  be  thought  to  mean  the  the- 
ology of  that  age,  "I  mean  that  theology 
which  seeks  the  kernel  of  the  nut,  the  pulp  of 
the  wheat,  the  marrow  of  the  bone.67  How- 
ever things  may  go,  God  is  God,"  continued 
he  with  that  confidence  which  was  the  life  of 
his  soul,  "man  almost  always  errs  in  his  judg- 
ment; but  this  is  our  God  forever  and  ever; 
ie  will  be  our  guide  unto  death."  The  la- 
jours  that  were  then  imposed  upon  Luther 
were  at  a  later  period  of  great  use  in  enabling 
him  to  combat  the  errors  of  the  schools. 

He  could  not  rest  there.  The  desire  of  his 
heart  was  destined  to  be  fulfilled.  That 
same  power,  which  some  years  before  had 
driven  Luther  from  the  bar  to  a  religious  life, 
now  impelled  him  to  the  Bible.  He  applied 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


51 


3lf  zealously  to  the  study  of  the  ancient 
iguages,  especially  the  Greek  and  Hebrew, 
lat  he  might  draw  knowledge  and  doctrine 
the  fountain  head.  He  was,  through 
life,  indefatigable  in  his  studies.68  Some 
months  after  his  arrival  at  the  university  he 
solicited  the  degree  of  bachelor  in  divinity 
He  obtained  it  at  the  end  of  March,  1509, 
with  a  particular  direction  to  Biblical  theo- 


logy. 
Evi 


]very  day  at  one  o'clock  Luther  was  ex- 
pected to  discourse  upon  the  Bible ;  a  precious 
hour  for  the  professor  and  the  pupils,  and 
•which  always  gave  them  deeper  insight  into 
the  divine  sense  of  those  discoveries  so  long 
lost  to  the  people  and  to  the  schools. 

He  began  these  lectures,  by  explaining  the 
Psalms,  and  he  soon  passed  to  the  Epistle  to 
the  Romans.  It  was  especially  in  meditating 
upon  this  book  that  the  light  of  truth  entered 
his  heart.  In  the  retirement  of  his  tranquil 
cell,  he  devoted  whole  hours  to  the  study 
of  the  divine  word,  with  St.  Paul's  Epistle 
open  before  him.  One  day  having  proceeded 
as  far  as  the  17th  verse  of  the  first  chapter,  he 
there  read  this  passage  of  the  prophet  Habak- 
kuk  :  "  The  just  shall  live  by  faith."  The 
precept  strikes  him.  There  is  then  for  the  just 
another  life  than  that  possessed  by  the  rest  of 
men;  and  this  life  is  the  fruit  of  faith.  This 
word,  which  he  receives  into  his  heart  as 
if  God  himself  had  planted  it  there,  discloses 
to  him  the  mystery  of  the  Christian  life,  and 
increases  that  life  in  his  soul.  In  the  midst 
of  his  struggles  in  after  life,  the  words  often 
recurred  to  him,  "The  just  shall  live  by 
faith."69 

The  lectures  of  Luther,  with  such  a  prepara- 
tion, were  very  different  from  any  that  had 
been  heard  before.  It  was  not  now  an  eloquent 
rhetorician,  or  a  pedantic  schoolman  who 
spoke ;  it  was  a  Christian  who  had  experienced 
the  power  of  revealed  truths;  who  derived 
them  from  the  Bible,  who  drew  them  from  the 
treasury  of  his  own  heart,  and  presented 
them  in  full  life  to  his  astonished  auditors. 
It  was  no  longer  man's  teaching,  but  God's. 

This  altogether  new  way  of  exhibiting  the 
truth  made  some  noise :  the  rumour  of  it 
spread  far,  and  attracted  to  the  newly  founded 
university  a  crowd  of  young  and  foreign 
students.  Several  even  of  the  professors 
attended  Luther's  lectures,  and  amongst 
others,  the  celebrated  Martin  Pollich  of  Mel- 
lerstadt,  doctor  of  physic,  law,  and  philosophy, 
who,  with  Staupitz,  had  organized  the  uni- 
versity of  Wittemberg,  and  had  been  its  first 
rector.  Mellerstadt,  who  has  been  often  called 
"the  light  of  the  world,"  modestly  mixed 
with  the  pupils  of  the  new  professor.  "  This 
monk,"  said  he,  "will  put  all  doctors  to  the 
rout;  he  will  introduce  anew  style  of  doctrine, 
and  will  reform  the  whole  Church:  he  builds 
upon  the  word  of  Christ;  and  no  one  in  this 
world  can  either  resist  or  overthrow  that 
word,  though  it  should  be  attacked  with  all 
the  weapons  of  Philosophers,  Sophists,  Sco- 
tists,  Albertists,  and  Thomists."70 

Staupitz,  who  was  as  the  hand  of  Pro- 
8 


vidence  to  develope  the  gifts  and  treasures  that 
lay  hidden  in  Luther,  invited  him  to  preach  in 
the  church  of  the  Augustines.  The  young 
professor  shrunk  from  this  proposal.  He 
wished  to  confine  himself  to  his  academical 
duties;  he  trembled  at  the  thought  of  adding 
to  them  those  of  public  preaching.  In  vain 
Staupitz  entreated  him:  "No,  no,"  replied 
he,  "  it  is  no  light  thing  to  speak  to  men  in 
God's  stead."71  An  affecting  instance  of  humi- 
lity in  this  great  Reformer  of  the  Church ! 
Staupitz  persisted.  "  But  the  ingenious  Lu- 
ther found,"  says  one  of  his  historians,  "  fif- 
teen arguments,  pretexts  or  evasions,  to  excuse 
himself  from  this  summons."  At  last  the 
chief  of  the  Augustines,  still  persevering  in 
his  application  :  "Ah,  worthy  doctor,"  said 
Luther,  "it  would  be  the  death  of  me.  I 
could  not  stand  it  three  months."  "And  what 
then,"  replied  the  Vicar-general ;  "  in  God's 
name  so  be  it ;  for  in  heaven  also  the  Lord 
requires  devoted  and  able  servants."  Luther 
was  obliged  to  yield. 

In  the  middle  of  the  square  of  Wittemberg 
stood  an  old  wooden  chapel,  thirty  feet  long 
and  twenty  broad,  whose  walls,  propped  on 
all  sides,  were  falling  to  ruins.  A  pulpit 
made  of  planks,  raised  three  feet  above  the 
ground,  received  the  preacher.  It  was  in  this 
chapel  that  the  Reformation  was  first  preach- 
ed. It  was  the  will  of  God  that  this  work 
for  the  restoration  of  his  glory  should  have 
the  humblest  beginnings.  The  foundation 
of  the  church  of  the  Augustines  was  only  just 
laid,  and  till  it  should  be  completed  they 
made  use  of  this  mean  place  of  worship. 
"That  building,"  adds  the  contemporary  ot" 
Luther,  who  relates  these  circumstances, 
"may  be  aptly  compared  to  the  stable  in 
which  Christ  was  born.72  It  was  in  that  enclo- 
sure that  God  willed,  if  we  may  so  speak, 
that  his  well-beloved  Son  should  be  born 
a  second  time.  Amongst  the  thousand  cathe- 
drals and  parish  churches  with  which  the 
world  is  filled,  not  one  was  chosen  for  the 
glorious  announcement  of  everlasting  life." 

Luther  preached :  every  thing  was  striking 
in  the  new  preacher.  His  expressive  counte- 
nance and  dignified  demeanour,  his  clear  and 
sonorous  voice,  charmed  the  audience.  Before 
his  time,  the  greater  number  of  preachers  had 
sought  to  amuse  their  hearers  rather  than  to 
convert  them.  The  deep  seriousness  that 
marked  the  preaching  of  Luther,  and  the  joy 
with  which  the  knowledge  of  the  Gospel 
filled  his  own  heart,  gave  to  his  eloquence  an 
authority,  energy,  and  unction,  which  none  of 
his  predecessors  had  possessed.  "  Gifted 
with  a  ready  and  lively  intelligence,"  says 
one  of  his  adversaries,73"  having  a  retentive 
memory,  and  speaking  his  mother  tongue  with 
remarkable  fluency,  Luther  was  surpassed  in 
loquence  by  none  of  his  contemporaries. 
Addressing  his  hearers  from  his  place  in  the 
pulpit,  as  if  he  had  been  agitated  by  some 
aowerful  passion,  and  adapting  his  action  to 
;he  words,  he  affected  their  minds  in  a  surpris- 
ng  manner,  and  carried  them  like  a  torrent 
whither  he  would.  So  much  power,  action, 


52 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


and  eloquence  are  rarely  found  amongst  the 
people  of  the  north."  "  He  had,"  says 
Bossuet,  "  a  lively  and  impetuous  eloquence, 
which  delighted  and  captivated  his  auditory".74 

In  a  short  time  the  little  chapel  could  no 
longer  contain  the  crowds  that  flocked  thither. 
The  council  of  Wittemberg  then  chose  Luther 
for  their  preacher,  and  called  upon  him  to 
preach  in  the  church  of  that  city.  The  im- 
pression which  he  there  produced  was  still 
greater.  His  wonderful  genius,  his  eloquent 
style,  and  the  excellency  of  the  doctrines  he 
proclaimed,  equally  astonished  his  auditors. 
His  reputation  spread  far  and  wide,  and  Fre- 
deric the  Wise  himself  came  once  to  Wittem- 
berg  to  hear  him. 

It  was  as  if  a  new  existence  was  opening 
for  Luther.  To  the  drowsiness  of  the  cloister 
had  succeeded  a  life  of  active  exertion.  Free- 
dom, employment,  earnest  and  regular  action 
completed  the  re-establishment  of  harmony 
and  peace  in  his  spirit.  He  was  now  at  last 
in  his  proper  place,  and  the  work  of  God  was 
about  to  open  out  its  majestic  course.  Luther 
was  continuing  his  teaching  both  in  the  hall 
of  the  academy  and  in  the  church,  when  he 
was  interrupted  in  his  labours.  In  1510,  or 
according  to  some,  not  till  1511  or  1512,  he 
was  despatched  to  Rome.  A  difference  had 
arisen  between  seven  convents  of  his  order 
and  the  Vicar-general.73  Luther's  acuteness, 
eloquence,  and  talents  in  discussion  led  to  his 
being  chosen  to  represent  these  seven  monas- 
teries.76 This  dispensation  of  divine  Provi- 
dence was  needed.  It  was  fit  that  Luther 
should  know  what  Rome  was.  Full  of  the 
prejudices  and  illusions  of  the  cloister,  he  had 
always  pictured  it  to  himself  as  the  seat  of 
holiness. 

He  set  out;  he  crossed  the  Alps.  But  hard- 
ly had  he  descended  into  the  plains  of  rich 
and  voluptuous  Italy  than  he  found  at  every 
step  matter  of  surprise  and  scandal.  The  poor 
German  monk  was  entertained  at  a  wealthy 
convent  of  the  Benedictines,  situate  on  the 
Po,  in  Lombardy.  This  convent  enjoyed  a 
revenue  of  thirty-six  thousand  ducats ;  twelve 
thousand  were  spent  for  the  table,  twelve 
thousand  on  the  buildings,  and  twelve  thou- 
sand to  supply  the  other  wants  of  the  monks.77 
The  magnificence  of  the  apartments,  the  rich- 
ness of  the  dresses,  and  the  delicacy  of  the 
viands,  astonished  Luther.  Marble,  silk,  and 
luxury  of  every  kind;  what  a  novel  spectacle 
to  the  humble  brother  of  the  convent  of  Wit- 
temberg! He  was  amazed  and  silent;  but 
Friday  came,  and  what  was  his  surprise !  The 
table  of  the  Benedictines  was  spread  with 
abundance  of  meats.  Then  he  found  courage 
to  speak  out.  "The  Church,"  said  he,  "and 
the  Pope  forbid  such  things."  The  Benedic- 
tines were  offended  at  this  rebuke  from  the 
unmannerly  German.  But  Luther,  having 
repeated  his  remark,  and  perhaps  threatened 
to  report  their  irregularity,  some  of  them 
thought  it  easiest  to  get  rid  of  their  trouble- 
some guest.  The  porter  of  the  convent  hinted 
to  him  that  he  incurred  danger  by  his  stay 
He  accordingly  took  his  departure  from  this 


epicurean  monastery,  and  pursued  his  journey 
to  Bologna,  where  he  fell  sick.78  Some  have 
seen  in  this  sickness  the  effects  of  poison.  It 
is  more  probable  that  the  change  in  his  mode 
of  living  disordered  the  frugal  monk  of  Wit- 
temberg,  who  had  been  used  to  subsist  for  the 
most  part  on  dry  bread  and  herrings.  This 
sickness  was  not  "unto  death,"  but  for  the 
glory  of  God.  His  constitutional  sadness  and 
depression  returned.  What  a  fate  was  before 
him,  to  perish  thus  far  away  from  Germany 
under  a  scorching  sun,  in  a  foreign  land.  The 
distress  of  mind  he  had  experienced  at  Er- 
furth  again  oppressed  him.  A  sense  of  his 
sins  disturbed  him ;  and  the  prospect  of  the 
judgment  of  God  filled  him  with  dismay.  But 
in  the  moment  when  his  terror  was  at  its 
height  that  word  of  Paul,  "  The  just  shall  live 
by  Failh"  recurred  with  power  to  his  thought, 
and  beamed  upon  his  soul  like  a  ray  from 
heaven.  Raised  and  comforted,  he  rapidly 
regained  health,  and  again  set  forth  for  Rome, 
expecting  to  find  there  a  very  different  manner 
of  life  from  that  of  the  Lombard  convents,  and 
eager  to  efface,  by  the  contemplation  of  Roman 
sanctity,  the  sad  impression  left  upon  his 
memory  by  his  sojourn  on  the  banks  of  the  Po. 

At  last,  after  a  fatiguing  journey  under  the 
burning  sun  of  Italy,  he  approached  the  seven- 
hilled  city.  His  heart  was  moved  within  him. 
His  eyes  longed  to  behold  the  queen  of  the 
earth  and  of  the  Church  !  As  soon  as  he  dis- 
covered from  a  distance  the  Eternal  City,— 
the  city  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  the  metro- 
polis of  the  Catholic  World,  he  threw  himself 
on  the  earth,  exclaiming,  "  Holy  Rome,  I 
salute  thee !" 

Luther  was  now  in  Rome;  the  professor  of 
Wittemberg  was  in  the  midst  of  the  eloquent 
ruins  of  the  Rome  of  Consuls  and  of  Emperors, 
the  Rome  of  Confessors  of  Christ  and  of  Mar- 
trys.  There  had  lived  Plautus  and  Virgil, 
whose  works  he  had  carried  with  him  into  his 
cloister;  and  all  those  great  men  whose  history 
had  so  often  stirred  his  heart.  He  beheld  their 
statues,  and  the  ruined  monuments  which  still 
attested  their  glory.  But,  all  this  glory  and 
power  had  passed  away.  He  trod  under  foot 
the  dust  of  them.  He  called  to  mind,  at  every 
step  he  took,  the  melancholy  presentiments  of 
Scipio,  when,  shedding  tears  over  the  ruins  of 
Carthage,  its  palaces  in  flames,  and  its  walls 
broken  down,  he  exclaimed  :  "  //  will  one  day 
be  thus  with  Rome  /"  "  And  truly,"  said  Lu- 
ther, "the Rome  of  Scipios  and  Caesars  is  but 
a  corpse.  There  are  such  heaps  of  ruin  that  the 
foundations  of  the  houses  rest  at  this  hour  where 
once  their  roofs  were.  There,"  said  he,  turn- 
ing a  melancholy  look  on  its  ruins,  "  there 
were  once  the  riches  and  treasures  of  this 
world  !"79  All  these  fragments  of  wreck  which 
his  foot  encountered  whispered  to  Luther,  with- 
in Rome  herself,  that  what  is  strongest  in  the 
sight  of  men  may  be  destroyed  by  the  breath 
of  the  Lord. 

But  with  these  profaner  ruins  were  mixed 
holy  ashes  ;  the  thought  of  this  came  to  his 
mind.  The  burial  places  of  the  martyrs  are 
hard  by  those  of  Roman  generals  and  con- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


53 


querors.  Christian  Rome,  and  her  trials,  had 
more  power  over  the  heart  of  the  Saxon  monk, 
than  Pagan  Rome  with  all  her  glory.  In  this 
very  place  arrived  that  epistle  wherein  Paul 
wrote,  "  the  just  shall  live  by  faith."  He  is  j 
not  far  from  the  forum  of  Appius  and  the  Three 
Taverns.  In  that  spot  was  the  house  of  Nar- 
cissus ;  here  stood  the  palace  of  Caesar,  where 
the  Lord  delivered  the  Apostle  from  the  jaws 
of  the  lion.  Oh,  how  did  these  recollections 
strengthen  the  heart  of  the  monk  of  Wittem- 
berg! 

Rome  then  presented  a  widely  different  as- 
pect. The  warlike  Julius  II.  filled  the  ponti- 
fical chair,  and  not  Leo  X.,  as  some  distin- 
guished historians  of  Germany  have  said, 
doubtless  for  want  of  attention.  Luther  often 
related  an  incident  of  this  Pope's  life.  When 
the  news  was  brought  him  that  hjs  army  had 
been  defeated  by  the  French  before  Ravenna, 
he  was  reading  his  prayers ;  he  threw  the  book 
on  the  floor,  exclaiming,  with  a  dreadful  oath, 
"  Well,  now  thou  art  become  a  Frenchman. — 
Is  it  thus  thou  guardestthy  church  ]"  Then, 
turning  himself  in  the  direction  of  the  country 
to  whose  arms  he  thought  to  have  recourse,  he 
uttered  these' words,  "Holy  Swiss,  pray  for 
us."80  Ignorance,  levity,  and  dissolute  morals, 
a  profane  contempt  of  every  thing  sacred,  and 
a  shameful  traffic  in  divine  things ;  such  was 
the  spectacle  presented  by  this  wretched  city. 
Yet  the  pious  monk  continued  for  awhile  in 
his  illusions. 

Having  arrived  about  the  period  of  the  fes- 
tival of  St.  John,  he  heard  the  Romans  re- 
peating around  him  a  proverb  current  among 
the  people:  "Blessed  is  that  mother,"  said 
they,  "  whose  son  says  mass  on  St.  John's 
eve."  Oh,  thought  Luther,  how  gladly  would 
I  make  my  mother  blessed.  The  pious  son 
of  Margaret  made  some  attempts  to  say  mass 
on  that  day,  but  he  could  not,  the  crowd  was 
too  great.81 

Warm  in  his  feeling,  and  confiding  in  dispo- 
sition, he  visited  all  the  churches  and  chapels, 
gave  credit  to  all  the  marvellous  stories  there 
told  him,  went  through  with  devotion  the  ob- 
servances required,  and  was  pleased  at  being 
able  to  perform  so  many  pious  acts,  from 
which  his  friends  at  home  were  debarred. 
"  How  do  I  regret,"  thought  the  pious  monk, 
"  that  my  father  and  mother  are  still  living: 
how  happy  should  I  be  to  deliver  them  from 
the  fire  of  purgatory  by  my  masses,  rny  prayers, 
and  other  admirable  works."82  He  had  found 
the  light;  but  the  darkness  was  far  from  being 
wholly  chased  from  his  mind  ;  he  had  the  faith 
and  love  of  the  Gospel,  but  not  the  knowledge 
of  it.  It  was  no  easy  matter  to  emerge  from 
that  deep  gloom  that  had  for  so  many  ages 
overspread  the  earth. 

Luther  said  mass  several  times  at  Rome.  He 
went  through  it  with  all  the  unction  and  dig- 
nity that  such  an  act  seemed  to  him  to  require. 
But  how  was  the  heart  of  the  Saxon  monk  dis- 
tressed, when  he  saw  the  profane  and  heartless 
formality  with  which  the  Roman  clergy  cele 
brated  this  Sacrament !  The  priests,  on  their 
part,  laughed  at  his  simplicity.  One  day,  when 


he  was  officiating,  he  found  that  at  the  altar 
they  had  read  seven  masses  while  he  was 
reading  one.  "  Quick  !  quick  !"  said  one  of 
the  priests,  "send  Our  Lady  her  Son  back 
speedily;" — thus  impiously  alluding  to  the 
transubstantiation  of  the  bread  into  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ.  Another  time  Luther 
dad  only  got  as  far  as  the  Gospel,  when  the 
priest  who  was  at  his  side  had  already  finish- 
ed the  mass:  "Make  haste,  make  haste!" 
whispered  the  latter,  "do  have  done  with  it."83 

His  astonishment  was  still  greater,  when 
be  found  in  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church,  the 
same  corruption  he  had  observed  in  the  infe- 
rior clergy.  He  had  hoped  better  things  of 
them. 

It  was  the  fashion  at  the  papal  court  to  at- 
tack Christianity:  and  a  person  was  not 
counted  a  man  of  sense,  if  he  did  not  hold 
some  eccentric  and  heretical  opinion  in  rela- 
tion to  the  dogmas  of  the  Church.84  Some 
would  have  convinced  Erasmus,  by  certain 
passages  from  Pliny,  that  there  was  no  dif- 
ference between  the  souls  of  men  and  of  beasts ; 
and  there  were  young  courtiers  of  the  Pope, 
who  affirmed  that  the  orthodox  faith  was  the 
growth  of  the  cunning  invention  of  the  saints. 

Luther's  office  of  envoy  from  the  Augus- 
tines  of  Germany,  procured  him  invitations 
to  several  meetings  of  distinguished  ecclesi- 
astics. One  day,  in  particular,  he  was  at 
table  with  several  prelates:  the  latter  exhi- 
bited openly  their  buffoonery  in  manners  and 
impious  conversation;  and  did  not  scruple  to 
give  utterance  before  him  to  many  indecent 
jokes,  doubtless  thinking  him  one  like  them- 
selves. They  related,  amongst  other  things, 
laughing,  and  priding  themselves  upon  it, 
how  when  saying  mass  at  the  altar,  instead 
of  the  sacramental  words  which  were  to  trans- 
form the  elements  into  the  body  and  blood  of 
the  Saviour,  they  pronounced  over  the  bread 
and  wine  these  sarcastic  words :  "  Bread  thou 
art,  and  bread  thou  shalt  remain ;  wine  thou 
art,  and  wine  thou  shalt  remain — Panis  es  et 
panis  manebis ;  vinum  es  et  vinum  manebis." 
"  Then,"  continued  they,"  "  we  elevate  the 
pyx,  and  all  the  people  worship."  Luther 
could  scarcely  believe  his  ears.  His  mind, 
gifted  with  much  vivacity,  and  even  gayety, 
in  the  society  of  his  friends,  was  remarkable 
for  gravity  when  treating  of  serious  things. 
These  Romish  mockeries  shocked  him.  "  I," 
says  he,  "  was  a  serious  and  pious  young 
monk ;  such  language  deeply  grieved  me. 
If  at  Rome  they  speak  thus  openly  at  table, 
thought  I,  what,  if  their  actions  should  cor- 
respond with  their  words,  and  popes,  cardi- 
nals, and  courtiers  should  thus  say  mass. 
And  I,  who  have  so  often  heard  them  recite 
it  so  devoutly,  how,  in  that  case,  must  I  have 
been  deceived?" 

Luther  often  mixed  with  the  monks  ana 
citizens  of  Rome.  If  some  among  them  ex- 
tolled the  Pope  and  the  clergy,  the  greater 
number  gave  free  vent  to  their  complaints  and 
sarcasms.  What  stories  had  they  to  tell  of 
the  reigning  Pope,  of  Alexander  VI.,  and  of 
so  many  others !  One  day,  his  Roman  friends 


54 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


related,  how  Caesar  Borgia,  having  fled  from 
Rome,  had  been  taken  in  Spain.  On  the  eve 
of  trial,  he  prayed  for  mercy,  and  asked  for  a 
priest  to  visit  him  in  his  prison.  They  sent 
him  a  monk.  He  murdered  him,  disguised 
himself  in  his  cowl,  and  effected  his  escape. 
"I  heard  that  at  Rome:  it  is  a  thing  well 
known,"  says  Luther.85  Another  day,  passing 
along  the  principal  street  that  led  to  St.  Peter's 
church,  he  stopped  in  astonishment  before  a 
statue,  representing  a  pope,  under  the  figure 
of  a  woman  holding  a  sceptre,  clothed  in  the 
papal  mantle,  bearing  a  child  in  her  arms. 
"It  is  a  girl  of  Mentz,"  said  the  people, 
"  who  was  chosen  Pope  by  the  Cardinals, 
and  was  delivered  of  a  child  on  this  spot : 
therefore  no  pope  ever  passes  through  this 
street."  "  I  wonder,"  observed  Luther,  "  that 
the  popes  allow  the  statue  to  remain."86 

Luther  had  expected  to  find  the  edifice  of 
the  church  encompassed  with  splendour  and 
strength;  but  its  doors  were  broken  in,  and 
its  walls  consumed  by  fire.  He  saw  the 
desolation  of  the  sanctuary,  and  drew  back  in 
alarm.  He  had  dreamed  of  sanctity  ;  he  found 
nothing  but  profanation. 

He  was  not  less  struck  with  the  disorders 
committed  in  the  city.  "  The  police  is  strict 
and  severe  in  Rome,"  said  he.  "  The  judge, 
or  captain  rides  through  the  city  every  night, 
with  three  hundred  attendants.  He  stops  all 
he  finds  in  the  streets  ;  if  he  meets  an  armed 
man,  he  hangs  him  or  throws  him  into  the 
Tiber.  And  yet  the  city  is  full  of  disorders 
and  murders ;  whilst,  in  places  where  the 
word  of  God  is  truly  and  faithfully  preached, 
we  see  peace  and  order  prevail,  without  the 
necessity  for  law  or  severity."87  "It  is  in- 
credible what  sins  and  atrocities  are  com- 
mitted in  Rome,"  he  says  again ;  "  they  must 
be  seen  and  heard  to  be  believed.  So  that  it 
is  usual  to  say:  *  If  there  be  a  hell,  Rome  is 
built  above  it;  it  is  an  abyss  from  whence  all 
sins  proceed.'  "88 

This  sight  made  at  the  time  a  great  impres- 
sion on  Luther's  mind ;  an  impression  which 
was  afterwards  deepened.  "  The  nearer  we 
approach  to  Rome,  the  greater  number  of  bad 
Christians  do  we  find,"  said  he  several  years 
after.  "It  is  commonly  observed,  that  he 
who  goes  to  Rome  for  the  first  time,  goes  to 
seek  a  knave  there;  the  second  time,  he  finds 
him  ;  and  the  third  time,  he  brings  him  away 
with  him  under  his  cloak.  But  now,  people 
are  become  so  clever,  that  they  make  the  three 
journeys  in  one."89  One  of  the  most  profound 
geniuses  of  Italy,  though  of  deplorable  cele- 
brity, Macchiavelli,  who  was  living  at  Flo- 
rence when  Luther  passed  through  that  city 
to  go  to  Rome,  has  made  a  similar  remark : 
"The  greatest  symptom,"  said  he,  "of  the 
approaching  ruin  of  Christianity,  (by  which 
he  meant  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,)  is, 
that  the  nearer  we  approach  the  capital  of 
Christendom,  the  less  do  we  find  of  the  Chris- 
tian spirit  in  the  people.  The  scandalous 
example  and  the  crimes  of  the  court  of  Rome 
have  caused  Italy  to  lose  every  principle  of 
pietr  and  every  religious  sentiment.  We 


Italians,"  continues  the  great  historian,  "are 
principally  indebted  to  the  Church  and  to  the 
priests,  for  having  become  impious  and  pro- 
fligate."90 Luther  felt,  later  in  life,  all  the  im- 
portance of  this  journey  :  "  If  any  one  would 
give  me  a  hundred  thousand  florins,"  said  he, 
"I  would  not  have  missed  seeing  Rome."91 

This  journey  was  also  of  advantage  to  him 
in  regard  to  learning.  Like  Reuchlin,  Luther 
profited  by  his  residence  in  Italy,  to  obtain  a 
deeper  understanding  of  the  Holy  Scriptures. 
He  there  took  lessons  in  Hebrew  from  a  cele- 
brated rabbin,  named  Elias  Levita.  He  ac- 
quired partly  at  Rome  the  knowledge  of  that 
divine  word  under  the  assault  of  which  Rome 
was  doomed  to  fall. 

But  this  journey  was  above  all  of  great 
importance  to  Luther  in  another  respect.  Not 
only  was  the  veil  withdrawn,  and  the  sardonic 
laugh,  the  jesting  incredulity,  which  lay  con- 
cealed behind  the  Romish  superstitions,  re- 
vealed to  the  future  Reformer :  but  also  the 
living  faith  which  God  had  implanted  in  him 
was  then  powerfully  strengthened. 

We  have  seen  how  he  had  at  first  submitted 
to  all  the  vain  practices  which  the  church  en- 
joins in  order  to  purchase  the  remission  of 
sins.  One  day,  in  particular,  wishing  to  ob- 
tain an  indulgence  promised  by  the  Pope  to 
any  one  who  should  ascend  on  his  knees  what 
is  called  Pilate's  staircase,  the  poor  Saxon 
monk  was  slowly  climbing  those  steps  which 
they  told  him  had  been  miraculously  trans- 
ported from  Jerusalem  to  Rome.  But  whilst 
he  was  going  through  this  meritorious  work 
he  thought  he  heard  a  voice  like  thunder  speak- 
ing from  the  depth  of  his  heart:  "  The  just 
shall  live  by  faith."  These  words,  which 
already  on  two  occasions  had  struck  upon  his 
ear  as  the  voice  of  an  angel  of  God,  resounded 
instantaneously  and  powerfully  within  him. 
He  started  up  in  terror  on  the  steps  up  which 
he  had  been  crawling;  he  was  horrified  at 
himself;  and,  struck  with  shame  for  the  de- 
gradation to  which  superstition  had  debased 
him,  he  fled  from  the  scene  of  his  folly.92 

This  powerful  text  had  a  mysterious  in- 
fluence on  the  life  of  Luther.  It  was  a  crea- 
tive word  for  the  Reformer  and  for  the  Refor- 
mation. It  was  by  means  of  that  word  that 
God  then  said :  "  Let  there  be  light,  and  there 
was  light." 

It  is  frequently  necessary  that  a  truth  should 
be  repeatedly  presented  to  our  minds,  in  order 
to  produce  its  due  effect.  Luther  had  often 
studied  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  and  yet 
never  had  justification  by  faith,  as  there  taught, 
appeared  so  clear  to  him.  He  now  understood 
that  righteousness  which  alone  can  stand  in 
the  sight  of  God  ;  he  was  now  partaker  of  that 
perfect  obedience  of  Christ  which  God  im- 
putes freely  to  the  sinner  as  soon  as  he  looks 
in  humility  to  the  God-man  crucified.  This 
was  the  decisive  epoch  in  the  inward  life  of 
Luther.  That  faith  which  had  saved  him  from 
the  fear  of  death  became  henceforward  the 
'soul  of  his  theology;  a  strong  hold  in  every 
I  danger,  giving  power  to  his  preaching  and 
I  strength  to  his  charity,  constituting  a  ground 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


55 


of  peace,  a  motive  to  service,  and  a  consola- 
tion in  life  and  death. 

But  this  great  doctrine  of  a  salvation  which 
proceeds  from  God  and  not  from  man,  was  not 
merely  the  power  of  God  unto  salvation  to 
Luther,  it  also  became  the  power  of  God  to 
reform  the  Church.  It  was  the  same  weapon 
which  the  Apostle  had  once  wielded,  and  now, 
after  long  disuse,  it  was  drawn  forth  in  its 
original  brightness  from  the  arsenal  of  Al- 
mighty God.  At  the  moment  when  Luther 
started  from  his  knees,  transported  with  emo- 
tion at  that  word  which  St.  Paul  had  address- 
ed to  the  inhabitants  of  Rome,  the  truth,  hith- 
erto held  captive  and  fettered  in  the  Church, 
stood  also  up  to  fall  no  more. 

We  must  here  quote  his  own  words. 
"  Though  as  a  monk  I  was  holy  and  irre- 
proachable," says  he,  "  my  conscience  was 
still  filled  with  trouble  and  torment.  I  could 
not  endure  the  expression — the  righteous  jus- 
tice of  God.  I  did  not  love  that  just  and  holy 
Being  who  punishes  sinners.  I  felt  a  secret 
anger  against  him;  I  hated  him  because,  not 
satisfied  with  terrifying  by  his  law,  and  by 
the  miseries  of  life,  poor  creatures  already 
ruined  by  original  sin,  he  aggravated  our  suf- 
ferings by  the  Gospel.  But  when  by  the  Spirit 
of  God,  I  understood  these  words, — when  I 
learnt  how  the  justification  of  the  sinner  pro- 
ceeds from  God's  mere  mercy  by  the  way  of 
faith,93-then  I  felt  myself  born  again  as  a  new 
man,  and  I  entered  by  an  opened  door  into  the 
•very  paradise  of  God.94From  that  hour  I  saw  the 
precious  and  holy  Scriptures  with  new  eyes. 
I  went  through  the  whole  Bible.  I  collected 
a  multitude  of  passages  which  taught  me  what 
the  work  of  God  was.  And  as  I  had  before 
heartily  hated  that  expression,  'the  righteous- 
ness of  God,'  I  began  from  that  time  to  value  and 
to  love  it,  as  the  sweetest  and  most  consolato- 
ry truth.  Truly  this  text  of  St.  Paul  was  to 
me  as  the  very  gate  of  heaven." 

Hence  it  was,  that,  when  he  was  called 
upon  on  some  solemn  occasions  to  confess 
this  doctrine,  it  ever  roused  his  enthusiasm 
and  rough  eloquence.  "I  see,"  said  he  in  a 
critical  moment,95"that  the  devil,  by  means  of 
his  teachers  and  doctors,  is  incessantly  attack- 
ing this  fundamental  article,  and  that  he  can- 
not rest  to  cease  from  this  object.  Well,  then, 
I,  Doctor  Martin  Luther,  an  unworthy  evan- 
gelist of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  do  confess 
this  article,  '  that  faith  alone,  without  works, 
justifies  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  I  declare, 
that  in  spite  of  the  emperor  of  the  Romans, 
the  emperor  of  the  Turks,  the  emperor  of  the 
Tartars,  the  emperor  of  the  Persians,  the 
Pope,  all  the  cardinals,  bishops,  priests, 
monks,  nuns,  kings,  princes,  nobles,  all  the 
world,  and  all  the  devils,  it  shall  stand  un- 
shaken forever!  that  if  they  will  persist  in 
opposing  this  truth,  they  will  draw  upon  their 
heads  the  flames  of  hell.  This  is  the  true 
and  holy  gospel,  and  the  declaration  of  me, 
Doctor  Luther,  according  to  the  light  given  to 

me  by  the  Holy  Spirit There  is  no  one," 

he  continues,  "who  has  died  for  our  sins,  but 
Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  God.  I  repeat  it  once 


more :  let  all  the  evil  spirits  of  earth  and  hell 
foam  and  rage  as  they  will,  this  is  nevertheless 
true.  And  if  Christ  alone  takes  away  sin,  we 
can  not  do  so  by  all  our  works.  But  good 
works  follow  redemption, — as  surely  as  fruit 
appears  upon  a  living  tree.  This  is  our  doc- 
trine, this  the  Holy  Spirit  teacheth,  together 
with  all  holy  Christian  people.  We  hold  it  in 
God's  name.  Amen!" 

It  was  thus  that  Luther  discovered  what 
hitherto  even  the  most  illustrious  teachers  and 
reformers  had  overlooked.  It  was  in  Rome 
that  God  gave  him  this  clear  view  of  the  fun- 
damental doctrine  of  Christianity.  He  had 
come  to  seek  in  that  city  of  the  Pontiffs,  the 
solution  of  some  difficulties  concerning  a  mon- 
astic order;  he  brought  back  in  his  heart,  that 
which  was  to  emancipate  the  Church. 

Luther  left  Rome,  and  returned  to  Wittem- 
berg,  full  of  grief  and  indignation.  Turning 
away  his  eyes  in  disgust  from  the  pontifical 
city,  he  directed  them  trustfully  to  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  and  to  that  new  life  which  the 
word  of  God  seemed  then  to  offer  to  the  world. 
This  word  gained  ground  in  his  heart  in  pro- 
portion as  the  Church  lost  its  hold  upon  him. 
He  disengaged  himself  from  the  one  to  turn 
to  the  other.  All  the  Reformation  was  com- 
prised in  that  change ;  for  it  put  God  in  the 
place  the  priest  had  usurped. 

Staupitz  and  the  Elector  did  not  lose  sight 
of  the  monk  they  had  called  to  the  university 
of  Wittemberg.  It  seems  as  if  the  Vicar-gene- 
ral had  a  presentiment  of  the  work  that  was 
to  be  accomplished  in  the  world,  and  that  find- 
ing it  too  hard  for  him,  he  desired  to  urge  Lu- 
ther to  undertake  it.  Nothing  is  more  re- 
markable, or  perhaps  more  inexplicable,  than 
the  character  of  the  man  who  was  ever  ready 
to  impel  the  monk  onward  in  the  path  to  which 
God  called  him,  and  yet  himself  went  and 
ended  his  days  sadly  in  a  convent.  The 
preaching  of  the  young  professor  had  made  an 
impression  on  the  prince;  lie  admired  the 
strength  of  his  understanding,  the  power  of 
his  eloquence,  and  the  excellence  of  the  sub- 
jects that  he  handled.96  The  Elector  and  his 
friends,  wishing  to  promote  a  man  of  such 
great  promise,  resolved  to  raise  him  to  the 
distinction  of  doctor  of  divinity.  Staupitz  re- 
paired to  the  convent.  He  led  Luther  into 
the  cloister  garden,  and  there  talking  with 
him  alone  under  a  tree,  which  Luther  after- 
wards took  pleasure  in  pointing  out  to  his  dis- 
ciples, the  venerable  father  said  to  him:97"My 
friend,  you  must  now  become  Doctor  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures."  Luther  drew  back.  The 
thought  of  this  distinguished  honour  overcame 
him.  "  Seek  one  more  worthy  of  it,"  said  he ; 
"for  my  part,  I  cannot  consent  to  it."  The 
Vicar-general  pressed  the  point.  "  The  Lord 
has  much  to  do  in  the  Church,  he  requires  just 
now  young  and  vigorous  doctors."  "  This  was 
said  perhaps  jestingly,"  adds  Melancthon, 
"yet  the  event  corresponded  to  it,  for  usually 
many  presages  announce  great  revolutions."98 
There  is  no  reason  to  suppos-e  that  Melancthon 
here  speaks  of  prophecy,  strictly  so  called 


56 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


The  last  century,  though  remarkable  for  in- 
credulity, saw  this  exemplified  : — how  many 
presages,  without  miracle,  preceded  the  revo- 
lution at  the  close  of  that  century  ! 

"  But  I  am  weak  and  ailing ;"  said  Luther ; 
"  I  have  not  long  to  live.  Look  for  a  strong 
man."  "  The  Lord  has  work  in  heaven  as  in 
earth  ;  dead  or  alive,  God  requires  you."99 

"The  Holy  Spirit  alone  can  make  a  doctor 
of  divinity,"looexcl aimed  the  monk,  more  and 
more  overcome  with  fear.  "  Do  as  your  con- 
vent desires,"  said  Staupitz,  "  and  what  I  your 
Vicar-general  require  you  to  do,  for  you  have 
promised  to  obey  us."  "But  think  of  my 
poverty,"  resumed  the  friar,  "  1  having  nothing 
wherewith  to  pay  the  expenses  incident  to 
such  a  promotion."  "  Do  not  make  yourself 
uneasy  about  that,"  said  his  friend,  "the  prince 
is  so  kind  as  to  take  the  charges  upon  him- 
self." Urged  on  all  sides,  Luther  was  obliged 
to  submit. 

It  was  toward  the  summer  of  1512,  Luther 
set  out  for  Leipsic  to  receive  from  the  trea- 
surers of  the  Elector,  the  money  requisite  on 
his  promotion.  But,  according  to  court  cus- 
tom, the  money  did  not  arrive.  Luther,  be- 
coming impatient,  wished  to  depart;  but  the 
obedience  becoming  the  character  of  a  monk 
restrained  him.  At  last,  on  the  4th  of  Octo- 
ber, he  received  from  Pfeffinger  and  John 
Doltzig,  fifty  florins.  He  gave  them  a  re- 
ceipt, in  which  he  assumed  no  other  designa- 
tion than  monk.  "  I,  Martin,"  said  he,  "  bro- 
ther of  the  order  of  the  Eremites."101  Luther 
hastened  back  to  Wittemberg. 

Andrew  Bodenstein  of  Carlstadt  was  at  that 
time  the  Dean  of  the  Faculty  of  Theology. 
Carlstadt  is  the  name  under  which  this  doctor 
is  best  known.  He  was  also  called  the  A. 
B.  C.  Melancthon  first  gave  him  that  name, 
alluding  to  the  three  initials  of  his  name. 
Bodenstein  acquired  in  his  native  country  the 
first  elements  of  education.  He  was  of  grave 
and  sombre  character — perhaps  inclined  to 
jealousy,  of  unquiet  temper,  but  very  eager 
for  learning,  and  gifted  with  great  capacity. 
He  visited  several  universities  to  enlarge  his 
knowledge,  and  studied  theology  at  Rome  it- 
self. On  his  return  from  Italy  to  Germany, 
he  established  himself  at  Wittemberg,  and 
there  became  doctor  of  theology.  At  this 
time,  as  he  himself  afterwards  declared,  he 
had  not  read  the  Holy  Scriptures.102  This  trait 
gives  a  very  just  idea  of  what  then  constituted 
theology.  Carlstadt,  besides  his  functions  as 
professor,  was  canon  and  archdeacon.  This 
was  the  man  who  was  one  day  to  divide  the 
Reformation.  He  then  saw  in  Luther  only  an 
inferior;  but  the  Augustine  soon  became  an 
object  of  his  jealousy.  One  day  he  remarked, 
"  I  will  not  be  less  distinguished  than  Luther."103 
Far  from  anticipating  at  this  time  the  future 
greatness  of  the  young  professor,  Carlstadt 
conferred  on  his  destined  lival  the  first  degree 
of  the  university. 

On  the  18th  October,  1512,  Luther  was 
made  licentiate  in  theology,  and  took  the  fol- 
, owing  oath  : 

"  I  swear  to  defend  the  truth  of  the  Gospel 


with  all  my  strength. "104The  following  day, 
Bodenstein  solemnly  delivered  to  him,  in  pre- 
sence of  a  numerous  assembly,  the  insignia  of 
Doctor  in  Theology. 

He  was  made  Biblical  Doctor,  and  not  Doc- 
tor of  Sentences,  and  was  therefore  specially 
bound  to  devote  himself  to  the  study  of  the 
Bible,  instead  of  human  traditions.  Then  it 
was,  as  he  himself  tells  us,  that  he  espoused 
his  well-beloved  and  Holy  Scriptures.105  He 
promised  to  preach  them  faithfully,  to  teach, 
them  in  purity,  to  study  them  all  his  life,  and 
to  defend  them  so  far  as  God  should  enable 
him,  by  disputation,  and  by  writing  against 
false  teachers.106 

This  solemn  vow  was  to  Luther  his  voca- 
tion as  a  Reformer.  Binding  upon  his  con- 
science the  sacred  obligation  to  investigate 
freely,  and  declare  openly  evangelical  truth, 
that  oath  lifted  the  new  made  doctor  above  the 
narrow  bounds  to  which  his  monastic  vow 
might  have  restricted  him.  Called  by  the 
University,  by  his  Sovereign,  in  the  name  of 
the  Imperial  Majesty,  and  of  the  Roman  See 
itself,  and  bound  before  God,  by  the  most  sa- 
cred of  oaths,  he  was  from  that  time  the  in- 
trepid herald  of  the  word  of  life.  On  that 
memorable  day  Luther  was  installed  Cham- 
pion of  the  Bible. 

Therefore  it  is  that  this  oath  pledged  to  the 
Holy  Scriptures  may  be  regarded  as  one  of 
the  immediate  causes  of  the  revival  of  the 
Church.  The  infallible  authority  of  the  word 
of  God  was  the  first  and  fundamental  princi- 
ple of  the  Reformation.  Every  reform  in  de- 
tail afterwards  effected  in  doctrine,  morals, 
church  government,  and  public  worship  was 
but  a  consequence  of  this  first  principle.  In 
these  days  we  can  hardly  imagine  the  sensa- 
tion produced  by  this  elementary  truth,  so 
simple,  yet  for  ages  neglected.  A  few  men, 
of  more  enlarged  discernment  than  the  vulgar, 
alone  foresaw  its  important  consequences. 
Speedily  the  courageous  voices  of  all  the  Re- 
formers proclaimed  this  powerful  principle,  at 
the  sound  of  which  the  influence  of  Rome 
crumbled  into  the  dust:  "  Christians  receive 
no  other  doctrines  than  those  which  rest  on 
the  express  words  of  Christ,  the  apostles  and 
prophets.  No  man,  nor  any  assembly  of 
men,  has  power  to  prescribe  new  doctrines." 

The  situation  of  Luther  was  changed.  The 
call  he  had  received  became  to  the  Reformer 
as  one  of  those  extraordinary  commissions 
which  the  Lord  intrusted  to  prophets  under 
the  old  dispensation,  and  to  apostles  under  the 
new.  The  solemn  engagement  he  had  con- 
tracted, made  so  profound  an  impression  on 
his  soul,  that  the  recollection  of  this  vow  suf- 
ficed at  a  later  period  to  comfort  him  in  the 
midst  of  the  greatest  dangers  and  the  rudest 
conflicts.  And  when  he  saw  all  Europe  agi- 
tated and  disturbed  by  the  doctrine  he  had 
proclaimed, — when  the  accusations  of  Rome, 
the  reproaches  of  many  pious  men,  and  the 
doubts  and  fears  of  his  own  heart  (so  easily 
moved)  might  have  caused  him  to  falter,  to 
fear,  and  fall  into  despondency,  he  called  to 
i  mind  the  oath  he  had  taken,  and  remained 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


57 


firm,  tranquil,  and  rejoicing1.  "I  came  for- 
ward," said  he,  "in  a  critical  moment,  and  I 
put  myself  into  the  Lord's  hands.  Let  his 
will  be  done.  Who  asked  of  him  that  he 
would  make  of  me  a  teacher  ?  If  he  has  made 
me  such,  let  him  support  me  ; — or  if  he  change 
his  purpose,  let  him  deprive  me.  This  tribu- 
lation then  does  not  intimidate  me.  I  seek 
but  one  thing — to  have  his  favour  in  all  he  calls 
me  to  do  in  his  work."  Another  time  he  said, 
"  He  who  undertakes  any  thing  without  a  di- 
vine call  seeks  his  own  glory.  But  I,  Doctor 
Martin  Luther,  was  constrained  to  become  a 
doctor.  The  Papacy  endeavoured  to  stop  me 
in  the  discharge  of  my  duty,  but  you  see  what 
has  happened  to  it; — and  much  worse  shall 
yet  befall  it;  they  cannot  defend  themselves 
against  me.  By  God's  help  I  am  resolved  to 
press  on,  to  force  a  passage  through,  and 
trample  dragons  and  vipers  under  foot.  This 
will  begin  in  my  lifetime,  and  finish  after  1 
am  gone."107 

From  the  hour  of  this  oath  Luther  no  long- 
er sought  the  truth  for  himself  alone,  but  for 
the  Church.  Still  retaining  his  recollections 
of  Rome,  he  perceived  indistinctly  before  him 
a  path  in  which  he  purposed  to  go  forward  with 
all  the  energy  of  his  soul.  The  spiritual  life 
which  hitherto  had  grown  up  within  him,  be- 
gan to  manifest  itself  in  outward  action.  This 
was  the  third  period  of  his  progress.  His  en- 
trance into  the  convent  had  turned  his  thoughts 
towards  God  ;  the  knowledge  of  the  remission 
of  sins,  and  of  the  righteousness  of  faith,  had 
delivered  his  soul  from  bondage.  The  oath 
he  had  now  taken  had  given  him  that  baptism 
by  fire  which  constituted  him  the  Reformer  of 
the  Church. 

The  first  adversaries  he  attacked  were  those 
celebrated  schoolmen  whom  he  had  studied 
so  deeply,  and  who  then  reigned  supreme  in 
every  university.  He  accused  them  of  Pela- 
gianism;  boldly  opposing  Aristotle  (the  father 
of  the  school !)  and  Thomas  Aquinas,  he  un- 
dertook to  hurl  them  from  the  throne  whence 
they  exercised  so  commanding  an  influence, 
the  one  over  philosophy,  and  the  other  over 
theology. l08 

"  Aristotle,  Porphyry,  the  theologians  of  the 
Sentences,"  said  he,  writing  to  Lange,  "  these 
are  the  unprofitable  study  of  this  age.  I  de- 
sire nothing  more  ardently  than  to  lay  open 
before  all  eyes  this  false  system,  which  has 
tricked  the  Church,  by  covering  itself  with  a 
Greek  mask;  and  to  expose  its  worthlessness 
before  the  world."109  In  all  his  public  disputa- 
tions he  was  accustomed  to  repeat — "The 
writings  of  the  Apostles  and  Prophets  are 
more  certain  and  sublime  than  all  the  sophisms 
and  theology  of  the  schools."  Such  language 
was  new,  but  gradually  people  became  familiar- 
ized with  it;  and  about  one  year  after  this  he 
was  able  exultingly  to  write,  "God  works 
amongst  us  ;  our  theology  and  St.  Augustine 
make  wonderful  progress,  and  are  already 
paramount  in  our  university.  Aristotle  is  on 
the  wane,  and  already  totters  to  his  fall,  which 
is  near  at  hand  and  irreversible.  The  lectures 
on  the  Sentences  are  received  with  utter  dis- 


taste. None  can  hope  for  hearers  unless  he 
profess  the  scriptural  theology."110  Happy  the 
university  where  such  testimony  could  be 
given ! 

At  the  same  time  that  Luther  attacked  Aris- 
totle, he  took  part  with  Erasmus  and  Reuchlin 
against  their  enemies.  He  entered  into  cor- 
respondence with  those  great  men  and  others 
of  the  learned,  such  as  Pirckheimer,  Mutian, 
Hiitten,  who  belonged  more  or  less  to  the  same 
party.  He  formed  also  at  this  period  another 
friendship,  which  was  yet  more  important  in 
its  influence  on  his  after  life. 

There  was  then  at  the  court  of  the  Elector 
a  person  remarkable  for  wisdom  and  candour. 
This  was  George  Spalatin,  a  native  of  Spaltus, 
or  Spalt,  in  the  bishopric  of  Eichstadt.  lie 
had  been  curate  of  the  village  of  Hohenkirch, 
near  the  forests  of  Thuringia.  He  was  after- 
wards chosen  by  Frederic  the  Wise  as  his 
secretary  and  chaplain,  and  private  teacher  of 
his  nephew,  John  Frederic,  heir  of  the  electo- 
ral crown.  Spalatin  was  a  man  of  simple 
manners,  in  the  midst  of  a  court;  timid  in 
emergencies,  and  circumspect  and  prudent  as 
his  master;incontrasting  with  the  energetic 
Luther,  with  whom  he  was  in  daily  commu- 
nication. Like  Staupitz,  he  was  fitted  rather 
for  peaceable  than  for  stirring  times.  Such 
men  are  necessary:  they  are  like  that  soft 
covering  in  which  we  wrap  jewels  and  chrys- 
tals,  to  protect  them  from  injury  in  transport- 
ing them  from  place  to  place.  They  seem  of 
no  use,  and  yet  without  them  the  precious 
gems  would  be  broken  or  lost.  Spalatin  was 
not  capable  of  great  actions,  but  he  faithfully 
and  noiselessly  discharged  the  task  assigned 
to  him.m  He  was  at  first  one  of  the  principal 
aids  of  his  master,  in  collecting  those  relics 
of  the  saints  of  which  Frederic  was  long  an 
amateur.  But  by  slow  degrees  he,  like  his 
master,  turned  toward  the  truth.  The  faith 
which  was  then  reappearing  in  the  Church, 
did  not  so  suddenly  lay  hold  on  him  as  on 
Luther, — he  was  led  on  by  more  circuitous 
paths.  He  became  the  friend  of  Luther  at 
the  court,  the  agent  through  which  matters  of 
business  were  transacted  between  the  Re- 
former and  the  Princes,  the  go-between  of  the 
Church  and  the  state.  The  Elector  honoured 
Spalatin  with  the  closest  intimacy,  and  in  his 
journeys  admitted  him  to  share  his  carriage.113 
In  other  respects  the  air  of  the  court  was  often 
oppressive  to  the  worthy  Spalatin,  and  affected 
him  with  deep  sadness;  he  would  have  wished 
to  leave  all  these  honours,  and  again  to  become 
a  simple  pastor  in  the  woods  of  Thuringia. 
But  Luther  comforted  him,  and  persuaded  him 
to  remain  at  his  post.  Spalalin  acquired 
general  esteem.  The  princes  and  scholars 
of  his  age  evinced  the  sincerest  respect  for 
him.  Erasmus  was  accustomed  to  say,  "  The 
name  of  Spalatin  is  inscribed  not  only  as  one 
of  my  dearest  friends,  but  of  my  most  revered 
protectors,  and  that  not  on  paper,  but  on  my 
heart."114 

The  affair  of  Reuchlin  and  the  monks  was 
then  making  much  noise  in  Germany.  The 
most  pious  persons  often  hesitated  which  side 


58 


HISTORY    OF    THE  REFORMATION. 


to  take,  for  the  monks  were  bent  upon  destroy 
ing  the  Jewish  books  which  contained  blas- 
phemies against  Christ.  The  Elector  com- 
missioned his  chaplain  to  consult  the  doctor 
of  Wittemberg,  whose  reputation  was  con- 
siderable. Luther  replied  by  letter,  and  it  is 
the  earliest  of  his  letters  to  the  court  preacher. 

"What  shall  I  say]  these  monks  pretend 
to  expel  Beelzebub, — but  it  is  not  by  the 
finger  of  God.  I  never  cease  to  complain  and 
grieve  at  it.  We  Christians  begin  to  be  wise 
in  things  that  are  without,  and  senseless  at 
home.11^ There  are,  in  all  the  public  places  of 
our  Jerusalem,  blasphemies  a  hundred  times 
worse  than  those  of  the  Jews,  and  in  every 
corner  of  it  spiritual  idols.  We  ought  in  holy 
zeal  to  carry  forth  and  destroy  these  enemies 
within.  But  we  neglect  what  is  most  press- 
ing, and  the  devil  himself  persuades  us  to 
abandon  our  own  concerns,  while  he  hinders 
us  from  reforming  what  is  amiss  in  others." 

Luther  never  lost  himself  in  this  quarrel. 
A  living  faith  in  Christ  was  that  which 
especially  filled  his  heart  and  life.  "  Within 
my  heart,"  says  he,  "reigns  alone,  and  must 
alone  reign,  faith  in  my  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
who  alone  is  the  beginning,  the  middle,  and 
the  end  of  the  thoughts  that  occupy  me  day 
and  night."116 

His  hearers  listened  with  admiration  as  he 
spoke  from  the  professor's  chair,  or  from  the 
pulpit,  of  that  faith  in  Christ.  His  instruc- 
tions diffused  light.  The  people  marvelled 
that  they  had  not  earlier  acknowledged  truths 
which  appeared  so  evident  in  his  mouth. 
"The  desire  to  justify  ourselves  is  the  spring 
of  all  our  distress  of  heart,"  said  he;  "but 
he  who  receives  Christ  as  a  SAVIOUR  has 
peace,  and  not  only  peace,  but  purity  of  heart. 
All  sanctification  of  the  heart  is  a  fruit  of 
faith.  For  faith  in  us  is  a  divine  work  which 
changes  us,  and  gives  us  a  new  birth,  ema- 
nating from  God  himself.  It  kills  Mam  in 
us;  and,  through  the  Holy  Spirit  which  it 
communicates,  it  gives  us  a  new  heart  and 
makes  us  new  men.  It  is  not  by  empty 
speculations,"  he  again  exclaims,  "but  by 
this  practical  method  that  we  obtain  a  saving 
knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ."117 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Luther  preached  on 
the  Ten  Commandments  a  series  of  discourses, 
which  have  been  preserved  to  us  under  the 
name  of  Declamations  for  the  People.  Doubt- 
less they  are  not  free  from  errors.  Luther 
was  only  gradually  gaining  light:  "The  path 
of  the  just  is  as  the  shining  light,  which 
shineth  more  and  more  unto  the  perfect  day." 
But  still  what  truth  in  these  discourses! 
what  simplicity  !  what  eloquence!  how  well 
can  we  conceive  the  effect  that  the  new 
preacher  would  produce  on  his  audience  and 
oh  his  age.  We  will  cite  only  one  passage 
at  the  opening  of  his  discourses. 

Luther  ascended  the  pulpit  of  Wittemberg, 
and  read  these  words:  "Thou  shall  have  no 
other  gods  than  Me."  Then  turning  to  the 
people,  who  thronged  the  sanctuary,  he  said  : 
"All  the  sons  of  Adam  are  idolaters,  and  j 
guilty  transgressors  of  this  first  command-! 


ment."1'8  Doubtless  this  strange  assertion 
startled  his  audience.  He  must  justify  it 
The  speaker  continued:  "There  are  two 
kinds  of  idolatry ;  the  one  in  outward  action, 
the  other  within  our  hearts. 

"The  outward,  by  which  man  worships 
wood,  stone,  reptiles,  or  stars. 

"The  inward,  by  which  man,  dreading 
chastisement,  or  seeking  his  own  pleasure, 
renders  no  outward  worship  to  the  creature, 
but  yet  in  his  heart  loves  it  and  trusts  in  it. 

"  But  what  kind  of  religion  is  this  1  you  do 
not  bend  the  knee  before  riches  and  honour, 
but  you  give  them  your  heart.  The  noblest 
part  of  your  nature.  Alas  !  with  your  bodies 
you  worship  God,  and  with  your  spirits  the 
creature. 

"This  idolatry  pervades  every  man  until  he 
is  freely  recovered  by  faith  that  is  in  Jesus 
Christ. 

"And  how  is  this  recovery  brought  about? 

"In  this  way:  Faith  in  Christ  strips  you 
of  all  confidence  in  your  own  wisdom,  and 
righteousness,  and  strength ;  it  teaches  you 
that  if  Christ  had  not  died  for  you,  and  saved 
you  by  his  death,  neither  you  nor  any  created 
power  could  have  done  so.  Then  you  begin 
to  despise  all  these  things  which  you  see  to 
be  unavailing.119 

!'  Nothing  remains,  but  Jesus — Jesus  only; 
Jesus,  abundantly  sufficient  for  your  soul. 
Hoping  nothing  from  all  created  things,  you 
have  no  dependence  save  on  Christ,  from 
whom  you  look  for  all,  and  whom  you  love 
above  all. 

"  But  Jesus  is  the  one  sole  and  true  God. 
When  you  have  him  for  your  God,  you  have 
no  other  gods."120 

It  was  thus  that  Luther  pointed  out  how 
the  soul  is  brought  to  God,  its  sovereign  good 
by  the  Gospel ; — agreeable  to  that  declaration 
of  Christ :  "  I  am  the  way  and  no  man  cometh 
unto  the  Father  but  by  me." 

The  man  who  thus  spoke  to  this  generation 
was  surely  intent  not  merely  on  overturning 
some  abuses;  his  aim,  above  all,  was  to  esta- 
blish true  religion.  His  work  was  not  merely 
negative  ;  it  was  primarily  positive. 

Luther  then  turned  his  discourse  against 
the  superstitions  which  filled  Christendom; 
signs  and  mysterious  omens ;  observances  of 
particular  days  and  months ;  familiar  demons, 
phantoms,  influences  of  the  stars,  incantations, 
metamorphoses,  incubi  and  succubi;  patro- 
nage of  saints,  &c.  &c.  &c.  He  attacked 
them  all,  one  after  the  other,  and  with  a  strong 
arm  cast  down  these  false  gods. 

But  it  was  especially  before  the  academy, 
before  that  youth,  enlightened  and  eager  for 
instruction,  that  Luther  spread  out  the  trea- 
sures of  the  word  of  God.  "  He  so  explained 
the  Scriptures,"  says  his  illustrious  friend 
Melancthon,  "that,  in  the  judgment  of  all 
pious  and  enlightened  men,  it  was  as  if  a  new 
light  had  arisen  on  the  doctrine  after  a  long 
and  dark  night.  He  pointed  out  the  differ- 
ence between  the  Law  and  the  Gospel.  He 
refuted  that  error  then  predominant  in  the 
Church  and  schools,  that  men  by  their  own 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


works,  obtain  remission  of  sins,  and  are  made 
righteous  before  God  by  an  external  disci- 
pline. He  thus  brought  back  the  hearts  of 
men  to  the  Son  of  God.121  Like  John  the 
Baptist,  he  pointed  to  the  Lamb  of  God  who 
has  taken  away  the  sins  of  the  world.  He 
explained  that  sin  is  freely  pardoned  on  ac- 
count of  God's  Son,  and  that  man  receives 
this  blessing  through  faith.  He  in  no  way 
interfered  with  the  usual  ceremonies.  The 
established  discipline  had  not  in  all  his  order 
a  more  faithful  observer  and  defender.  But 
he  laboured  more  and  more  to  make  all  under- 
stand the  grand  essential  doctrines  of  Con- 
version; of  the  Forgiveness  of  Sins;  of  Faith; 
and  of  the  true  consolations  of  the  Cross.  Pious 
souls  were  attracted  and  penetrated  by  the 
sweetness  of  this  doctrine ;  the  learned  re- 
ceived it  joyfully.122  One  might  have  said  that 
Christ  and  his  Apostles  and  Prophets  had 
come  forth  from  darkness  or  from  some  impure 
dungeon.123 

The  firmness  with  which  Luther  appealed 
to  and  rested  on  the  Gospel,  gave  great  autho- 
rity to  his  teaching.  But  other  circumstances 
added  yet  further  to  his  power.  With  him, 
action  corresponded  with  his  words.  It  was 
known  that  these  discourses  were  not  merely 
the  fruit  of  his  lips.124  They  came  from  the 
heart,  and  were  practised  in  his  daily  walk. 
And  when,  at  a  later  period,  the  Reformation 
burst  forth,  many  influential  men  who  saw 
with  grief  the  divisions  of  the  Church,  won 
before-hand  by  the  holy  life  of  the  Reformer, 
and  his  remarkable  genius,  not  only  did  not 
oppose  him,  but  embraced  the  doctrine  to 
which  his  life  gave  testimony.125  The  more 
men  loved  the  Christian  virtues,  the  more  did 
they  incline  toward  the  Reformer; — all  the 
most  upright  divines  were  in  favour  of  him.126 
This  is  what  those  who  knew  him,  said  of 
him,  and  especially  the  wisest  man  of  his 
age,  Melancthon,  and  Luther's  celebrated  op- 
ponent Erasmus.  Envy  and  detraction  have 
dared  to  talk  of  his  dissolute  life.  Wittem- 
berg  was  changed  by  this  preaching  of  Faith. 
This  city  became  the  focus  of  a  light  which 
was  soon  to  illuminate  Germany,  and  spread 
over  the  whole  Church. 

Luther,  whose  heart  was  tender  and  affec- 
tionate, desired  to  see  those  whom  he  loved 
in  possession  of  the  light  which  had  guided 
him  in  the  paths  of  peace.  He  availed  him- 
self of  all  the  opportunities  he  possessed,  as 
professor,  teacher,  and  monk,  as  well  as  of 
his  extensive  correspondence,  to  communicate 
his  treasure  to  others.  One  of  his  old  asso- 
ciates of  the  convent  of  Erfurth,  the  monk 
George  Spenlein,  was  then  in  the  convent  of 
Memmingen,  having,  perhaps,  spent  a  short 
time  at  Wittemberg.  Spenlein  had  commis- 
sioned Luther  to  sell  some  effects  that  he  had 
left  in  his  hands,  a  cloak  of  Brussels  stuff,  a 
work  by  the  doctor  Isenac,  and  a  monk's  hood. 
Luther  carefully  executed  this  commission. 
"He  got,"  says  he,  "a  florin  for  the  cloak, 
half  a  florin  for  the  book,  and  a  florin  for  the 
hood,"  and  had  forwarded  the  amount  to  the 
Father  Vicar,  to  whom  Spenlein  was  indebted 
9 


the  three  florins.  But  Luther  passed  quickly 
from  this  account  of  a  monk's  effects  to  a  more 
important  subject. 

"  I  should  like,"  says  he  to  brother  George, 
"to  know  how  it  is  with  your  soul?  Is  it 
weary  of  its  own  righteousness  1  In  a  word 
does  it  breathe  freely  1  and  put  its  trust  in  the 
righteousness  of  Christ  ]  In  these  days,  pride 
has  drawn  many  aside,  and  especially  those 
who  labour  with  all  their  strength  to  be  righ- 
teous. Not  understanding  the  righteousness 
of  God,  which  is  given  to  us  freely  in  Jesus 
Christ,  they  would  stand  before  him  on  their 
own  merits.  But  that  can  never  be.  When 
you  and  I  were  living  together,  you  were 
under  this  delusion,  and  so  was  I..  I  contend 
against  it  unceasingly,  and  I  have  not  yet  en- 
tirely overcome  it." 

"  Oh,  my  dear  brother,  learn  to  know  Christ, 
and  him  crucified.  Learn  to  sing  anew  song 
— to  despair  of  your  own  work,  and  to  cry  unto 
him,  Lord  Jesus,  thou  art  my  righteousness, 
and  I  am  thy  sin.  Thou  hast  taken  on  thee 
what  was  mine,  and  given  to  me  what  is 
thine;127  what  thou  wast  not,  thou  becamest, 
that  I  might  become  what  1  was  not.  Beware, 
my  dear  George,  of  aspiring  after  such  purity 
as  that  thou  mayest  not  have  to  acknowledge 
thyself  a  sinner;  for  Christ  dwells  only  with 
sinners.  He  came  down  from  heaven,  where 
he  abode  with  the  just,  to  dwell  also  with 
sinners.  Meditate  often  on  this  love  of  Christ, 
and  you  will  taste  its  unspeakable  comfort. 
If  our  labours  and  afflictions  could  give  peace 
to  the  conscience,  why  did  Christ  die  upon 
the  cross  ?  You  will  find  peace  in  him  alone; 
despairing  of  yourself  and  of  your  works,  and 
beholding  with  what  love  he  spreads  his  arms 
to  you;  taking  all  your  sins  on  himself,  and 
bestowing  on  you  all  his  righteousness." 

Thus,  the  doctrine  of  power,  which  had 
already  been  the  saving  of  the  world  in  the 
days  of  the  Apostles,  and  which  was  a  second 
time  to  save  it  in  the  days  of  the  Reformers, 
was  set  forth  by  Luther  fearlessly  and  clearly. 
Reaching  across  many  centuries  of  ignorance 
and  superstition,  he,  in  this,  gave  his  hand  to 
St.  Paul. 

Spenlein  was  not  the  only  one  whom  he 
sought  to  instruct  in  this  fundamental  doc- 
trine. The  little  of  the  truth  he  found  on  this 
subject  in  the  writings  of  Erasmus  distressed 
him.  It  was  desirable  to  enlighten  on  this 
matter  a  man  of  such  great  authority  arid 
such  admirable  genius.  But  how  to  do  this. 
His  friend  at  the  court,  the  chaplain  of  the 
Elector,  was  much  respected  by  Erasmus ;  to 
him  Luther  addressed  himself  thus:  "What 
displeases  me  in  Erasmus,  that  man  of  rare 
erudition,  is,  that  where  the  Apostle  speaks 
of  the  righteousness  of  works  and  of  the  law, 
he  understands  the  fulfilment  of  the  ceremonial 
law.  The  righteousness  of  the  law  consists 
not  alone  in  ceremonies,  but  in  all  the  works 
of  the  Ten  Commandments.  When  these 
works  are  done  without  faith  in  Christ,  they 
may,  it  is  true,  make  a  Fabricius,  a  Regulus, 
or  a  man  of  perfect  integrity  in  man's  sight, 
but  they,  in  that  case,  are  as  little  entitled  to 

F2 


60 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION 


the  name  of  righteousness,  as  the  fruit  of  the 
medlar  tree  is  entitled  to  be  called  a  fig.  For 
we  do  not  become  righteous,  as  Aristotle  as- 
serts, by  doing  works  of  righteousness,  but 
when  we  are  righteous  we  do  righteous  works. 
It  is  necessary  that  the  agent  be  changed,  128and 
then  the  works  by  consequence.  Abel  was 
first  acceptable  to  God,  and  then  his  sacrifice 
was  accepted."  Luther  continues :  "I  entreat 
you,  fulfil  the  duty  of  a  friend  and  of  a  Chris- 
tian in  pressing  these  things  on  Erasmus." 
This  letter  is  dated  "in  great  haste,  from  the 
corner  of  our  convent,  the  19th  of  October, 
1516."  It  exhibits  in  its  true  light  the  rela- 
tion between  Luther  and  Erasmus.  It  shows 
the  sincere  interest  he  took  in  what  he  thought 
really  for  the  good  of  that  illustrious  writer. 
Doubtless  at  a  later  period  Erasmus's  opposi- 
tion to  the  truth  obliged  him  to  oppose  him 
openly  ;  but  he  did  so  only  after  having  sought 
to  set  his  adversary  right. 

The  world,  then,  heard  at  length  ideas  at 
once  clear  and  deep  on  the  nature  of  that 
which  is  good.  The  principle  was  at  last 
proclaimed,  that  what  constitutes  the  real 
goodness  of  an  action  is  not  its  outward  cha- 
racter, but  the  spirit  in  which  it  is  performed. 
This  was  aiming  a  death-blow  at  all  the  su- 
perstitious observances  which  had  for  centu- 
ries oppressed  the  Church,  and  prevented  the 
Christian  virtues  from  growing  and  prospering. 

"I  read  Erasmus,"  writes  Luther  elsewhere, 
"  but  he  every  day  loses  weight  with  me.  I 
love  to  see  him  rebuke,  with  so  much  learning 
and  firmness,  the  grovelling  ignorance  of  the 
priests  and  monks ;  but  I  fear  he  does  no  great 
service  to  the  doctrine  of  Christ.  What  is  of 
man,  is  nearer  to  his  heart  than  what  is  of 
God.129  We  live  in  critical  times.  To  make  a 
good  and  judicious  Christian,  it  is  not  enough 
to  understand  Greek  and  Hebrew.  St.  Jerome, 
•who  knew  five  languages,  is  inferior  to  St. 
Augustine,  who  understood  but  one;  though 
Erasmus  thinks  the  contrary.  I  carefully 
conceal  my  opinion  of  Erasmus,  lest  I  should 
give  an  advantage  to  his  adversaries.  It  may 
foe,  that  the  Lord  will  give  him  understanding 
in  his  good  time."130 

The  inability  of  man, — the  almighty  power 
of  God, — these  were  the  two  truths  that  Lu- 
ther sought  to  re-establish.  That  is  but  a 
melancholy  religion,  and  a  poor  philosophy, 
which  directs  man  to  his  own  natural  strength. 
Past  acres  have  made  trial  of  that  strength; 
and  whilst,  in  earthly  things,  man  has  attained 
admirable  excellence,  he  has  never  been  able 
to  dissipate  the  darkness  which  hides  God 
from  his  soul,  or  to  change  a  single  inclination 
to  evil.  The  highest  attainment  in  wisdom 
of  the  most  aspiring  minds,  or  of  the  souls 
most  eager  after  perfection,  has  been  to  despair 
of  themselves.131  It  is,  therefore,  a  generous, 
consoling,  and  supremely  true  doctrine,  which 
discovers  to  us  our  impotence,  that  it  may  de- 
clare a  power — of  God — by  which  we  can  do 
all  things;  and  that  is  a  noble  Reformation 
which  vindicates  on  earth  the  glory  of  heaven, 
and  pleads  before  man  the  rights  of  the  mighty 
God. 


But  no  one  knew  better  than  Luther  the 
intimate  connection  that  unites  the  free  salva- 
tion which  cometh  of  God,  with  the  free  works 
of  man.  No  one  showed  better  than  he,  that 
it  is  only  in  receiving  all  from  Christ,  that 
man  gives  freely  to  his  brethren.  He  ever 
presented,  in  the  same  picture,  these  two 
procedures, — that  of  God,  and  that  of  man. 
Thus,  after  having  declared  to  Spenlein  the 
righteousness  which  saves  us,  he  added,  "If 
thou  firmly  believest  these  things,  as  thou 
oughtest,  (for  cursed  is  he  whosoever  doth  not 
believe  them,)  receive  thine  erring  and  igno- 
rant brethren  as  Jesus  Christ  hath  received 
thee.  Bear  with  them  patiently ;  make  their 
sins  your  own;  and  if  you  have  any  good 
thing  to  communicate  to  them,  do  it.  Receive 
you  one  another,  said  the  Apostle,  as  Christ 
also  hath  received  us,  to  the  glory  of  God. 
It  is  a  wretched  righteousness  which  will  not 
bear  with  others,  because  it  deems  them  evil, 
and  seeks  the  solitude  of  the  desert,  instead 
of  doing  good  to  such,  by  long-suffering,  by 
prayer  and  example.  If  thou  art  the  lily  and 
the  rose  of  Christ,  know  that  thy  dwelling- 
place  is  among  thorns.  Only  take  heed,  lest, 
by  impatience,  rash  judgments,  and  pride, 
thou  thyself  become  a  thorn.  Christ  reigns 
in  the  rnidst  of  his  enemies.  If  he  had  desired 
to  live  only  among  the  good,  and  die  only  for 
such  as  loved  him,  would  he  have  died  at  all  1 
and  among  whom  would  he  have  lived  1" 

It  is  affecting  to  see  how  Luther  himself 
put  in  practice  these  precepts  of  charity.  An 
Augustine  of  Erfurth,  George  Leiffer,  was 
exposed  to  many  trials.  Luther  heard  of  it, 
and  a  week  after  he  wrote  this  letter,  he  went 
to  him  with  expressions  of  compassion:  "I 
hear,"  said  he,  "  that  you  are  driven  about  by 
many  tempests,  and  that  your  soul  is  impelled 
hither  and  thither  by  the  waves.  The  cross 
of  Christ  is  divided  over  the  earth,  and  each 
one  has  his  share.  Do  not  you  refuse  your 
portion;  rather  receive  it  as  a  holy  relic  ;  not, 
indeed,  into  a  gold  or  silver  vase,  but,  what  is 
much  preferable,  into  a  heart  of  gold — a  heart 
imbued  with  meekness.  If  the  wood  of  the 
cross  was  so  sanctified  by  the  blood  and  body 
of  Christ,  that  we  deem  it  the  most  venerable 
of  relics,  how  much  more  should  we  count  as 
holy  relics,  the  wrongs,  persecutions,  suffer- 
ings, and  hatred  of  men,  since  they  were  not 
only  touched  by  Christ's  flesh,  but  embraced, 
kissed,  and  made  blessed  by  his  boundless 
love."132 

The  teaching  of  Luther  bore  fruit.  Many 
of  his  disciples  felt  themselves  impelled  to  a 
public  profession  of  the  truths  which  their 
master's  lessons  had  revealed  to  them.  Among 
his  hearers  was  a  young  scholar,  Bernard  of 
Feldkirchen,  professor  of  Aristotelian  physics 
in  the  university,  and,  five  years  later,  the 
first  of  the  ecclesiastics  who  entered  into  the 
marriage  state. 

Luther  desired  Feldkirchen  to  maintain,  un- 
der his  presidence,  theses,  in  which  his  princi- 
ples were  set  forth.  The  doctrines  professed 
by  Luther  acquired  by  this  means  additional 
publicity.  The  disputation  took  place  in  1516 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


61 


This  was  Luther's  first  attack  on  the  reign 
of  the  sophists  and  on  the  Papacy,  as  he  says 
himself.  Feeble  as  it  was,  it.  cost  him  many 
misgiving-s.  "I  consent  to  the  printing  of 
these  propositions,"  said  he,  many  years  after, 
when  publishing  them  in  his  works,  "chiefly 
that  the  greatness  of  rny  cause,  and  the  suc- 
cess with  which  God  has  crowned  it,  may  not 
lift  me  up ;  for  they  manifest  abundantly  my 
shame;  that  is  to  say,  the  infirmity  and  igno- 
rance, the  fear  and  trembling,  with  which  I 
began  this  contest.  I  was  alone;  I  had 
thrown  myself  rashly  into  the  affair.  Not 
being  able  to  draw  back,  I  gave  up  to  the 
Pope  many  important  points ;  I  even  worship- 
ped his  authority."133 

The  following  were  some  of  these  proposi- 
tions :— 134 

"  The  old  man  is  the  vanity  of  vanities;  he 
is  the  universal  vanity,  and  he  makes  other 
creatures  vain,  whatever  goodness  may  be  in 
them. 

"The  old  man  is  called  'the  flesh,'  not 
merely  because  he  is  led  by  the  desires  of  the 
flesh,  but  also  because,  though  he  should  even 
be  chaste,  virtuous,  and  just,  he  is  not  born 
again  of  God,  by  the  Spirit. 

"A  man  who  is  a  stranger  to  the  grace  of 
God  cannot  keep  the  commandments  of  God, 
nor  prepare  himself,  wholly  or  in  part,  to 
receive  grace,  but  remains  necessarily  under 
sin. 

"The  will  of  man,  without  divine  grace,  is 
not  free,  but  enslaved,  and  willing  to  be  so. 

"Jesus  Christ,  our  strength,  our  righteous- 
ness, he  who  searches  the  heart  and  reins,  is 
the  only  discerner  and  judge  of  our  deserts. 

"Since  all  things  are  possible  through 
Christ  to  him  that  believeth,  it  is  superstitious 
to  seek  for  other  help,  either  in  man's  will  or 
in  the  saints."135 

This  disputation  made  a  great  noise,  and  it 
has  been  considered  as  the  commencement  of 
the  Reformation. 

The  moment  drew  nigh  when  that  Reforma- 
tion was  to  burst  forth.  God  hastened  the 
preparation  of  the  instrument  he  designed  to 
use.  The  Elector,  having  built  a  new  church 
at  Wittemberg,  and  given  it  the  name  of  All 
Saints,  despatched  Staupitz  to  the  Low  Coun- 
tries to  collect  relics  to  enrich  the  new  temple. 
The  Vicar-general  commissioned  Luther  to 
take  his  place  in  his  absence,  and,  in  particu- 
lar, to  make  a  visitation  to  forty  monasteries 
of  Misnia  and  Thuringia. 

Luther  went  first  to  Grimma,  and  thence  to 
Dresden.  Everywhere  he  endeavoured  to 
establish  the  truths  he  had  discovered,  and  to 
enlighten  the  members  of  his  order.  "  Do 
not  join  yourself  to  Aristotle,"  said  he  to  the 
monks,  "  or  to  the  other  teachers  of  a  mis- 
leading philosophy,  but  apply  yourselves  to 
the  reading  of  the  word  of  God.  Seek  not 
your  salvation  in  your  own  strength  and  good 
works,  but  in  the  merits  of  Christ,  and  in  the 
grace  of  God."136 

An  Augustine  monk  of  Dresden  had  eloppd 
from  his  convent,  and  was  residing  at  Mentz, 
where  the  prior  of  the  Augustines  had  received 


him.  Luther  wrote  to  the  prior,137 desiring  him 
to  send  back  this  stray  sheep;  and  he  added 
these  words  of  truth  and  charity :  "  I  know — 
I  know  that  it  cannot  be  but  that  offences  must 
come.  It  is  no  wonder  wnen  man  falls,  but 
it  is  a  miracle  when  he  rises  and  continues 
standing.  Peter  fell  that  he  might  know  that 
he  was  a  man.  Even  at  this  day  we  see 
cedars  of  Lebanon  falling.  The  angels, 
even,  (difficult  as  it  is  to  conceive  it,)  fell  in 
heaven,  and  Adam  in  Paradise.  Why,  then, 
should  we  wonder  when  a  reed  is  shaken  by 
the  whirlwind,  or  a  flickering  taper  is  extin- 
guished." 

From  Dresden,  Luther  repaired  to  Erfurth, 
and  reappeared,  to  exercise  the  functions  of 
Vicar-general  in  that  same  convent,  where, 
eleven  years  before,  he  had  wound  up  the 
clock,  opened  the  gates,  and  swept  the  floor 
of  the  church.  He  placed  in  the  post  of  prior 
of  the  convent,  his  friend  the  bachelor,  John 
Lange,  a  man  of  learning  and  piety,  but  aus- 
tere in  his  disposition.  Therefore  it  was  he 
exhorted  him  to  affability  and  patience.  "  Put 
on,"  said  he,  writing  to  him  shortly  after, 
"  put  on  a  spirit  of  meekness  toward  the  prior 
of  Nuremberg.  It  is  proper  that  you  should 
do  so,  since  the  prior  has  assumed  a  harsh 
and  bitter  tone.  Bitterness  is  not  expelled 
by  bitterness, — that  is  to  say,  the  devil  is  not 
cast  out  by  the  devil;  but  the  sweet  over- 
comes and  expels  the  bitter, — in  other  words, 
the  finger  of  God  casts  out  devils."138  Perhaps 
we  may  regret  that  Luther  himself,  on  some 
occasions,  forgot  to  follow  these  excellent 
directions. 

At  Neustadt,  on  the  Orla,  there  was  nothing 
but  disunion.  Disturbances  and  dissensions 
reigned  in  the  convent.  The  whole  body  of 
the  monks  were  in  open  war  with  their  prior. 
They  beset  Luther  with  their  complaints. 
The  prior,  Michael  Dressel, — or  Tornator,  as 
Luther  calls  him,  translating  his  name  into 
Latin, — enumerated  to  the  Doctor  all  his 
grievances.  "  Oh,  for  peace  1"  said  the  prior. 
"You  seek  peace,"  said  Luther,  "but  it  is 
only  the  peace  of  the  world,  and  not  the  peace 
that  is  of  Christ.  Do  you  not  know  that  our 
God  has  set  his  peace  in  the  midst  of  opposi- 
tion"? He  whom  nobody  disturbs  has  not 
peace,  but  he  who,  harassed  by  all  men,  and 
by  the  things  of  this  life,  bears  all  tranquilly 
and  joyfully  ;  he  it  is  that  has  the  true  peace. 
You  cry,  with  Israel,  peace,  peace,  when  there 
is  no  peace.  Say  rather  with  Christ,  the  cross, 
the  cross,  and  there  will  be  no  cross :  for  the 
cross  ceases  to  be  a  cross  when  we  can  say 
with  love :  *  O  blessed  cross !  there  is  no 
wood  like  thine!' "139 On  his  return  to  Wit- 
temberg, Luther,  desiring  to  put  a  stop  to  these 
dissensions,  allowed  the  monks  to  elect  an- 
other prior.  Luther  returned  to  Wittemberg 
after  six  weeks  absence.  What  he  had  witness- 
!  ed  saddened  him;  but  his  journey  gave  him  a 
better  knowledgeof  the  Church  and  of  the  world, 
and  more  confidence  in  his  intercourse  with 
mankind,  beskies  offering  many  opportunities 
of  pressing  the  fundamental  truth  that.  "  Holy 
Scripture  alone  shows  us  the  way  to  heaven," 


62 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


and  at  the  same  time  exhorting  the  brethren  to 
live  holily  and  at  peace  one  with  another.140 
Doubtless  a  plenteous  seed  was  sown  in  the 
different  Augustine  convents  during  that  jour- 
ney of  the  Reformer.  The  monastic  orders, 
which  had  long  been  the  support  of  Rome, 
did  more,  perhaps,  for  the  Reformation  than 
against  it.  This  was  especially  true  of  the 
Augustines.  Almost  all  the  men  of  liberal 
and  enlightened  piety  who  were  living  in  the 
cloisters,  turned  towards  the  Gospel.  A  new 
and  generous  blood  seemed  to  circulate  through 
these  orders,  which  were  as  the  arteries  of  the 
Catholic  body  in  Germany.  In  public,  little 
was  as  yet  heard  of  the  new  ideas  of  the  Au- 
gustine of  Wittemberg ;  while  they  were 
already  the  chief  subject  of  conversation  in 
chapters  and  monasteries.  More  than  one 
cloister  was,  in  this  way,  the  nursery  of  the 
Reformers.  When  the  great  struggle  came, 
pious  and  brave  men  came  forth  from  their  re- 
tirement and  exchanged  the  solitude  of  monk- 
ish life  for  the  active  service  of  ministers  of 
God's  word.  Even  as  early  as  this  visit  of 
inspection  in  15 1G,  Luther  aroused  by  his 
words  many  a  drowsy  spirit.  Hence  that 
year  has  been  named  "  the  Morning  Star  of 
the  Reformation." 

Luther  now  resumed  his  usual  occupation. 
He  was,  at  this  period,  overwhelmed  with 
labour.  Besides  his  duties  as  professor, 
preacher,  and  confessor,  he  was  burdened  with 
many  temporal  concerns  of  his  order  and  con- 
vent. "  I  require  almost  continually,"  said 
he,  "  two  secretaries ;  for  I  do  scarce  any  thing 
else  all  day  long  than  write  letters.  I  am 
preacher  to  the  convent,  reader  of  prayers  at 
table,  pastor  and  parish  minister,  director  of 
studies,  vicar  of  the  priory,  (that  is  to  say, 
prior  ten  times  over,)  inspector  of  the  fish- 
ponds of  Litzkau,  counsel  to  the  inns  of  Herz- 
berg  at  Torgau,  lecturer  on  St.  Paul,  and 
commentator  on  the  Psalms.  Seldom  have  I 
time  to  say  my  prayers,  or  to  sing  a  hymn; 
not  to  mention  my  struggle  with  flesh  and 
blood,  the  devil  and  the  world.  See  what  an 
idle  man  I  am  !"141 

About  this  time  the  plague  showed  itself  at 
Wittemberg.  A  great  number  of  the  students 
and  doctors  quitted  the  town.  Luther  re- 
mained. "  I  do  not  very  well  know,"  wrote 
he  to  his  friend  at  Erfurth,  "whether  the 
plague  will  suffer  me  to  finish  the  Epistle  to 
the  Galatians.  Quick  and  sudden  in  its  at- 
tacks, it  makes  great  havoc,  especially  among 
the  young.  You  advise  me  to  flee — but  whi- 
ther shall  I  flee  1  I  hope  the  world  will  not 
go  to  pieces  if  brother  Martin  should  fall.142  If 
the  plague  spreads,  I  will  send  the  brethren 
away  in  all  directions,  but  for  my  part  I  am 
placed  here  ;  obedience  does  not  allow  me  to 
leave  the  spot  until  He  who  called  me  hither 
shall  call  me  away.  Not  that  I  am  above  the 
fear  of  death,  (for  I  arn  not  the  Apostle  Paul, 
but  only  his  commentator,)  but  I  trust  the 
Lord  will  deliver  me  from  the  fear  of  it." 
Such  was  the  firm  resolution  of  the  Doctor 
of  Wittemberg.  He  whom  the  plague  could 
not  force  to  retire  a  single  step,  would  he  draw 


back  from  fear  of  Rome  1  would  he  recede  in 
the  prospect  of  the  scaffold  ? 

The  same  courage  that  Luther  evinced  in 
presence  of  the  most  formidable  evils,  he  ma- 
nifested before  the  great  ones  of  the  world. 
The  Elector  was  well  satisfied  with  the  Vicar- 
general.  He  had  reaped  a  rich  harvest  of 
relics  in  the  Low  Countries.  Luther  gave  an 
account  of  it  to  Spalatin.  This  affair  of  the 
relics  is  singular  enough,  occurring  as  it  did 
at  the  moment  when  the  Reformation  was 
about  to  open.  Assuredly  the  Reformers  did 
not  see  clearly  whither  they  were  tending. 
The  Elector  deemed  that  nothing  less  than  a 
bishopric  was  a  reward  commensurate  with 
the  services  of  the  Vicar-general.  Luther,  to 
whom  Spalatin  wrote  on  the  subject,  highly 
disapproved  the  suggestion.  "There  are 
many  things,"  answered  he,  "  that  are  pleas- 
ing to  your  prince,  which  yet  displease  God. 
I  do  not  deny  that  he  is  skilled  in  the  concerns 
of  the  world,  but  in  what  relates  to  God  and 
the  salvation  of  souls,  I  consider  him  alto- 
gether blind,  as  well  as  his  adviser  Pfeffinger. 
I  do  not  say  that  behind  his  back,  like  a  ca- 
lumniator; I  do  not  conceal  my  opinion  from 
them;  for  I  am  at  all  times  ready  myself  to 
tell  them  both  so  to  their  faces.  Why  will 
you,"  continued  he,  "  seek  to  surround  that 
man  (Staupitz)  with  all  the  heavings  and 
tempests  of  episcopal  cares  I"143 

The  Elector  did  not  take  amiss  the  frank- 
ness of  Luther.  "The  prince,"  wrote  Spa- 
latin, "often  speaks  of  you  in  honourable 
terms."  Frederic  sent  the  monk  some  stuff 
for  a  gown.  It  was  of  very  fine  cloth.  "  It 
would  be  too  fine,"  said  Luther,  "  if  it  were 
not  a  prince's  gift.  I  am  not  worthy  that  any 
man  should  think  of  me,  much  less  a  prince, 
and  so  noble  a  prince.  Those  are  most  use- 
ful to  me  who  think  worst  of  me.144  Present 
my  thanks  to  our  Prince  for  his  favour,  but 
know  that  I  desire  neither  the  praise  of  thy- 
self nor  of  others ;  all  of  the  praise  of  man 
is  vain,  the  praise  that  cometh  of  God  being 
alone  true." 

The  worthy  chaplain  would  not  confine 
himself  to  his  functions  at  the  court.  He 
wished  to  make  himself  useful  to  the  people, 
but,  like  many  others  in  all  ages,  he  wished 
to  do  it  without  offence,  without  irritating  any 
one,  and  so  as  to  conciliate  general  favour. 
"  Point  out  to  me,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to 
Luther,  "  some  writing  to  translate,  but  one 
that  shall  give  general  satisfaction,  and  at  the 
same  time  be  useful  !"  "  Agreeable  and  use- 
ful," replied  Luther,  "  that  is  beyond  my 
skill.  The  better  things  are,  the  less  they 
please.  What  is  more  salutary  than  Christ] 
and  yet  he  is  to  most  a  savour  of  death.  You 
will  say  that  what  you  intend  is  to  be  useful 
to  those  who  love  Christ; — then  cause  them 
to  hear  his  voice;  you  will  thus  be  agreeable 
and  useful — never  doubt  it  — but  to  a  small 
number,  for  the  sheep  are  but  rare  in  this 
dreary  region  of  wolves."145 

Luther,  however,  recommended  to  his  friend 
the  sermons  of  Tauler  the  Dominican.  "  I 
never  saw,"  said  he,  "  either  in  Latin  or  in 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


our  language,  a  theology  more  sound  or  more 
conformable  to  the  Gospel.  Taste  them  and 
see  how  gracious  the  Lord  is,  but  not  till  you 
have  first  tasted  and  experienced  how  bitter  is 
every  thing  in  ourselves/'146 

It  was  in  the  course  of  the  year  1517  that 
Luther  became  connected  with  Duke  George 
of  Saxony.  The  house  of  Saxony  had  at 
that  time  two  chiefs.  Two  princes,  Ernest 
and  Albert,  carried  off  in  their  childhood  from 
the  castle  of  Altenburg,  by  Kunz  of  Kau- 
fungen,  had  by  the  treaty  of  Leipsic  been  ac- 
knowledged as  the  founders  of  the  two  houses 
which  still  bear  their  names.  The  Elector 
Frederic,  son  of  Ernest,  was  at  the  period  we 
are  recording,  the  head  of  the  Ernestine  branch, 
as  his  cousin  Duke  George  was  head  of  the 
Albertine  branch.  Dresden  and  Leipsic  were 
situated  in  the  states  of  this  duke,  and  he  him- 
self resided  in  the  former  of  these  cities.  His 
mother,  Sidonia,  was  daughter  of  the  King  of 
Bohemia,  George  Podibrad.  The  long  strug- 
gle which  Bohemia  had  maintained  with  Rome, 
since  the  time  of  John  Huss,  had  had  some 
influence  on  the  Prince  of  Saxony.  He  had 
often  manifested  a  desire  of  a  Reformation. 
"  He  sucked  it  with  his  mother's  milk,"  said 
they ;  "  he  is,  by  his  nature,  an  enemy  to  the 
clergy."147  He  annoyed,  in  many  ways,  the 
bishops,  abbots,  canons,  and  monks  ;  and  his 
cousin,  the  Elector  Frederic,  often  had  to  in- 
terpose in  their  behalf.  It  must  have  seemed 
that  Duke  George  would  be  the  warmest  pa- 
tron of  a  Reformation.  The  devout  Frederic, 
on  the  contrary,  who  had  in  early  life  assumed, 
in  the  holy  sepulchre,  the  spurs  of  Godfrey, 
and  armed  himself  with  the  long  and  heavy 
sword  of  the  conqueror  of  Jerusalem,  making 
oath  to  fight  for  the  Church,  like  that  valiant 
knight,  seemed  marked  out  to  be.  the  most  ar- 
dent champion  of  Rome.  But  in  what  pertains 
to  the  Gospel,  all  the  calculations  of  human 
wisdom  arc  often  deceived.  The  very  reverse 
ensued.  The  Duke  would  have  taken  plea- 
sure in  bringing  down  the  Church  and  the 
clergy,  in  humbling  the  bishops,  whose  prince- 
ly retinue  much  exceeded  his  own;  but  to 
receive  into  his  heart  the  doctrine  of  the  Gos- 
pel, which  was  to  humble  him, — to  confess 
himself  a  guilty  sinner,  incapable  of  being 
saved  except  by  grace, — was  quite  another 
thing.  He  would  have  willingly  reformed 
others,  but  he  had  no  idea  of  reforming  him- 
self. He  would  perhaps  have  put  his  hand 
to  the  work  to  oblige  the  Bishop  of  Mentz  to 
limit  himself  to  one  bishopric,  and  to  have 
only  fourteen  horses  in  his  stables,  as  he  said 
more  than  once;148but  when  he  saw  one  alto- 
gether unlike  himself  appear  as  the  Reformer, 
— when  he  beheld  a  plain  monk  undertake 
this  work,  and  the  Reformation  gaining  ground 
among  the  people, — the  proud  grandson  of 
the  Hussite  King  became  the  most  violent 
adversary  of  the  reform  to  which  he  had  shown 
himself  favourable. 

In  the  month  of  July,  1517,  Duke  George 
requested  Staupitz  to  send  him  a  learned  and 
eloquent  preacher.  Staupitz  sent  Luther,  re- 
commending him  as  a  man  of  great  learning 


and  irreproachable  conduct.  The  prince  in- 
vited him  to  preach  at  Dresden  in  the  chapel 
of  the  castle  on  St.  James  the  Elder's  day. 

The  day  came.  The  Duke  and  his  court 
repaired  to  the  chapel  to  hear  the  preacher 
from  Wittemberg.  Luther  seized  with  joy 
the  opportunity  of  giving  his  testimony  to  the 
truth  before  such  an  assembly.  He  chose  as 
his  text  the  gospel  of  the  day:  "Then  the 
mother  of  Zebedee's  children  came  to  him 
with  her  sons,"  &c.  (Mat.  xx.  20.)  He 
preached  on  the  desires  and  unreasonable 
prayers  of  men,  and  then  proceeded  to  speak 
with  energy  on  the  assurance  of  salvation. 
He  rested  it  on  this  foundation; — that  they 
who  hear  the  word  of  God  and  believe  it,  are 
the  true  disciples  of  Christ,  elect  unto  eternal 
life.  Then  he  spoke  of  free  election:  he 
showed  that  his  doctrine,  viewed  in  connection 
with  Christ's  work,  has  power  to  dispel  the 
terrors  of  conscience,  so  that  men,  instead  of 
fleeing  far  from  the  Holy  God,  in  the  consci- 
ousness of  their  unworthiness,  are  brought  by 
grace  to  seek  refuge  in  Him.  In  conclusion, 
he  related  a  story  of  three  virgins,  from  which 
he  deduced  edifying  instructions. 

The  word  of  truth  made  a  profound  im- 
pression on  the  hearers.  Two  of  them,  espe- 
cially, seemed  to  pay  particular  attention  to 
the  sermon  of  the  monk  of  Wittemberg.  The 
first  was  a  lady  of  respectable  appearance, 
seated  on  the  benches  of  the  court,  and  on 
whose  features  might  be  traced  a  deep  emo- 
tion. This  was  Madame  de  la  Sale,  lady  of 
the  bed-chamber  to  the  Duchess.  The  other 
was  Jerome  Emser,  licentiate  of  canon  law, 
and  secretary  and  counsellor  to  the  duke. 
Emser  was  gifted  with  talents  and  extensive 
acquirements.  A  courtier,  a  skilful  politician, 
he  would  have  wished  at  once  to  satisfy  two 
opposite  parties, — to  pass  at  Rome  as  a  de- 
fender of  the  Papacy,  arid  at  the  same  time 
shine  among  the  learned  men  of  Germany. 
But  beneath  this  dexterous  policy  lay  hid 
much  violence  of  character.  It  was  the  cha- 
pel of  the  castle  of  Dresden  that  was  the 
scene  of  the  first  meeting  of  Luther  and 
Emser,  who  were  destined  afterwards  to  break 
more  than  one  lance  together. 

The  dinner  hour  sounded  in  the  castle,  and 
soon  the  ducal  family  and  the  different  per- 
sons of  the  court  were  assembled  round  the 
table.  The  conversation  naturally  turned  on 
the  morning  preacher.  "How  did  you  like 
the  sermon]"  said  the  Duke  to  Madame  de 
la  Sale.  "  If  I  could  but  hear  one  other 
such  sermon,"  answered  she,  "I  would  die  in 
peace."  "And  I,"  replied  Duke  George 
angrily,  "would  give  something  not  to  have 
heard  it ;  for  such  sermons  are  good  for  no- 
thing, and  serve  only  to  encourage  men  in 
sin." 

The  master  having  thus  made  known  his 
opinion,  the  courtiers  gave  vent  to  their  dis- 
satisfaction. Each  was  ready  with  his  re- 
mark. Some  asserted  that  in  Luther's  story 
of  the  three  virgins,  he  had  in  his  eye  three 
ladies  of  the  court; — hereupon  much  talk  and 
whispering  ensued.  The  three  ladies  were 


64 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


rallied  on  the  circumstance  of  the  monk  of 
Wittemberg,  having,  as  they  said,  publicly 
pointed  them  out.149"  He  is  an  ignorant  fel- 
low," said  some.  "  A  proud  monk !"  said 
others.  Each  one  criticised  the  sermon  in  his 
own  manner,  and  made  the  preacher  say  what 
he  pleased.  The  truth  had  fallen  in  the  midst 
of  a  court  little  prepared  to  receive  it.  Every 
one  mangled  it  at  his  will.  But  whilst  the 
word  of  God  was  thus  to  some  an  occasion  of 
falling,  it  was  to  the  lady  of  the  bed-cham- 
ber a  corner-stone  of  edification.  One  month 
afterwards,  she  fell  sick,  embraced  with  con- 
fidence the  grace  of  the  Saviour,  and  died 
with  joy.150 

As  to  the  Duke,  it  was  not  perhaps  in  vain 
that  he  heard  this  testimony  to  the  truth. 
Whatever  had  been  his  opposition  to  the  Re- 
formation during  his  life,  he  is  known  to  have 
declared  on  his  death-bed  that  he  had  no  other 
hope  than  in  the  merits  of  Christ. 

It  wras  a  matter  of  course  that  Eraser  should 
do  the  honours  to  Luther  in  the  name  of  his 
master.  He  invited  him  to  supper.  Luther 
declined.  But  Eraser  pressed  him  until  he 
assented.  Luther  expected  to  meet  only  a 
few  friends,  but  he  soon  saw  it  was  a  trap 
laid  for  him.151  A  master  of  arts  of  Leipsic  and 
several  Dominicans  were  with  the  Prince's 
secretary.  The  master  of  arts,  full  of  confi- 
dence in  himself,  and  of  hatred  against  Luther, 
accosted  him  with  a  friendly  and  gentle  air, 
but  soon  lost  his  temper,  and  talked  loudly.152 
The  debate  was  opened.  The  discussion  turn- 
ed, says  Luther,  on  the  solemn  trifling  of 
Aristotle  and  St.  Thomas.153  In  conclusion, 
Luther  challenged  the  master  of  arts  to  define, 
with  all  the  learning  of  the  Thomists,  in  what 
obedience  to  God's  commandments  consisted. 
The  master  of  arts,  though  puzzled,  put  a  good 
face  upon  it.  "  Pay  me  my  fees  first,"  said 
he,  holding  out  his  hand,  "Da  pastum"  as 
though  he  were  called  on  to  give  a  formal  lec- 
ture^treating  the  guests  as  his  scholars.  "  At 
this  ridiculous  reply,"  adds  the  Reformer,  "  we 
all  laughed  outright,  and  hereupon  we  sepa- 
rated." 

During  this  conversation,  a  Dominican  had 
listened  at  the  door.  He  wanted  to  enter  that 
he  might  spit  in  Luther's  face.154  He,  however, 
restrained  himself;  but  publicly  boasted  of  it 
afterwards.  Eraser,  delighted  to  see  his  guests 
contending  with  each  other,  while  he  himself 
appeared  to  maintain  a  guarded  medium,  took 
pains  to  excuse  himself  to  Luther  on  the  in- 
cident of  the  evening.155  The  latter  returned  to 
Wittemberg. 

He  again  applied  himself  laboriously  to 
work.  He  was  preparing  six  or  seven  young 
divines,  who  were  about  to  undergo  examina- 
tion for  license  to  teach.  What  most  pleased 
him  was,  that  their  promotion  would  contri- 
bute to  the  downfal  of  Aristotle.  '*  I  would 
lose  no  time,"  said  he,  "  in  adding  to  the  num- 
ber of  his  opponents."156  And  with  this  object, 
he,  about  that  time,  published  some  theses 
which  deserve  our  attention. 

The  Freedom  of  the  Will  was  his  high  sub- 
ject. He  had  already  slightly  touched  on  it 


in  the  theses  of  Feldkirchen;  he  now  went 
more  fully  into  the  question.  Ever  since  the 
promulgation  of  Christianity,  a  controversy 
has  been  carried  on,  with  more  or  less  keen- 
ness, between  the  two  doctrines  of  the  liberty 
and  the  bondage  of  the  human  will.  Certain 
scholastic  writers,  as  Pelagius,  and  others, 
hnd  taught  that  man  possessed,  from  his  own 
nature,  a  freedom  of  will,  or  the  power  of 
loving  God  and  doing  righteousness.  Luther 
denied  this  doctrine;  not  in  order  to  deprive 
man  of  liberty,  but  that  he  might  lead  him  to 
obtain  it.  The  point  of  dispute,  then,  is  not, 
as  has  been  commonly  said,  between  liberty 
and  slavery  ;  it  is  between  a  liberty  proceed- 
ing from  man's  nature,  and  a  liberty  that 
cometh  of  God.  The  one  party,  who  call 
themselves  the  advocates  of  liberty,  say  to 
man :  "  Thou  hast  the  power  to  do  right,  thou 
hast  no  need  of  more,  liberty !"  the  others, 
who  have  been  styled  the  partisans  of  slavery, 
say  to  him  the  very  reverse:  "True  liberty 
is  what  thou  needest,  and  it  is  what  God  of- 
fers to  thee  in  the  Gospel."  On  the  one  side, 
they  talk  of  liberty  so  as  to  perpetuate  servi- 
tude ;  on  the  other,  they  proclaim  to  us  our 
bondage  that  we  may  obtain  liberty.  Such 
has  been  the  contest  in  St.  Paul's  time;  in 
the  days  of  St.  Augustine ;  and,  again,  in 
those  of  Luther.  The  one  party,  congratulat- 
ing man  on  his  freedom,  would,  in  effect,  re- 
concile him  to  slavery;  the  other,  showing 
how  his  fetters  may  be  struck  off,  are  the  true 
advocates  of  liberty. 

But  we  should  be  deceiving  ourselves,  if  we 
are  to  sum  up,  in  this  question,  the  whole  of 
the  Reformation.  It  is  one,  and  only  one,  of 
many  doctrines  that  the  professor  of  Wittem- 
berg contended  for.  It  would,  especially,  be 
a  strange  error  to  assert,  that  the  Reformation 
was  a  fatalism, — an  opposition  to  the  notion 
of  human  liberty.  It  was  a  noble  emancipa- 
tion of  the  mind  of  man.  Bursting  the  many 
cords  with  which  the  hierarchy  had  tied  down 
the  thoughts  of  men, — restoring  the  ideas  of 
liberty,  of  right  of  free  investigation,  —  it 
liberated  its  own  age,  ourselves,  and  the  re- 
motest posterity.  And  let  none  say  :  "  True, 
the  Reformation  did  liberate  man  from  all 
human  despotism;  but  at  the  same  time,  re- 
duced him  to  slavery  in  other  things,  by  pro- 
claiming the  sovereignty  of  grace." — Doubt- 
less, its  aim  was  to  bring  the  human  will  into 
harmony  with  the  divine  will,  to  subject  the 
former  absolutely  to  the  latter,  and  to  blend 
them  together.  But  where  is  the  philosopher 
who  does  not  know,  that  perfect  conformity 
to  the  will  of  God  is  the  sole,  sovereign,  and 
complete  liberty ;  and  that  man  will  never  be 
truly  free,  until  perfect  righteousness  and  un- 
changing truth  reign  unrivalled  in  his  heart 
and  mind  1 

The  following  are  a  few  of  the  ninety-nine 
propositions  which  Luther  put  forth  in  the 
church,  against  the  Pelagian  rationalism  of  the 
scholastic  theology : — 

"  It  is  true  that  man,  who  is  become  *  a  bad 
tree,'  can  but  will  and  do  what  is  evil. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


65 


"It  is  false  that  the  will,  left  to  itself,  can 
do  good  as  well  as  evil ;  for  it  is  not  free,  but 
led  captive. 

"  It  is  not  in  the  power  of  man's  will  to 
purpose  or  not  purpose  all  that  is  suggested 
to  him. 

"  Man,  by  nature,  cannot  wish  that  God 
should  be  God.  He  would  prefer  that  him- 
self should  be  God,  and  that  God  should  not 
be  God. 

"  The  excellent,  infallible,  and  sole  prepa- 
ration for  grace,  is  the  election  and  the  ever- 
lasting predestination  of  God.157 

"  It  is  false  to  say,  that  man,  if  he  does  all 
in  his  power,  dissipates  the  obstacles  to  divine 
grace. 

"In  one  word,  nature  possesses  neither  a 
pure  reason  nor  a  good  will.158 

"  On  man's  part,  there  is  nothing  that  goes 
before  grace, — nothing  but  impotency  and  re- 
bellion. 

"  There  is  no  moral  virtue  without  pride  or 
sadness, — that  is  to  say,  without  sin. 

"  From  first  to  last,  we  are  not  the  masters 
of  our  actions,  but  their  slaves. 

"  We  do  not  become  righteous  by  doing  that 
Which  is  righteous;  but  having  become  righ- 
teous, we  do  that  which  is  righteous. 

"He  who  says  a  theologian  unacquainted 
with  logic  is  a  heretic  and  empiric,  makes 
an  empirical  and  heretical  assertion. 

"  There  is  no  form  of  reasoning  or  syllogism 
suited  to  the  things  of  God.159 

"  If  the  syllogistic  method  were  applicable 
to  divine  things,  the  doctrine  of  the  Holy 
Trinity  would  be  known  and  not  believed. 

"  In  a  word,  Aristotle  is  to  theology  as  dark- 
ness to  light. 

"  Man  is  more  opposed  to  the  grace  of  God 
than  to  the  law  itself. 

"  He  who  is  destitute  of  the  grace  of  God 
sins  incessantly,  though  he  should  neither  kill, 
nor  steal,  nor  commit  adultery. 

"  He  sins,  because  he  does  not  fulfil  the 
law  spiritually. 

"  It  is  the  righteousness  of  hypocrites  not 
to  kill,  and  not  to  commit  adultery  in  outward 
acts. 

"  The  law  of  God  and  the  will  of  man  are 
two  opposites,  which,  without  the  grace  of 
God,  cannot  be  made  to  meet.160 

"What  the  law  prescribes  the  will  never 
seeks,  unless,  from  fear  or  interest,  it  effects  to 
seek  it. 

"The  law  is  a  task-master  of  our  will, 
which  is  not  brought  into  obedience,  save  only 
by  the  young  child  born  unto  us.161(Isa.  ix.  6.) 

"  The  law  makes  sin  to  abound,  for  it 
irritates  and  repels  the  will. 

"  But  the  grace  of  God  makes  righteous- 
ness to  abound  'by  Jesus  Christ;'  who  leads 
us  to  love  the  law. 

"  All  the  works  cf  the  law  seem  fair  with- 
out, but  are  sin  within. 

"The  will,  when  it  turns  towards  the  law, 
without  the  grace  of  God,  does  so  only  for  its 
own  self-pleasing. 

"They  are  still  under  the  curse  who  do  the 
works  of  the  law. 


;'  Blessed  are  all  they  who  do  works  of  the 
grace  of  God. 

"The  law  which  is  good,  and  in  which  we 
have  life,  is  the  love  of  God  shed  abroad  in 
our  hearts  by  the  Holy  Ghost. 

"  Grace  is  not  given,  that  works  may  be 
done  oftener  or  easier;  but  because,  without 
grace,  no  work  of  love  can  be  done. 

"To  love  God  is  to  abhor  ourselves,  and  to 
have  nothing  out  of  God."162 

Thus,  Luther  attributes  to  God  all  good 
that  man  can  do.  It  is  not  enough  to  repair 
and  patch  up,  if  we  may  so  speak,  man's  will ; 
an  entirely  new  will  must  be  given  him. 
God  only  could  have  said  this;  because  God 
only  could  accomplish  it.  This  is  one  of  the 
greatest  and  most  important  truths  that  the 
human  mind  can  receive. 

But  Luther,  while  proclaiming  the  impo- 
tence of  man,  did  not  fall  into  a  contrary 
extreme  to  that  he  opposed.  He  says,  in  his 
8th  thesis:  "It  does  not  follow,  from  this- 
statement,  that  the  will  is  in  its  nature  bad  : 
that  is,  that  its  nature  is  that  of  evil  itself,  as 
the  Manicheans  have  asserted."163  The  nature 
of  man  was  at  first  essentially  good :  it  has 
turned  aside  from  good, — that  is,  from  God, — 
and  inclined  to  evil.  Still  its  holy  and  glorious 
origin  remains,  and  it  may,  by  the  power  of 
God,  be  restored  and  renewed.  The  office  of 
Christianity  is  thus  to  restore  it.  It  is  true, 
the  Gospel  represents  man  in  a  condition  of 
humiliation  and  impotence,  but  between  two 
states  of  glory  and  of  grandeur — a  past  glory, 
from  which  he  has  been  hurled,  and  a  future 
glory,  to  which  he  is  called.  That  is  the  real 
truth  :  man  knows  it,  and  on  the  slightest 
consideration,  he  perceives  that  all  that  is  said 
of  his  present  purity,  power,  and  glory,  is 
nothing  but  a  fiction  designed  to  lull  and 
soothe  his  pride. 

Luther,  in  his  theses,  protested  not  only 
against  the  pretended  goodness  of  man's  will, 
but  also  against  the  asserted  illumination  of 
his  understanding  in  regard  to  divine  things. 
The  schoolmen  had  exalted  human  reason  as 
well  as  man's  will.  This  theology,  as  it  had 
been  represented  by  some  of  its  teachers,  was 
at  the  bottom  a  kind  of  rationalism.  The 
propositions  that  we  have  quoted,  show  this. 
We  might  suppose  them  directed  against  the 
rationalism  of  our  day.  In  the  theses  which 
were  the  signal  of  the  Reformation,  Luther 
censured  the  Church  and  the  popular  supersti- 
tions which  had  overloaded  the  Gospel  with 
indulgences,  purgatory,  and  so  many  other 
abuses.  In  the  theses  we  have  now  quoted, 
he  attacked  the  schools  and  the  rationalism 
which  had  retrenched  from  the  Gospel  the 
doctrine  of  God's  sovereign  grace.  The  Re- 
formation turned  against  rationalism  before  it 
attacked  superstition.  It  proclaimed  the  rights 
of  God  before  it  lopped  off  the  excrescences 
of  man.  It  was  positive — before  it  was 
negative.  This  has  not  been  sufficiently  ad- 
verted to,  and  yet,  if  we  do  not  keep  it  in 
mind,  it  is  impossible  to  appreciate  this  reli- 
gious revolution  and  its  true  nature. 

However    this    may   be,  the  truths    that 


66 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Luther  had  just  expressed  with  so  much 
energy,  were  quite  new  to  his  hearers.  To 
maintain  these  theses  at  Wittemberg  woulc 
have  been  an  easy  thing.  His  influence  pre- 
vailed there.  It  might  have  been  said  that  he 
was  choosing-  a  field  in  which  he  knew  no 
antagonist  could  oppose  him.  By  offering 
battle  in  another  university,  he  was  giving 
them  a  wider  publicity;  and  it  was  through 
publicity  that  the  Reformation  was  to  be 
effected.  He  chose  Erfurth,  whose  divines 
had  shown  themselves  so  offended  with  him. 
He  therefore  sent  these  theses  to  John 
Lange,  prior  of  Erfurth,  and  wrote  to  him 
thus:  "My  anxiety  to  know  your  mind  on 
these  paradoxes  is  great,  perhaps  extreme.  1 
strongly  suspect  that  your  theologians  will 
consider  as  paradox,  and  even  as  cacodox,  that 
which  I  mustalways  consider  very  orthodox.164 
Tell  me,  therefore,  your  opinion,  as  soon  as 
you  can.  Pray  inform  the  faculty  of  theology, 
and  all  others,  that  I  am  ready  to  come  among 
you,  and  publicly  maintain  these  propositions, 
either  in  the  University  or  in  the  monastery." 
It  does  not  appear  that  Luther's  challenge  ws 
accepted.  The  monks  of  Erfurth  contented 
themselves  with  letting  him  know  that  these 
theses  had  greatly  displeased  them. 

But  he  determined  to  send  them  into  another 
part  of  Germany.  He  turned  his  eyes,  for 
that  purpose,  on  one  who  played  a  remarka- 
ble part  in  the  history  of  the  Reformation,  and 
whose  character  it  is  necessary  we  should  un- 
derstand. 

John  Meyer,  a  distinguished  professor,  was 
then  teaching  at  the  University  of  Ingolstadt, 
in  Bavaria.  He  was  a  native  of  Eck,  a  vil- 
lage of  Suabia,  and  was  commonly  called  Doc- 
tor Eck.  He  was  a  friend  of  Luther,  who 
highly  esteemed  his  talents  and  information. 
He  was  full  of  intelligence,  well  read,  and 
gifted  with  an  extraordinary  memory.  To  his 
learning  he  united  eloquence.  His  action  and 
voice  expressed  the  liveliness  of  his  genius. 
Eck  was,  as  to  talent,  in  southern  Germany, 
what  Luther  was  in  the  north.  They  were 
the  two  most  distinguished  theologians  of  that 
period,  though  differing  widely  in  their  ten- 
dency, as  the  sequel  showed.  Ingolstadt 
almost  rivalled  Wittemberg.  The  reputation 
of  the  two  Doctors  drew  from  all  sides  to  their 
respective  universities  a  crowd  of  students 
eager  to  listen  to  their  lectures.  Their  person- 
al qualities,  not  less  than  their  learning,  en- 
deared them  to  their  scholars.  The  character 
of  Eck  has  been  censured.  An  incident  of  his 
life  will  show,  that,  at  this  period  at  least,  his 
heart  was  not  closed  against  generous  im- 
pulses. 

Among  the  students,  whom  his  reputation 
had  attracted  to  Ingolstadt,  was  a  young  man 
named  Urban  Regius,  born  on  the  banks  of 
one  of  the  Swiss  lakes.  He  had  studied  first 
at  the  University  of  Friburg  in  Brisgau.  Ar- 
riving at  Ingolstadt,  whither  the  reputation  of 
Eck  had  attracted  him,  Urban  there  attended 
courses  of  philosophy,  and  won  the  doctor's 
favour.  Obliged  to  provide  for  his  own  ne- 
cessities, he  found  himself  compelled  to  take 


charge  of  the  education  of  some  young  nobles. 
He  was  not  only  to  overlook  their  conduct 
and  studies,  but  himself  to  buy  for  them  the 
books  and  clothes  they  needed.  These  youths 
were  accustomed  to  dress  well  and  live  ex- 
pensively. Regius,  uneasy  at  this,  requested 
the  parents  to  remove  their  sons.  "Take 
courage,"  answered  they.  His  debts  in- 
creased, his  creditors  became  clamorous,  he 
knew  not  what  would  become  of  him.  The 
Emperor  was  then  collecting  an  army  against 
the  Turks.  Some  recruiting  parties  arrived 
at  Ingolstadt.  In  his  desperation  Urban  en- 
listed. He  appeared  in  the  ranks  in  military 
garb,  at  a  review  preparatory  to  marching. 
Just  then,  Doctor  Eck  arrived  in  the  square 
with  some  of  his  colleagues.  To  his  great 
surprise,  he  recognised  his  student  in  the 
midst  of  the  recruits.  "Urban  Regius!" 
said  he,  approaching  him,  and  fixing  on  him 
a  scrutinizing  eye.  "I  am  here!"  said  the 
conscript.  "  What,  I  pray  you,  is  the  cause  of 
this  change  1"  The  young  man  told  his  story. 
"  I  will  settle  the  affair,"  answered  Eck.  He 
then  proceeded  to  take  away  his  halberd,  and 
bought  his  discharge  from  the  recruiting 
officers.  The  parents,  threatened  by  the  Doc- 
tor with  the  displeasure  of  their  prince,  sent 
the  necessary  funds  for  their  children's  ex- 
penditure. Urban  Regius  was  preserved,  to 
become  at  a  later  period  one  of  the  supporters 
of  the  Reformation. 

It  was  Doctor  Eck  that  Luther  pitched  on 
to  make  known  in  the  southern  states  his 
theses  on  Pelagianism  and  the  Rationalism  of 
the  schools.  He  did  not,  however,  send  them, 
direct  to  the  Professor  of  Ingolstadt,  but  ad- 
dressed them  to  their  common  friend,  the  wor- 
thy Christopher  Scheurl,  town-clerk  of  the 
ity  of  Nuremberg,  requesting  him  to  forward 
them  to  Eck,  at  Ingolstadt,  which  was  not 
far  from  Nuremberg.  "  I  send  you,"  said  he, 
"  my  propositions,  (merely  paradoxical,  or 
even  kakisiodoxical  as  they  seem  to  many;) 
communicate  them  to  our  dear  Eck,  that  learn- 
d  and  sagacious  man,  that  I  may  know  what 
tie  thinks  of  them."165  It  was  thus  Luther  then 
poke  of  Doctor  Eck ;  such  was  the  friendship 
which  united  them.  Luther  was  not  the  first 
to  break  off  this  good  understanding. 

But  the  combat  was  not  to  be  fought  on 
that  field.  These  theses  turned,  it  may  be 
thought,  on  doctrines  of  higher  importance 
than  those  which,  two  months  after,  set  the 
whole  Church  in  a  flame.  And  yet,  notwith- 
standing Luther's  challenge,  they  passed  un- 
noticed. They  were  read,  at  the  most  in  the 
>recincts  of  the  school,  and  they  made  no  sen- 
sation beyond  its  bounds.  The  reason  of  this 
was,  that  they  contained  only  academic  propo- 
sitions, and  theological  doctrines ;  whilst  the 
heses  which  followed  had  immediate  refer- 
ence to  an  evil  which  had  grown  up  in  the 
midst  of  the  people,  and  overflowed  Germany 
on  all  sides.  So  long  as  Luther  confined  him- 
self to  bringing  forth  long-forgotten  doctrine, 
no  response  was  heard.  When  he  pointed  to 
he  abuses  which  offended  all  minds,  every 
>ne  gave  ear. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


67 


Nevertheless,  Luther,  in  both  cases,  did 
but  design  to  raise  one  of  those  theological 
discussions  then  frequent  in  the  University. 
His  ideas  did  not  range  beyond  that  circle. 
He  had  no  thought  of  becoming  a  Reformer. 
He  had  a  low  opinion  of  his  own  powers,  and 
his  humility  even  amounted  to  mistrust  and 
anxiety,  "  I  deserve, — such  is  my  ignorance," 
— said  he,  "  nothing  better  than  to  be  hidden 


in  a  corner  unknown  to  every  one."166  But  a 
powerful  hand  drew  him  forth  from  this  cor- 
ner, where  he  would  have  wished  to  remaia 
unknown  to  the  world.  An  occurrence,  which 
did  not  depend  on  Luther's  will,  threw  him  on 
the  field  of  battle,  and  the  conflict  began.  It 
is  this  providential  circumstance  that  the  pro- 
gress of  events  calls  on  us  to  narrate. 


BOOK  III. 


THE  INDULGENCES  AND  THE  THESES. 

1517—1518. 

Tetzel — Confessions — The  Sale — Penance — Letter  of  Indulgence — Relaxations — A  Soul  in  Pur- 
gatory— The  Shoemaker  of  Hagenau — Myconius — A  Stratagem — Opinions  of  the  People — The 
Miser  of  Schneeberg — Leo  X. — Albert — Farming  Indulgences — Franciscans  and  Dominicans — 
Confession — A  Calumny  Refuted — Luther's  Sermon — The  Dream — Theses — Letter  to  Albert — 
Efforts  for  Reform — The  Bishops — Spread  of  the  Theses — Reception  of  the  Theses — Effects 
of  the  Theses — Myconius — Apprehension — Opposers  at  Wittemberg — Luther's  Answer — Dejec- 
tion of  Luther — Motives — Tetzel's  Attack — Luther's  Answer — Luther's  Boldness — Luther  and 
Spalatin — Study  of  the  Scriptures — Scheurl  and  Luther — Albert  Durer — Tetzel's  Reply — Dispu- 
tation at  Frankfort — Tetzel's  Theses — Luther's  Theses  Burned — Outcry  of  the  Monks—' 
Luther's  Composure — Tetzel's  Theses  Burned — The  higher  Clergy — Prierias — The  Romish 
System — The  Disciple  of  the  Bible — The  Doctrine  of  the  Reformation — Luther's  Reply  to 
Prierias — Hochstraten — Doctor  Eck — The  "  Obelisks" — The  '"  Asterisks" — Scheurl  Attempts 
Reconciliation — Luther's  Tracts — "  Who  art  in  Heaven" — "  Our  Daily  Bread" — "  Remission  of 
Sins" — Effects  of  Luther's  Teaching — Luther's  Journey — The  Palatine  Castle — The  "  Para- 
doxes"— The  Disputation — Its  Results — Bucer — Brentz — The  Gospel  of  Heidelburg — Effect 
on  Luther— The  Old  Professor — Return  to  Wittemberg. 


A  GREAT  agitation  reigned,  at  that  time, 
among  the  people  of  Germany.  The  Church 
had  opened  a  vast  market  on  the  earth.  Judg- 
ing from  the  crowd  of  buyers,  and  the  noise 
and  jests  of  the  dealers,  we  might  call  it  a 
fair;  but  a  fair  held  by  monks.  The  mer- 
chandise they  extolled,  offering  it  at  a  re- 
duced price,  was,  said  they,  the  salvation  of 
souls ! 

The  dealers  passed  through  the  country  in 
a  gay  carriage,  escorted  by  three  horsemen,  in 
great  state,  and  spending  freely.  One  might 
have  thought  it  some  dignitary  on  a  royal  pro- 
gress, with  his  attendants  and  officers,  and 
not  a  common  dealer,  or  a  begging  monk. 
When  the  procession  approached  a  tow'n,  a 
messenger  waited  on  the  magistrate :  "  The 
grace  of  God,  and  of  the  Holy  Father,  is  at 
your  gates  :"  said  the  envoy.  Instantly  every 
thing  was  in  motion  in  the  place.  The  clergy, 
the  priests,  the  nuns,  the  council,  the  school- 
masters, the  trades,  with  their  flags, — men 
and  women,  young  and  old,  went  forth  to 
meet  the  merchants,  with  lighted  tapers  in 
their  hands,  advancing  to  the  sound  of  mu- 
sic, and  of  all  the  bells  of  the  place ;  "  so 
that,"  says  an  historian,  "they  could  not 
have  given  a  grander  welcome  to  God  him- 
self." Salutations  being  exchanged,  the  whole 
procession  moved  toward  the  church.  The 
pontiff's  bull  of  grace  was  borne  in  front,  on 
a  velvet  cushion,  or  on  cloth  of  gold.  The 
chief  vendor  of  indulgences  followed,  sup- 
porting a  large  red  wooden  cross;  and  the 
10 


whole  procession  moved  in  this  manner, 
amidst  singing,  prayers,  and  the  smoke  of  in- 
cense. The  sound  of  organs,  and  a  concert 
of  instruments,  received  the  monkish  dealer 
and  his  attendants  into  the  church.  The  cross 
he  bore  with  him  was  erected  in  front  of  the 
altar:  on  it  was  hung  the  Pope's  arms;  and, 
as  long  as  it  remained  there,  the  clergy  of  the 
place,  the  penitentiaries,  and  the  sub-commis- 
sioners, with  white  wands  in  their  hands, 
came  every  day  after  vespers,  or  before  the 
salutation,  to  do  homage  to  it.1  This  great 
bustle  excited  a  lively  sensation  in  the  quiet 
towns  of  Germany. 

One  person  in  particular  drew  the  attention 
of  the  spectators  in  these  sales.  It  was  he 
who  bore  the  great  red  cross  and  had  the 
most  prominent  part  assigned  to  him.  He  was 
clothed  in  the  habit  of  the  Dominicans,  and 
his  port  was  lofty.  His  voice  was  sonorous, 
and  he  seemed  yet  in  the  prime  of  his  strength, 
though  he  was  past  his  sixty-third  year.2  This 
man,  who  was  the  son  of  a  goldsmith  of  Leip- 
sic,  named  Diez,  bore  the  name  of  John  Diezel 
or  Tetzel.  He  had  studied  in  his  native  town, 
had  taken  his  bachelor's  degree  in  1487,  and 
entered  two  years  later  into  the  order  of  the 
Dominicans.  Numerous  honours  had  been 
accumulated  on  him.  Bachelor  of  Theology, 
Prior  of  the  Dominicans,  Apostolical  Com- 
missioner, Inquisitor,  (hereficas  pravitatis  in- 
quisitor,} he  had  ever  since  the  year  1502, 
filled  the  office  of  an  agent  for  the  sale  of  in- 
dulgences. The  experience  he  had  acquired 
G 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


as  a  subordinate  functionary  had  very  early 
raised  him  to  the  station  of  chief  commissioner. 
He  had  an  allowance  of  80  florins  per  month, 
all  his  expenses  defrayed,  and  he  was  allowed 
a  carriage  and  three  horses;  hut  we  may  rea- 
dily imagine  that  his  indirect  emoluments  far 
exceeded  his  allowances.  In  1507,  he  gained 
in  two  days  at  Freyberg  2000  florins.  If  his 
occupation  resembled  that  of  a  mountebank, 
he  had  also  the  morals  of  one.  Convicted  at 
Inspruck  of  adultery  and  abominable  profli- 
gacy, he  was  near  paying  the  forfeit  of  his 
life.  The  Emperor  Maximilian  had  ordered 
that  he  should  be  put  into  a  sack  and  thrown 
into  the  river.  The  Elector  Frederic  of  Saxony 
had  interceded  for  him,  and  obtained  his  par- 
don.3 But  the  lesson  he  had  received  had  not 
taught  him  more  decency.  He  carried  about 
with  him  two  of  his  children.  Miltitz,  the 
Pope's  legate,  cites  the  fact  in  one  of  his  let- 
ters.4 It  would  have  been  hard  to  find  in  all 
the  cloisters  of  Germany,  a  man  more  adapted 
to  the  traffic  with  which  he  was  charged.  To 
the  theology  of  a  monk,  and  the  zeal  and  spirit 
of  an  inquisitor,  he  united  the  greatest  effron- 
tery. What  most  helped  him  in  his  office, 
was  the  facility  he  displayed  in  the  invention 
of  the  strange  stories  with  which  the  taste  of 
the  common  people  is  generally  pleased.  No 
means  came  amiss  to  him  to  fill  his  coffers. 
Lifting  up  his  voice  and  giving  loose  to  a 
coarse  volubility,  he  offered  his  indulgences 
to  all  comers,  and  excelled  any  salesman  at  a 
fair  in  recommending  his  merchandise.5 

As  soon  as  the  cross  was  elevated  with  the 
Pope's  arms  suspended  upon  it,  Tetzel  as- 
cended the  pulpit,  and,  with  a  bold  tone, 
began,  in  the  presence  of  the  crowd  whom  the 
ceremony  had  drawn  to  the  sacred  spot,  to  ex- 
alt the  efficacy  of  indulgences.  The  people 
listened  and  wondered  at  the  admirable  vir- 
tues ascribed  to  them.  A  Jesuit  historian 
says  himself,  in  speaking  of  the  Dominican 
friars  whom  Tetzel  had  associated  with  him : 
— "  Some  of  these  preachers  did  not  fail,  as 
usual,  to  distort  their  subject,  and  so  to  exag- 
gerate the  value  of  the  indulgences  as  to  lead 
the  people  to  believe  that,  as  soon  as  they 
gave  their  money,  they  were  certain  of  salva- 
tion and  of  the  deliverance  of  souls  from  pur- 
gatory."6 

If  such  were  the  pupils,  we  may  imagine 
what  lengths  the  master  went.  Let  us  hear 
one  of  these  harangues,  pronounced  after  the 
erection  of  the  cross. 

"Indulgences,"  said  he,  "are  the  most 
precious  and  sublime  of  God's  gifts. 

"This  cross"  (pointing  to  the  red  cross)  "  has 
as  much  efficacy  as  the  cross  of  Jesus  Christ.7 

"  Draw  near,  and  I  will  give  you  letters,  duly 
sealed,  by  which  even  the  sins  you  shall  here- 
after desire  to  commit  shall  be  all  forgiven  you. 

"I  would  not  exchange  my  privileges  for 
those  of  Saint  Peter  in  heaven,  for  I  have 
saved  more  souls  with  my  indulgences  than 
he  with  his  sermons. 

"  There  is  no  sin  so  great  that  the  indul- 
gence cannot  remit  it,  and  even  if  any  one 
should  (which  is  doubtless  impossible)  ravish 


the  Holy  Virgin  Mother  of  God,  let  him  pay, 
— let  him  only  pay  largely,  and  it  shall  be  for 
given  him.8 

"  Even  repentance  is  not  indispensable. 

"But  more  than  all  this:  indulgences  save 
not  the  living  alone,  they  also  save  the  dead. 

"  Ye  priests,  ye  nobles,  ye  tradesmen,  ye 
wives,  ye  maidens,  and  ye  young  men  hearken 
to  your  departed  parents  and  friends,  who  cry 
to  you  from  the  bottomless  abyss:  '  We  are 
enduring  horrible  torment !  a  small  alms  would 
deliver  us; — you  can  give  it,  and  you  will 
not!'" 

A  shudder  ran  through  his  hearers  at  these 
words,  uttered  by  the  formidable  voice  of  the 
mountebank  monk. 

"  The  very  moment,"  continued  Tetzel, 
"  that  the  money  clinks  against  the  bottom  of 
the  chest,  the  soul  escapes  from  purgatory, 
and  flies  free  to  heaven.9 

"  0,  senseless  people,  and  almost  like  to 
beasts,  who  do  not  comprehend  the  grace  so 
richly  offered !  This  day,  heaven  is  on  all 
sides  open.  Do  you  now  refuse  to  enter1? 
When  then  do  you  intend  to  come  in  1  This 
day  you  may  redeem  many  souls.  Dull  and 
heedless  man,  with  ten  groschen  you  can  de- 
liver your  father  from  purgatory,  and  you  are 
so  ungrateful  that  you  will  not  rescue  him.  In 
the  day  of  judgment,  my  conscience  will  be 
clear;  but  you  will  be  punished  the  more 
severely  for  neglecting  so  great  a  salvation. 
I  protest  that  though  you  should  have  only 
one  coat,  you  ought  to  strip  it  off  and  sell  it, 
to  purchase  this  grace.  Our  Lord  God  no 
longer  deals  with  us  as  God.  He  has  given 
all  power  to  the  Pope !" 

Then,  having  recourse  to  other  inducements, 
he  added,  "  Do  you  know  why  our  most  Holy 
Lord  distributes  so  rich  a  grace1?  The  dila- 
pidated Church  of  St.  Peter  and  St.Paul  is  to 
be  restored,  so  as  to  be  unparalleled  in  the 
whole  earth.  That  church  contains  the  bodies 
of  the  holy  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul,  and  a 
vast  company  of  martyrs.  Those  sacred  bo- 
dies, owing  to  the  present  condition  of  the 
edifice,  are  now,  alas!  continually  trodden, 
flooded,  polluted,  dishonoured,  and  rotting  in 
rain  and  hail.  Ah  !  shall  those  holy  ashes  be 
suffered  to  remain  degraded  in  the  mire]"1' 

This  touch  of  description  never  failed  to 
produce  an  impression  on  many  hearers. 
There  was  an  eager  desire  to  aid  poor  Leo  X., 
who  had  not  the  means  of  sheltering  from  the 
rain  the  bodies  of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul ! 

The  speaker  next  proceeded  to  declaim 
against  the  disputers  who  should  question, 
and  the  traitors  who  should  oppose  his  mis- 
sion: "I  declare  them  all  excommunicated!" 

Then  turning  to  the  docile  souls  among  his 
hearers,  and  impiously  perverting  the  Scrip- 
ture, "  Blessed,"  said  he,  "  blessed  are  the  eyes 
that  see  what  you  see ;  for  I  tell  you  that  many 
prophets  and  many  kings  have  desired  to  see 
the  things  which  ye  see,  and  have  not  seen 
them,  and  to  hear  the  things  which  ye  hear, 
and  have  not  heard  them."  And  as  a  finish 
to  his  address,  pointing  to  the  strong  box  in 
which  the  money  was  received,  he  generally 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


69 


concitided  his  moving  discourse  by  thrice  call- 
ing on  tne  people,  "  Bring  your  money  !  bring 
money  !  bring  money  !"  "  He  uttered  this 
cry  with  such  a  dreadful  bellowing,''  observed 
Luther,  "  that  one  might  have  thought  some 
wild  bull  was  rushing  among  the  people  and 
goring  them  with  his  horns."11  The  moment 
he  had  made  an  end,  he  came  down  the  steps 
of  the  pulpit,  ran  towards  the  strong  box,  and, 
in  sight  of  all  the  people,  threw  in  a  piece  of 
silver  with  a  loud  sound  !12 

Such  were  the  discourses  that  Germany 
heard  with  astonishment,  in  the  days  when 
God  was  preparing  Luther. 

The  sermon  ended,  the  indulgence  was  con- 
sidered as  having  "established  its  throne  in 
the  place  with  due  solemnity."  Confession- 
als, surmounted  with  the  Pope's  arms,  were 
prepared.  The  sub-commissioners  and  con- 
fessors chosen  were  held  to  represent  the  apos- 
tolic penitentiaries,  or  absolving  priests  of 
Rome,  at  the  period  of  a  great  jubilee;  and  on 
each  of  their  confessionals  were  inscribed  their 
names  and  titles.13 

Then  the  people  came  in  crowds  to  the  con- 
fessors. They  came,  not  with  contrite  hearts, 
but  with  money  in  their  hands.  Men,  women, 
the  young,  the  poor,  and  those  who  lived  by 
alms, — every  one  then  found  money.  The 
absolving  priest,  after  again  setting  forth  the 
indulgence,  thus  addressed  the  penitents: — 
"  How  much  money  can  you,  in  your  con- 
science, spare  to  obtain  so  perfect  a  remis- 
l"  "This  question,"  said  the  Archbishop 


sionT 


of  Mentz,  in  his  instructions  to  the  commis- 
sioners, "  must  be  put  at  the  moment,  in  order 
that  the  penitents  may  be  better  disposed  to 
contribute." 

These  conditions  fulfilled  were  all  that  was 
necessary.  In  the  Pope's  bull,  something 
was  indeed  said  of  the  repentance  of  the  heart 
and  confession  of  the  lips;  butTetzel  and  his 
companions  cautiously  abstained  from  all 
mention  of  these;  otherwise  their  coffers 
might  have  remained  empty.  The  archiepis- 
copal  instructions  forbade  even  to  mention 
conversion  or  contrition.  Three  great  benefits 
were  proclaimed.  It  is  sufficient  to  notice  the' 
first.  "  The  first  benefit  we  announce,"  said 
the  commissioners,  acting  on  their  instructions, 
"  is  the  complete  pardon  of  all  sins ;  and  it  is 
not  possible  to  speak  of  any  greater  benefit 
than  this,  since  man  who  lives  in  sin  is  de- 
prived of  the  divine  favour,  and  by  this  com- 
plete pardon  he  recovers  the  grace  of  God.14 
Now,  we  affirm,  that  to  obtain  these  great 
blessings,  it  is  only  necessary  to  purchase  an 
indulgence.15  And  as  to  those  who  desire  to 
deliver  souls  from  purgatory,  and  to  procure 
for  them  the  forgiveness  of  all  their  sins,  let 
them  put  their  money  in  the  chest:  but  it  is 
not  needful  that  they  should  feel  sorrow  of 
heart,  or  make  confession  with  the  lips.16  Let 
them  only  hasten  to  bring  their  money,  for 
they  will  thus  do  a  work  most  profitable  to 
departed  souls,  and  to  the  building  of  the 
Church  of  St.  Peter."  Greater  blessings 
could  not  be  proposed,  nor  at  a  lower  cost. 
Confession  being  gone  through,  (and  it  was 


|  soon  despatched,)  the  faithful  hastened  to  the 
|  vendor.  Only  one  was  commissioned  to  sell. 
He  had  his  counter  close  to  the  cross.  He 
turned  a  scrutinizing  glance  on  those  who 
came.  He  examined  their  manner,  step,  and 
attire,  and  demanded  a  sum  in  proportion  to 
the  apparent  circumstances  of  the  party  pre- 
senting himself.  Kings,  queens,  princes, 
archbishops,  bishops,  &c.,  were  to  pay,  accord- 
ing to  the  regulation,  for  an  ordinary  indul- 
gence, twenty-five  ducats;  abbots,  counts, 
barons,  &c.,  ten.  The  other  nobles,  superiors, 
and  all  who  had  an  annual  income  of  500 
florins,  were  to  pay  six.  Those  who  had  an 
income  of  200  florins,  one;  the  rest,  half  a 
florin.  And,  further,  if  this  scale  could  not  in 
every  instance  be  observed,  full  power  was 
given  to  the  apostolic  commissary,  and  the 
whole  might  be  arranged  according  to  the  dic- 
tates of  sound  reason,  and  the  generosity  of 
the  giver.17  For  particular  sins  Tetzel  had  a 
private  scale.  Polygamy  cost  six  ducats; 
sacrilege  and  perjury,  nine  ducats ;  murder, 
eight;  witchcraft,  two.  Samson, who  carried 
on  in  Switzerland  the  same  traffic  as  Tetzel  in 
Germany,  had  rather  a  different  scale.  He 
charged  for  infanticide,  four  livres  tournois; 
for  a  parricide  or  fratricide,  one  ducat.18 

The  apostolic  commissaries  sometimes  en- 
countered difficulties  in  their  commerce.  It 
often  happened,  as  well  in  the  towns  as  in  the 
villages,  that  husbands  were  opposed  to  the 
traffic,  and  forbade  their  wives  to  carry  any 
thing  to  the  dealers.  What  were  their  super- 
stitious partners  to  do  1  "  Have  you  not  your 
marriage  portion,  or  some  other  property,  at 
your  disposal  ?"  asked  the  vendors.  "  In  that 
case  you  can  dispose  of  it  for  this  holy  pur- 
pose, without  your  husband's  consent."19 

The  hand  that  delivered  the  indulgence 
could  not  receive  the  money :  that  was  forbid- 
den under  the  severest  penalties ; — there  was 
good  reason  to  fear  that  hand  might  not  always 
be  trustworthy.  The  penitent  was  himself  to 
drop  the  price  of  his  pardon  into  the  chest. 
An  angry  look  was  cast  on  those  who  dared 
to  close  their  purses.20 

If,  among  those  who  pressed  into  the  con- 
fessionals, there  came  one  whose  crimes  had 
been  public,  and  yet  untouched  by  the  civil 
laws,  such  person  was  obliged,  first  of  all,  to 
do  public  penance.  He  was  conducted  to  a 
chapel,  or  sacristy;  there  he  was  stripped  of 
his  clothes,  his  shoes  taken  off  his  feet,  and 
he  left  in  his  shirt.  They  made  him  fold  his 
arms  upon  his  breast,  placed  a  light  in  one 
hand,  and  a  wax  taper  in  the  other.  Then  the 
penitent  walked  at  the  head  of  the  procession, 
which  passed  to  the  red  cross.  He  kneeled 
till  the-  singing  and  the  collect  were  concluded ; 
then  the  commissary  gave  out  the  psalm, 
"  Miserere  mei"  The  confessors  immediately 
approached  the  penitent,  and  led  him  across 
the  station  towards  the  commissary,  who, 
taking  the  rod,  and  striking  him  thrice  gently 
on  the  back,21  said,  "  God  take  pity  on  thee,  and 
pardon  thy  sin  !"  After  this,  he  gave  out  the 
Kyrie  eleison,  &c.  Then  the  penitent  being 
led  back,  and  placed  before  the  cross,  the  con 


70 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


fessor  pronounced  the  apostolical  absolution, 
and  declared  him  reinstated  in  the  company 
of  the  faithful.  Wretched  mummeries  !  con- 
cluded by  a  passage  of  Scripture,  which,  at 
such  a  time,  was  a  profanation ! 

We  will  give  one  of  these  letters  of  absolu- 
tion. It  is  worth  while  to  know  the  contents 
of  these  diplomas,  which  gave  occasion  to  the 
Reformation. 

"Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  have  mercy  on 
thee,  N.  N.,  and  absolve  thee  by  the  merits 
of  his  most  holy  sufferings !  And  I,  in  virtue 
of  the  apostolic  power  committed  to  me, 
absolve  thee  from  all  ecclesiastical  censures, 
judgments,  and  penalties  that  thou  mayst 
have  merited ;  and  further,  from  all  excesses, 
sins,  and  crimes  that  thou  mayst  have  com- 
mitted, however  great  and  enormous  they 
may  be,  and  of  whatever  kind, — even  though 
they  should  be  reserved  to  our  holy  father  the 
Pope,  and  to  the  Apostolic  See.  I  efface  all 
the  stains  of  weakness,  and  all  traces  of  the 
shame  that  thou  mayst  have  drawn  upon  thy- 
self by  such  actions.  I  remit  the  pains  thou 
wouldst  have  had  to  endure  in  purgatory.  I 
receive  thee  again  to  the  sacraments  of  the 
Church.  I  hereby  reincorporate  thee  in  the 
communion  of  the  saints,  and  restore  thee  to 
the  innocence  and  purity  of  thy  baptism ;  so 
that,  at  the  moment  of  death,  the  gate  of  the 
place  of  torment  shall  be  shut  against  thee, 
and  the  gate  of  the  paradise  of  joy  shall  be 
opened  unto  thee.  And  if  thou  shouldst  live 
long,  this  grace  continueth  unchangeable,  till 
the  time  of  thy  end. 

"  In  the  name  of  the  Father,  of  the  Son,  and 
of  the  Holy  Spirit.  Amen. 

"The  Brother,  John  Tetzel,  commissary, 
hath  signed  this  with  his  own  hand." 

In  this  document,  we  see  with  what  art 
presumptuous  and  false  doctrines  were  inter- 
spersed among  sacred  and  Christian  expres- 
sions. 

All  the  faithful  were  to  come  and  confess  in 
the  spot  where  the  red  cross  was  set  up. 
None  but  the  sick,  old  men,  and  women  with 
child,  were  exempt.  If,  however,  there  was 
in  the  neighbourhood  any  noble  in  his  castle, 
or  wealthy  man  in  his  palace,  his  personal 
attendance  was  dispensed  with.22  For  he  might 
not  care  to  mingle  with  this  mob  of  people, 
and  his  money  was  worth  fetching  from  his 
residence. 

If  there  was  any  convent  whose  superiors, 
disapproving  TetzePs  traffic,  forbade  their 
monks  to  resort  to  the  places  where  the 
indulgence  was  offered, — means  were  still 
found  to  remedy  this.  Confessors  were  sent 
to  them,  commissioned  to  absolve  them  con- 
trary to  the  rules  of  their  order  and  the  will 
of  their  superiors.23  Not  a  vein  of  the  mine  was 
left  unexplored. 

Then  came  what  was  the  object  and  end 
of  the  whole  affair, — the  reckoning  of  the 
money.  To  guard  against  all  risks,  the  chest 
had  three  keys ; — one  was  in  the  keeping  of 
Tetzel,  the  other  with  the  delegated  treasurer 
of  the  house  of  Fugger  of  Augsburg,  to 
whom,  sometime  before,  this  vast  speculation 


had  been  farmed  ;  and  the  third  was  lodged 
with  the  civil  authority.  When  the  appointed 
day  arrived,  the  chest  was  opened  in  presence 
of  a  public  notary,  and  the  whole  contents 
carefully  counted,  and  entered  in  the  books. 
Was  it  not  fit  that  Christ  should  arise  and 
drive  out  these  buyers  and  sellers  from  the 
temple  ? 

The  mission  being  ended,  the  dealers  relax- 
ed in  amusement,  after  their  labours.  The 
instruction  of  the  commissary-general  did,  it 
is  true,  forbid  their  frequenting  taverns  and 
disreputable  places.24  But  they  paid  little 
regard  to  this  interdict.  Sin  must  have  had 
few  terrors  for  men  who  carried  on  so  easy  a 
traffic  in  it.  "  The  mendicant  friars  led  an 
irregular  life,"  says  a  Roman  Catholic  histo- 
rian ;  "  they  spent  in  taverns,  gaming  houses, 
and  houses  of  ill-fame,  what  the  people  had 
scraped  together  from  their  poverty."25  It  is 
even  affirmed  that,  when  they  were  in  the 
taverns,  they  would  sometimes  stake  on  dice 
the  salvation  of  souls.26 

But  let  us  see  to  what  scenes  this  sale  of 
the  pardon  of  sins  gave  rise  in  Germany. 
There  are  some  incidents,  which  of  them- 
selves are  a  picture  of  the  times.  We  like  to 
let  those  whose  history  we  write  speak  for 
themselves. 

At  Madgeburg,  Tetzel  refused  to  absolve  a 
rich  lady,  unless  she  paid  down  one  hundred 
florins.  The  lady  consulted  her  usual  con- 
fessor, who  was  a  Franciscan.  "  God  gives 
us  remission  of  sins  freely,"  answered  he; 
"  He  does  not  sell  it."  Yet  he  entreated  her 
not  to  mention  what  he  had  said.  But  the 
report  of  an  opinion  so  adverse  to  his  gains 
having  reached  the  ears  of  Tetzel, — "  Such  an 
adviser,"  he  exclaimed,  "  deserves  to  be  ex- 
pelled or  burnt  alive."27 

Tetzel  found  but  few  sufficiently  enlighten- 
ed, and  still  fewer  bold  enough  to  resist  him. 
In  general  he  could  easily  manage  a  supersti- 
tious crowd.  He  had  erected  the  red  cross  of 
indulgences  at  Zwickau,  and  the  good  people 
of  the  place  had  hastened  to  pour  in  the 
money  that  was  to  liberate  souls.  He  was 
about  to  leave  with  a  full  purse.  The  even- 
ing before  his  departure,  the  chaplains  and 
their  acolytes  called  upon  him  to  give  them  a 
farewell  repast.  The  request  was  reasonable ; 
but  what  was  to  be  done? — the  money  was 
already  counted  and  sealed  up.  In  the  morning 
he  had  the  large  bell  tolled.  A  crowd  hurried 
to  the  church: — every  one  thought  that  some- 
thing extraordinary  had  happened,  since  the 
period  of  the  station  had  expired.  "  I  had 
intended,"  said  he,  "to  take  my  departure 
this  morning,  but  last  night  I  was  awakened 
by  groans.  I  listened  :  they  proceeded  from 
the  cemetery.  Alas !  it  was  a  poor  soul  that 
called  me,  and  entreated  to  be  delivered  from 
the  torment  that  consumed  it.  I  therefore 
have  tarried  one  day  longer,  that  I  might 
move  Christian  hearts  to  compassion  for  this 
unhappy  soul.  Myself  will  be  the  first  to 
contribute; — but  he  who  will  not  follow  rny 
example  will  be  worthy  of  all  condemnation." 
What  heart  would  not  answer  to  such  an 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


71 


appeal.  Besides,  who  can  tell  what  soul  thus 
cries  from  the  tomb  1  The  gifts  were  many ; 
and  Tetzel,  with  the  chaplains  and  acolytes, 
sat  down  to  a  merry  feast  paid  for  by  offerings 
for  the  poor  soul  of  Zwickau.28 

The  dealers  in  indulgences  had  established 
themselves  at  Hagenau  in  1517.  The  wife 
of  a  shoemaker,  profiting  by  the  permission 
given  in  the  instruction  of  the  Commissary- 
general,  had  procured,  against  her  husband's 
will,  a  letter  of  indulgence,  and  had  paid  for 
it  a  gold  florin.  Shortly  after  she  died ;  and 
the  widower  omitting  to  have  mass  said  for 
the  repose  of  her  soul,  the  curate  charged  him 
with  contempt  of  religion,  and  the  judge  of 
Hagenau  summoned  him  to  appear  before  him. 
The  shoemaker  put  in  his  pocket  his  wife's 
indulgence,  and  repaired  to  the  place  of  sum- 
mons. "Is  your  wife  dead?"  asked  the 
judge. — "  Yes,"  answered  the  shoemaker. 
"  What  have  you  done  with  her "?"  "  I  buried 
her  and  commended  her  soul  to  God."  "  But 
have  you  had  a  mass  said  for  the  salvation 
of  her  soul?"  "I  have  not: — it  was  not 
necessary : — she  went  to  heaven  in  the  mo- 
ment of  her  death."  "  How  do  you  know 
that  ]"  "  Here  is  the  evidence  of  it."  The 
widower  drew  from  his  pocket  the  indulgence, 
and  the  judge,  in  presence  of  the  curate,  read, 
in  so  many  words,  that  in  the  moment  of 
death,  the  woman  who  had  received  it  would 
go,  not  into  purgatory,  but  straight  into  heaven. 
"  If  the  curate  pretends  that  a  mass  is  neces- 
sary after  that,"  said  the  shoemaker,  "  my 
wife  has  been  cheated  by  our  Holy  Father 
the  Pope;  but  if  she  has  not  been  cheated, 
then  the  curate  is  deceiving  me."  There  was 
no  reply  to  this  defence,  and  the  accused  was 
acquitted.29  It  was  thus  that  the  good  sense 
of  the  people  disposed  of  these  impostures. 

One  day,  when  Tetzel  was  preaching  at 
Leipsic,  and  had  introduced  into  his  preach- 
ing some  of  these  stories  of  which  we  have 
given  a  specimen,  two  students  indignantly 
left  the  church,  exclaiming — "  It  is  not  possi- 
ble to  listen  any  longer  to  the  ridiculous  and 
childish  tales  of  that  monk."30  One  of  these 
students,  it  is  affirmed,  was  young  Camerarius, 
who  was  subsequently  the  friend  of  Melanc- 
thon,  and  wrote  his  life. 

But,  of  all  the  young  men  of  that  period, 
Tetzel  made  the  strongest  impression  on  My- 
conius — subsequently  celebrated  as  a  Reform- 
er and  an  historian  of  the  Reformation.  My- 
conius  had  received  a  religious  education. 
"  My  son,"  said  his  father,  who  was  a  pious 
Franconian,  "  pray  frequently ;  for  all  things 
are  freely  given  to  us  by  God  alone.  The 
blood  of  Christ,"  he  added,  "is  the  only  ran- 
som for  the  sins  of  the  whole  world.  Oh,  my 
son!  if  there  were  but  three  men  to  be  saved 
by  the  blood  of  Christ,  only  BELIEVE;31— and 
be  sure  that  you  shall  be  one  of  those  three. 
It  is  an  insult  to  the  Saviour's  blood  to  doubt 
its  power  to  save."  Then,  proceeding  to  warn 
his  son  against  the  trade  that  was  begin- 
ning in  Germany,—"  The  Roman  indul- 
gences," said  he,  "  are  nets  to  fish  for  money, 
and  delude  the  simple.  Remission  of  sins 


and  eternal  life  are  not  to  be  purchased  by 
money." 

At  thirteen,  Frederic  was  sent  to  the  school 
of  Annaberg,  to  finish  his  studies.  Soon  after, 
Tetzel  arrived  in  this  town,  and  remained 
there  for  two  months.  The  people  flocked  in 
crowds  to  hear  him  preach.  "There  is,"  ex- 
claimed Tetzel,  with  a  voice  of  thunder,  "no 
other  means  of  obtaining  eternal  life  save  the 
satisfaction  of  good  works.  But  this  satisfac- 
tion is  out  of  man's  power.  His  only  re- 
source is  to  purchase  it  from  the  Roman  Pon- 
tiff."82 

When  Tetzel  was  on  the  point  of  leaving 
Annaberg  his  appeal  became  more  urgent. 
"  Soon,"  said  he  with  a  threatening  accent, 
"I  shall  take  down  that  cross,  and  close  the 
gate  of  heaven,  and  put  out  that  sun  of  grace 
which  shines  before  your  eyes."33  Then,  re- 
suming a  tenderer  strain  of  exhortation,— 
"  This,"  said  he, "  is  the  day  of  salvation,  this  is 
the  accepted  time."  And  as  a  last  effort,  the 
pontifical  Stentor,3tspeaking  to  the  inhabitants 
of  a  country  rich  in  mines,  exclaimed,  "In- 
habitants of  Annaberg!  bring  hither  your 
money;  contribute  liberally  in  aid  of  indul- 
gences, and  all  your  mines  and  mountains 
shall  be  filled  with  pure  silver."  Finally,  at 
Easter,  he  proclaimed  that  he  would  distribute 
his  letters  to  the  poor  gratuitously,  and  for  the 
love  of  God. 

The  young  Myconius  happened  to  be  among 
the  hearers.  He  felt  a  wish  to  take  advan- 
tage of  this  offer.  "  I  am  a  poor  sinner,"  said 
he,  addressing  in  Latin  the  commissioners  to 
whom  he  applied, "  and  I  need  a  free  pardon." 
"  Those  only,"  answered  the  dealers,  "  can 
share  in  the  merits  of  Christ  who  stretch  forth 
a  helping  hand  to  the  Church — that  is,  give 
their  money."  "What  mean,  then,"  said 
Myconius,  "those  promises  of  free  distribu- 
tion posted  up  on  the  gates  and  walls  of  the 
churches  T"  "  Give  at  least  a  gros,"  said  Tet- 
zel's  people,  after  having  vainly  interceded 
for  the  young  man  with  their  master.  "  I 
cannot." — "  Only  six  deniers."  —  "I  have 
not  even  so  much."  The  Dominicans  then 
began  to  apprehend  that  he  meant  to  entrap 
them.  "Listen."  said  they,  "  we  will  give 
you  six  deniers." — On  which  the  young  man, 
raising  his  voice  with  indignation,  replied: 
"  I  will  have  none  of  the  indulgences  that  are 
bought  and  sold.  If  I  desired  to  purchase 
them  I  should  only  have  to  sell  one  of  my 
books.  What  I  want  is  a  free  pardon, — and 
for  the  love  of  God.  You  will  have  to  ac- 
count to  God  for  having,  for  the  sake  of  six 
deniers,  missed  the  salvation  of  a  soul." 
"  Ah !  ah ! "  said  they,  "  who  sent  you  to 
tempt  us1?"  "No  one,"  replied  the  young 
man:  "the  desire  of  receiving  the  grace  of 
God  could  alone  induce  me  to  appear  before 
such  great  lords."  He  left  them. 

"  I  was  grieved,"  says  he,  "  at  being  thus 
sent  away  without  pity.  But  I  felt  in  myself 
a  Comforter,  who  whispered  that  there  is  a 
God  in  heaven  who  forgives  repentant  souls 
without  money  and  without  price,  for  the  sake 
of  his  Son,  Jesus  Christ.  As  I  left  these 
G-2 


73 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


people,  the  Holy  Spirit  touched  my  heart.  I 
burst  into  tears, — arid  with  sighs  and  groans 
prayed  to  the  Lord  :  O  God,  since  these  men 
have  refused  remission  of  sins  because  I  had 
no  money  to  pay,  do  thou,  Lord,  take  pity  on 
me,  and  forgive  them  in  mere  mercy.  I  re- 
tired to  my  chamber.  I  took  my  crucifix  from 
my  desk,  placed  it  on  my  chair,  and  kneeled 
before  it.  I  cannot  here  put  down  what  I  ex- 
perienced. I  asked  of  God  to  be  my  father, 
and  to  make  me  what  he  would  have  me.  I 
felt  my  nature  changed,  converted,  transform- 
ed. What  had  before  delighted  me  was  now 
distasteful.  To  live  with  God,  and  to  please 
him,  became  my  most  ardent — my  single  de- 
sire."35 

Thus  Tetzel  himself  was  preparing  the  Re- 
formation. By  scandalous  abuses  he  made 
way  for  a  purer  teaching ;  and  the  generous 
indignation  which  he  excited  in  youthful 
minds  was  destined  one  day  to  break  forth 
with  power.  We  may  judge  of  this  by  the 
following  incident. 

A  Saxon  gentleman  had  heard  Tetzel  at 
Leipsic,  and  was  much  shocked  by  his  im- 
postures. He  went  to  the  monk,  and  inquired 
if  he  was  authorized  to  pardon  sins  in  inten- 
tion, or  such  as  the  applicant  intended  to  com- 
mit? "Assuredly,"  answered  Tetzel;  "I 
have  full  power  from  the  Pope  to  do  so." 
"  Well,"  returned  the  gentleman,  "  I  want 
to  take  some  slight  revenge  on  one  of  my 
enemies,  without  attempting  his  life.  I  will 
pay  you  ten  crowns,  if  you  will  give  me  a 
letter  of  indulgence  that  shall  bear  me  harm- 
less." Tetzel  made  some  scruples;  they 
struck  their  bargain  for  thirty  crowns.  Shortly 
after,  the  monk  set  out  from  Leipsic.  The 
gentleman,  attended  by  his  servants,  laid  wait 
for  him  in  a  wood  between  Jiiterboch  and 
Treblin,— fell  upon  him,  gave  him  a  beating, 
and  carried  off  the  rich  chest  of  indulgence- 
money  the  inquisitor  had  with  him.  Tetzel 
clamoured  against  this  act  of  violence,  and 
brought  an  action  before  the  judges.  But  the 
gentleman  showed  the  letter  signed  by  Tetzel 
himself,  which  exempted  him  beforehand  from 
all  responsibility.  Duke  George  who  had  at 
first  been  much  irritated  at  this  action,  upon 
seeing  this  writing,  ordered  that  the  accused 
should  be  acquitted.36 

This  traffic  everywhere  agitated  the  minds 
of  the  people,  and  was  everywhere  discussed. 
It  was  the  subject  of  conversation  in  castles, 
academies,  and  private  houses,  as  well  as  in 
inns,  taverns,  and  all  places  of  resort.37  Opin- 
ions were  divided  ;  some  believed,  some  were 
indignant.  But  the  sober  part  of  the  nation 
rejected  with  disgust  the  whole  system  of  in- 
dulgences. This  doctrine  was  so  opposed  to 
the  scriptures  and  to  sound  sense,  that  all  men 
who  possessed  any  knowledge  of  the  Bible, 
or  any  natural  acuteness,  had  already  con- 
demned it  in  their  hearts,  and  only  waited  for 
a  signal  to  oppose  it.  On  the  other  hand, 
mockers  found  abundant  cause  for  ridicule. 
The  people,  who  had  been  irritated  for  so  many 
years  by  the  ill  conduct  of  the  priests,  and 
whom  the  fear  of  punishment  had  alone  re- 


!  tained  in  any  outward  respect,  gave  loose  to 
jail  their  animosity;  and  on  all  sides  were, 
I  heard  complaints  and  sarcasms  upon  the  love 
'  of  money  that  infected  the  clergy. 

The  people  went  still  farther.  They  im- 
pugned the  power  of  the  keys  and  the  authori- 
ty of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  "Why, "said 
they,  does  not  the  Pope  deliver  at  once  all  the 
souls  from  purgatory  by  a  holy  charity,  and 
on  account  of  the  great  misery  of  those  souls, 
since  he  frees  so  great  a  number  for  the  sake 
of  perishable  gain  and  the  cathedral  of  St. 
Peter?" 

"  Why  do  we  continue  to  observe  the  festi- 
vals and  anniversaries  for  the  dead  ?  Why 
does  not  the  Pope  surrender,  or  why  does  he 
not  permit  people  to  resume  the  benefices  and 
prebends  founded  in  favor  of  the  dead,  since 
now  it  is  useless,  and  even  wrong,  to  pray 
for  those  whom  indulgences  have  forever  set 
free  ?  What  is  this  new  kind  of  holiness  of 
God  and  of  the  Pope,  that  for  the  sake  of 
money  they  grant  to  a  wicked  man,  and  an 
enemy  of  God,  the  power  of  delivering  from 
purgatory,  a  pious  soul,  beloved  by  the 
Lord,  rather  than  themselves  deliver  it  freely 
from  love  for  it,  and  on  account  of  its  great 
misery  ?"38 

Accounts  were  circulated  of  the  gross  and 
immoral  conduct  of  the  traffickers  in  indul- 
gences. "  To  pay,"  said  they,  "  what  they  owe 
to  drivers  who  carr)7them  and  their  goods  ;  to 
innkeepers  at  whose  houses  they  lodge,  or  to 
any  one  who  does  them  service,  they  give  a 
letter  of  indulgence  for  four,  five,  or  as  many 
souls  as  they  wish."  Thus  the  brevets  of 
salvation  were  circulated  in  the  inns  and  mar- 
kets, like  bank  notes  or  paper  money.  "  Bring 
hither  your  money ,"  said  the  common  people, 
"  is  the  beginning,  the  middle,  and  the  end  of 
their  sermons."39 

A  miner  of  Schneeberg  meeting  a  seller  of 
indulgences  inquired :  "  Must  we  then  believe 
what  you  have  often  said  of  the  power  of  in- 
dulgences and  of  the  authority  of  the  Pope, 
and  think  that  we  can  redeem  a  soul  from  pur- 
gatory by  casting  a  penny  into  the  chest?" 
The  dealer  in  indulgences  affirmed  that  it  was 
so.  "  Ah  !"  replied  the  miner,  "  what  a  cruel 
man  the  Pope  must  be,  thus  to  leave  a  poor 
soul  to  suffer  so  long  in  the  flames  for  a 
wretched  penny  !  If  he  has  no  ready  money, 
let  him  collect  a  few  hundred  thousand  crowns, 
and  deliver  all  these  souls  by  one  act.  Even 
we  poor  folks  would  willingly  pay  him  the 
principal  and  interest." 

The  people  of  Germany  were  weary  of  the 
shameful  traffic  that  was  carrying  on  in  the 
midst  of  them.  They  could  no  longer  bear  the 
impostures  of  these  Romish  tricksters,  as  Lu- 
ther remarks.40  Yet  no  bishop  or  divine  dared 
to  lay  a  finger  on  their  quackery  and  deceit. 
The  minds  of  men  were  in  suspense.  They 
asked  each  other,  if  God  would  not  raise  up 
some  powerful  instrument  for  the  work  that 
was  required  to  be  done.  But  such  an  one 
was  no  where  visible. 

The  pope  who  then  filled  the  pontifical 
throne  was  not  a  Borgia,  but  Leo  X.  of  the  il- 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


73 


lustrious  family  of  the  Medici.  He  was  a  man 
of  talent,  open-hearted,  kind,  and  indulgent. 
His  manners  were  affable,  his  liberality  un- 
bounded, and  his  morals  greatly  superior  to 
those  of  his  court.  Nevertheless  the  Cardinal 
Pallavicini  confesses  that  they  were  not  quite 
free  from  reproach.  To  these  amiable  quali- 
ties he  added  many  of  the  accomplishments 
that  form  a  great  prince.  He  was,  especially, 
a  liberal  patron  of  the  arts  and  sciences.  The 
earliest  Italian  comedies  were  represented  in 
his  presence,  and  most  of  the  dramas  of  his 
time  were  honoured  by  his  attendance.  He 
was  passionately  fond  of  music, — his  palace 
daily  resounded  with  musical  instruments,  and 
he  was  often  heard  humming  the  airs  that 
had  been  sung  before  him.  Fond  of  magnifi- 
cence he  spared  no  expense  in  feastings,  public 
games,  theatrical  entertainments,  and  gifts. 
No  court  surpassed  in  splendour  or  in  plea- 
sures that  of  the  Sovereign  pontiff.  So  that 
when  news  was  brought  that  Julian  Medici 
was  about  to  choose  Rome  as  a  place  of  resi- 
dence for  himself,  and  his  young  bride,  Cardi- 
nal Bibliena,  the  most  influential  of  Leo's 
council,  exclaimed,  " God  be  praised!  We 
wanted  nothing  here  but  a  female  circle."  A 
*'  female  circle''  was  felt  requisite  to  complete 
the  attractions  of  the  Pope's  court.  But  a 
feeling  of  religion  was  a  thing  of  which  Leo 
was  entirely  ignorant.  "  His  manners,"  says 
Sarpi,  "  were  so  charming,  that  he  would  have 
been  a  perfect  man,  if  he  had  some  knowledge 
in  religious  matters,  and  a  little  more  inclina- 
tion for  piety,  concerning  which  he  never  trou- 
bled himself."41 

Leo  was  in  great  want  of  money.  He  had 
to  provide  for  his  vast  expenses  ;  to  satisfy  all 
demands  on  his  liberality;  to  fill  with  gold 
the  purse  he  every  day  threw  to  the  people ; 
to  defray  the  costs  of  the  licentious  plays  at 
the  Vatican  ;  to  gratify  the  continued  demands 
of  his  relations  and  courtiers  who  were  ad- 
dicted to  voluptuousness ;  to  portion  his  sister, 
who  had  married  Prince  Cibo,  a  natural  son  of 
Pope  Innocent  VIII.;  and  to  bear  all  the  ex- 
penses attending  his  taste  for  literature,  arts, 
and  pleasures.  His  cousin,  Cardinal  Pucci, 
who  was  as  skilful  in  the  art  of  amassing  money 
as  Leo  was  prodigal  in  spending,  advised  him 
to  have  recourse  to  indulgences.  The  Pope, 
therefore,  published  abull,  proclaiming  a  gene- 
ral indulgence,  the  product  of  which  should 
be  appropriated,  he  said,  to  the  building  of 
St.  Peter's  Church,  that  splendid  monument 
of  ecclesiastical  magnificence.  In  a  letter  given 
at  Rome,  under  the  seal  of  the  fisherman,  in 
November,  1517,  Leo  required  from  his  com- 
missioner of  indulgences  147  gold  ducats,  "to 
pay  for  a  manuscript  of  the  33d  book  of  Livy." 
Of  all  the  uses  he  made  of  the  money  extorted 
from  the  Germans,  this  was  undoubtedly  the 
best.  But  it  was  strange  to  deliver  souls  from 
purgatory  that  he  might,  purchase  a  manuscript 
of  the  wars  of  the  Romans  ! 

There  was  then  in  Germany  a  young  prince 
who  was  in  many  respects  a  counterpart  of 
Leo  X. : — this  was  Albert,  the  younger  brother 
of  the  Elector  Joachim  of  Brandenburg.  This 


young  man,  at  the  age  of  twenty-four,  had 
been  made  Archbishop  and  Elector  of  Mentz 
and  of  Madgeburg;  two  years  after  he  was 
made  Cardinal.  Albert  had  neither  the  virtues 
nor  the  vices  which  have  often  character- 
ized the  dignitaries  of  the  Church.  Young, 
volatile,  worldly-minded,  but  not  devoid  of 
generous  sentiments,  he  plainly  saw  many  of 
the  abuses  of  Catholicism,  and  cared  little  for 
the  fanatical  monks  that  surrounded  him.  His 
equity  inclined  him  to  acknowledge,  at  least 
in  part,  the  justice  of  what  the  friends  of  the 
Gospel  required.  In  his  heart  he  was  not 
greatly  opposed  to  Luther.  Capito,  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  Reformers,  was  for  a 
long  time  his  chaplain,  counsellor,  and  inti- 
mate confidant.  Albert  regularly  attended  his 
preaching.  "  He  did  not  despise  the  Gospel," 
says  Capito ;  "  on  the  contrary,  he  highly  es- 
teemed it,  and  for  a  long  time  prevented  the 
monks  from  attacking  Luther."  But  he  would 
have  had  the  latter  abstain  from  compromising 
him,  and  beware,  while  pointing  out  the  errors 
in  doctrine  and  the  vices  of  the  inferior  clergy, 
of  bringing  to  light  the  faults  of  the  bishops 
and  princes.  Above  all,  he  feared  to  find  his 
own  name  thrust  forward  in  the  contest. 
"  See,"  said  Capito  to  Luther,  at  a  subsequent 
period,  deluding  himself  as  is  usual  in  such 
cases,  "see  the  example  of  Christ  and  of  his 
Apostles  :  they  reproved  the  Pharisees  and  the 
incestuous  person  in  the  church  of  Corinth, 
but  did  not  do  so  by  name.  You  do  not  know 
what  is  passing  in  the  hearts  of  the  bishops. 
There  is,  perhaps,  more  good  in  them  than  you 
think."  But  the  frivolous  and  profane  turn  of 
Albert's  character  was  likely  to  indispose  him. 
for  the  Reformation,  even  more  than  the  sus- 
ceptibilities and  fears  of  his  self-love.  Affa- 
ble in  his  manners,  witty,  graceful,  of  expen- 
sive and  even  dissipated  habits,  delighting  in 
the  pleasures  of  the  table,  and  in  rich  equi- 
pages, houses,  licentious  pursuits,  and  literary 
society,  this  young  Archbishop  and  Elector 
was  in  Germany  what  Leo  was  at  Rome.  His 
court  was  one  of  the  most  splendid  of  the  Em- 
pire. He  was  ready  to  sacrifice  to  pleasure 
and  grandeur  all  the  foretastes  of  truth  that 
might  visit  his  soul.  Yet  there  was  in  him, 
to  the  last,  a  sort  of  struggle  with  his  better 
convictions  ;  and  he  more  than  once  manifested 
moderation  and  equity. 

Like  Leo,  Albert  was  in  want  of  money, 
Some  rich  merchants  of  Augsburg,  named 
Fugger,  had  made  him  some  advances.  He 
was  pressed  for  the  means  of  liquidating  his 
debts  ;  nay,  more ;  although  he  had  obtained 
two  archbishoprics  and  a  bishopric,  he  had  not 
enough  to  pay  for  his  pallium  at  Rome.  This 
ornament  made  of  white  wool,  interspersed 
with  black  crosses,  and  blessed  by  the  Pope, 
who  was  accustomed  to  send  it  to  the  arch* 
bishops  as  a  sign  of  their  jurisdiction,  cost 
them  26,000,  or,  as  some  say,  30,000  florins. 

It  was  quite  natural  that  Albert  should  form 
the  project  of  resorting  to  the  same  means  as 
his  superior  to  obtain  money.  He  solicited 
from  the  Pope  the  contract  for  the  "  farmi  ng"  of 
all  the  indulgences,  or,  as  they  expressed  it  at 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Rome,  "  the  contract  for  the  sins  of  the  Ger 
mans." 

At  times  the  Popes  kept  the  speculation  in 
their  own  hands.  Sometimes  they  farmed  i 
to  others;  as,  in  certain  states,  is  still  done 
with  framing-houses.  Albert  proposed  to  Lee 
to  divide  the  profits.  Leo,  in  accepting  the 
bargain  required  immediate  payment  of  the 
pallium.  Albert,  who  was  all  the  while  de 
pending  on  the  indulgences  for  the  means  ol 
discharging  this  claim,  applied  to  the  Fuggers 
who,  thinking  it  a  safe  investment,  made,  on 
certain  conditions,  the  required  advances  ;  am 
were  appointed  cashiers  in  this  great  under 
taking.  They  were  at  this  period  bankers  t 
many  princes,  and  were  afterwards  made 
counts  for  the  services  they  had  rendered. 

The  Pope  and  Archbishop  having  thu 
divided  beforehand  the  spoils  of  the  credulous 
souls  of  Germany,  it  was  necessary  to  earn 
out  the  project,  and  to  find  some  one  to  under 
take  the  trouble  of  realizing  it.  The  charge 
was  first  offered  to  the  Franciscans,  and  thei 
guardian  was  associated  in  it  with  Albert 
But  the  Franciscans  did  not  desire  any  part  in 
this  undertaking,  which  was  already  in  il 
repute  among  good  people.  The  Augustine 
monks,  who  were  more  enlightened  than  the 
other  religious  orders,  would  have  cared  stil 
less  to  join  in  it.  Meanwhile,  the  Francis 
cans  feared  to  offend  the  Pope,  who  had  lately 
sent  to  their  general,  Forli,  a  cardinal's  hat 
which  cost  that  poor  mendicant  order  30,00( 
florins.  The  guardian  therefore  judged  i 
most  prudent  not  to  meet  the  offer  by  a  direc 
refusal;  but  he  raised  all  kinds  of  difficulties 
in  the  way  of  Albert ;  they  never  could  agree 
so  that  the  Elector  was  glad  to  accept'  the 
proposal  that  he  should  take  the  whole  charge 
of  the  concern.  The  Dominicans,  on  their 
part,  coveted  a  share  in  the  lucrative  trade 
about  to  be  opened.  Tetzel,  already  notorious 
in  such  matters,  hastened  to  Mentz,  and  ten- 
dered his  services  to  the  Elector.  His  proved 
usefulness  in  publishing  the  indulgences  for 
the  knights  of  the  Teutonic  Order  of  Prussia 
and  Livonia  was  recollected,  and  he  was  ac- 
cepted ;  and  thus  it  was  that  all  this  traffic 
passed  into  the  hands  of  his  order.42 

The  first  time  Luther  heard  speak  of  Tetzel 
was,  as  far  as  we  are  informed,  in  the  year 
1516,  at  Grimrna,  when  he  was  commencing 
his  visitation  of  the  churches.  Some  one 
came  and  told  Staupitz,  who  was  still  with 
Luther,  that  a  seller  of  indulgences,  named 
Tetzel,  was  making  much  noise  at  Wurtzen. 
Some  of  his  extravagant  expressions  being 
quoted,  Luther  was  indignant,  and  exclaimed, 
"God  willing,  I  will  make  a  hole  in  his 
drum."43 

Tetzel  in  his  return  from  Berlin,  where  he 
had  met  with  a  most  friendly  reception  from 
the  Elector  Joachim,  a  brother  of  the  farmer- 
general,  took  up  his  abode  at  Jiiterboch. 
Staupitz,  availing  himself  of  the  confidence 
the  Elector  Frederic  reposed  in  him,  had  re- 
peatedly called  his  attention  to  the  abuse  of 
the  indulgences,  and  the  disgraceful  proceed- 
ings of  the  collectors.44  The  Princes  of 


Saxony,  indignant  at  the  shameful  traffic,  had 
forbidden  Tetzel  to  enter  their  provinces. 
He  was  therefore  compelled  to  stop  on  the 
territory  of  his  patron,  the  Archbishop  of 
Magdeburg.  But  he  drew  as  near  as  he 
could  to  Saxony.  At  Jiiterboch  he  was  only 
four  miles  distant  from  Wittemberg.  "This 
great  purse-drainer,"  said  Luther,  "went 
boldly  to  work,  beating  up  the  country  all 
round,  so  that  the  money  began  to  leap  out  of 
every  man's  purse,  and  fall  into  his  chest." 
The  people  flocked  in  crowds  from  Wittem- 
berg, to  the  indulgence  market  at  Jiiterboch. 

Luther  was  still  at  this  time  full  of  respect 
for  the  Church  and  for  the  Pope.  He  says 
himself,  "  I  was  then  a  monk,  a  papist  of  the 
maddest, — so  infatuated  and  even  steeped  in 
the  Romish  doctrines,  that  I  would  willingly 
have  helped  to  kill  any  one  who  had  the 
audacity  to  refuse  the  smallest  act  of  obedi- 
ence to  the  Pope.  I  was  a  true  Saul,  like 
many  others  still  living."45  But,  at  the  same 
time  his  heart  was  ready  to  take  fire  for  what 
he  thought  the  truth,  and  against  what,  in  his 
judgment,  was  error.  "I  was  a  young  doc- 
tor, fresh  from  the  anvil,  glowing  and  rejoicing 
in  the  glory  of  the  Lord."46 

One  day  Luther  was  at  confessional  in 
Wittemberg.  Several  residents  of  that  town 
successively  presented  themselves:  they  con- 
fessed themselves  guilty  of  great  irregularities, 
adultery,  licentiousness,  usury,  unjust  gains: 
such  were  the  things  men  came  to  talk  of  with 
a  minister  of  God's  word,  who  must  one  day 
give  an  account  of  their  souls.  He  reproved, 
rebuked,  and  instructed.  But  what  was  his 
astonishment,  when  these  persons  replied  that 
they  did  not  intend  to  abandon  their  sins ! 
The  pious  monk,  shocked  at  this,  declared, 
that  since  they  would  not  promise  to  change 
their  habits  of  life,  he  could  not  absolve  them. 
Then  it  was  that  these  poor  creatures  appealed 
to  their  letters  of  indulgence;  they  showed 
them,  and  contended  for  their  efficacy.  But 
Luther  replied,  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with 
their  paper;  and  he  added,  "If  you  do  not 
turn  from  the  evil  of  your  way,  you  will  all 
perish."  They  exclaimed  against  this,  and 
renewed  their  application;  but  the  doctor  was 
immoveable.  "They  must  cease,"  he  said, 
"to  do  evil,  and  learn  to  do  well,  or  otherwise 
no  absolution.  Have  a  care,"  added  he, 

how  you  give  ear  to  the  indulgences:  you 
have  something  better  to  do  than  to  buy 
'icences  which  they  offer  you  for  paltry  pence."  4V 

Much  alarmed,  these  inhabitants  of  Wittem- 
)erg  quickly  returned  to  Tetzel,  and  told  him 
hat  an  Augustine  monk  treated  his  letters 
with  contempt.  Tetzel,  at  this,  bellowed 
with  anger.  He  held  forth  in  the  pulpit, 
ised  insulting  expressions  and  curses,  and,  to 
strike  the  people  with  more  terror,  he  had  a 
ire  lighted  several  times  in  the  grand  square, 
md  declared  that  he  was  ordered  by  the  Pope 
o  burn  the  heretics,  who  should  dare  to  op- 
iose  his  most  holy  indulgences.48 

Such  was  the  incident  that  first  gave  occa- 
ion  to  the  Reformation,  though  not  the  cause 
f  it.  A  pastor  sees  his  sheep  going  on  in  a 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


75 


way  that  would  lead  them  to  their  ruin ; — he 
seeks  to  guide  them  out  of  it.  He  has  as  yet 
no  thought  of  reforming  the  Church  and  the 
world.  He  has  seen  Rome  and  its  corruption ; 
but  he  does  not  erect  himself  against  Rome. 
He  discerns  some  of  the  abuses  under  which 
Christendom  groans,  but  he  has  no  thought 
of  correcting  those  abuses.  He  does  not  de- 
sire to  constitute  himself  a  Reformer.49  He 
has  no  more  plan  in  his  mind  for  the  reform 
of  the  Church,  than  he  had  previously  had  for 
that  which  had  been  wrought  in  his  own  soul. 
God  himself  designed  a  Reformation,  and  to 
make  Luther  the  instrument  of  its  accomplish- 
ment. The  same  remedy,  of  which  the  effi- 
cacy was  proved  by  the  removal  of  his  own 
distress,  it  was  God's  purpose  that  he  should 
apply  to  the  distresses  of  Christendom.  He 
remains  quietly  in  the  circle  assigned  to  him. 
He  goes  simply  where  his  master  calls  him. 
He  is  discharging  at  Wittemberg  his  duties 
as  professor,  preacher,  pastor.  He  is  seated 
in  the  temple,  where  the  members  of  his 
church  come  to  open  their  hearts  to  him.  It 
is  there,  on  that  field,  that  Evil  attacks,  and 
Error  seeks  him  out.  Those  about  him  would 
hinder  him  from  discharging  his  duty.  His 
conscience,  bound  to  the  word  of  God,  is 
aroused.  Is  it  not  God  who  calls  him? 
Resistance  is  a  duty, — therefore  it  is  also  a 
right; — he  must  speak.  Such  was  the  course 
of  the  events  occurring  in  the  providence  of 
that  God,  who  had  decreed  to  revive  Chris- 
tianity by  the  agency  of  a  miner's  son;  and 
to  refine  in  his  furnace  the  corrupted  teaching 
of  the  Church.50 

After  what  has  been  stated,  it  is  needless 
to  refute  a  lying  charge  invented  by  some 
enemies  of  Luther,  and  not  till  after  his  death. 
It  has  been  said  it  was  a  jealousy  on  the  part 
of  the  monks  of  his  order, — the  mortification 
of  seeing  the  Dominicans,  and  not  the  Augus- 
tines,  who  had  previously  held  it,  intrusted 
with  this  shameful  and  disreputable  com- 
merce, that  led  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg  to 
attack  Tetzel,  and  his  teaching.  The  well 
ascertained  fact  that  this  traffic  had  been  at 
first  offered  to  the  Franciscans,  who  would 
not  have  it,  suffices  to  refute  this  invention 
repeated  by  writers  who  do  but  copy  one  an- 
other. Cardinal  Pallavicini  himself  declares 
that  the  Augustines  had  never  held  this  office.51 
Besides,  we  have  seen  the  struggle  of  Luther's 
soul.  His  conduct  needs  no  other  explana- 
tion. He  could  not  refrain  from  confessing 
aloud  the  doctrine  to  which  he  owed  his  hap- 
piness. In  Christianity,  when  a  man  finds  a 
treasure  for  himself,  he  hastens  to  impart  it  to 
others.  In  our  day  men  have  abandoned  such 
puerile  and  unworthy  attempts  to  account  for 
the  great  revolution  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
It  is  recognised  that  there  must  be  some  more 
powerful  lever  to  raise  the  whole  world, — and 
that  the  reformation  was  not  in  Luther  merely, 
— but  that  the  age  in  which  he  lived  must 
necessarily  have  given  birth  to  it. 

Luther,  called  on  alike  by  obedience  to  the 
truth  of  God  and  by  charity  to  man,  ascended 
the  pulpit.  He  warned  his  hearers  as  was 


;  his  duty,  as  himself  tells  us.52  His  Prince  had 
I  obtained  from  the  Pope  some  special  indul- 
gences for  the  church  in  the  castle  of  Wit- 
!  temberg.  Some  of  the  blows,  which  he  is 
about  to  strike  at  the  indulgences  of  the  in- 
quisitor, may  easily  fall  on  those  of  the  Elec- 
tor. It  matters  not;  he  will  brave  his  dis- 
grace. If  he  sought  to  please  man,  he  would 
not  be  the  servant  of  Christ. 

"  No  one  can  show  from  the  Scriptures  that 
God's  justice  requires  a  penalty  or  satisfaction 
from  the  sinner,"  said  the  faithful  minister  of 
the  word  to  the  people  of  Wittemberg.  "The 
only  duty  it  imposes  on  him  is  a  true  repent- 
ance, a  sincere  change  of  heart,  a  resolution 
to  bear  the  cross  of  Christ,  and  to  strive  to  do 
good  works.  It  is  a  great  error  to  seek  our- 
selves to  satisfy  God's  justice  for  our  sins,  for 
God  ever  pardons  lliem  freely  by  an  inestima- 
ble grace. 

"  The  Christian  Church,  it  is  true,  requires 
somewhat  from  the  sinner,  and  what  she  re- 
quires she  may  remit.  But  that  is  all.  And 
furthermore,  these  indulgences  of  the  Church 
are  only  tolerated  out  of  regard  for  slothful 
and  imperfect  Christians,  who  will  not  employ 
themselves  zealously  in  good  works;  for  they 
excite  no  one  to  sanctification,  but  leave  every 
one  in  his  lowness  and  imperfection." 

Then,  passing  to  the  pretext  on  which  the 
indulgences  were  proclaimed,  he  continued: 
"  It  would  be  much  better  to  contribute  to  the 
building  of  St.  Peter's  from  love  to  God,  than 
to  buy  indulgences  for  such  a  purpose.  But 
say  you,  shall  we  then  not  buy  them  ?  I  have 
already  said  as  much,  and  I  repeat  it : — my 
advice  is  that  none  should  buy  them.  Leave 
them  for  drowsy  Christians,  but  do  you  keep 
yourselves  separate  from  such.  Let  the  faith- 
ful be  turned  from  indulgences,  and  exhorted 
to  the  works  they  neglect." 

Then,  glancing  at  his  adversaries,  Luther 
concluded  in  these  words  :  **  And  if  some  cry 
that  I  am  a  heretic, — for  the  truth  which  I 
preach  is  prejudicial  to  their  coffers — I  pay 
little  regard  to  their  clamours ;  they  are  men 
of  gloomy  or  sickly  minds,  who  have  never 
felt  the  truths  of  the  Bible,  never  read  the 
Christian  doctrine, never  understood  their  own 
teachers,  and  are  perishing  in  the  tattered  rags 
of  their  vain  opinions.53  However,  God  grant 
to  them  and  to  us  a  right  understanding! 
Amen."  This  said,  the  Doctor  came  down 
from  the  pulpit,  leaving  his  hearers  much  af- 
fected by  this  bold  harangue. 

This  sermon  was  printed  and  made  a  deep 
impression  on  all  who  read  it.  Tetzel  an- 
swered it,  and  Luther  defended  himself;  hut 
this  was  at  a  later  period,  in  1518. 

The  feast  of  All  Saints  wras  at  hand.  Some 
chroniclers  relate  at  this  time,  a  circumstance, 
which,  however  little  important  it  may  be  to 
the  history  of  this  epoch,  may  still  serve  to 
characterize  it.  It  is  a  dream  of  the  Elector, 
— beyond  reasonable  doubt  true  in  the  essen- 
tial parts,  though  some  circumstances  may 
have  been  added  by  those  who  related  it.  It 
is  mentioned  by  Seckendorf.64  "  The  fear  of 
giving  occasion  to  his  adversaries  to  say  that 


7G 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


Luther's  doctrine  rested  upon  dreams,  has 
perhaps  prevented  other  historians  from  speak- 
ing of  it,"  observes  this  respectable  writer. 

The  Elector,  Frederic  of  Saxony,  these 
chroniclers  tell  us,  was  then  at  his  castle  of 
Schweinitz,  six  leagues  from  Wittemberg. 
The  morning  of  the  3 1st  of  October,  being 
with  his  brother,  Duke  John,  (who  was  then 
co-regent,  and  who  reigned  alone  after  his 
death,)  and  with  his  Chancellor,  the  Elector 
said  to  the  Duke : — 

"  Brother,  I  must  tell  you  a  dream  that  I 
had  last  night,  and  of  which  I  should  be  very 
glad  to  know  the  meaning.  It  is  so  deeply 
engraved  on  my  mind,  that  I  should  not  for- 
get it  were  I  to  live  a  thousand  years,  for  I 
dreamt  it  thrice,  and  each  time  with  some 
new  circumstances." 

Duke  John. — "  Is  it  a  good  dream  or  bad 
dream?" 

The  Elector.—"  I  know  not :  God  knows." 

Duke  John. — "  Do  not  make  yourself  un- 
easy about  it :  tell  it  me." 

The  Elector. — "  Having  gone  to  bed  last 
night,  tired  and  dispirited,  I  fell  asleep  soon 
after  saying  my  prayers,  and  slept  quietly 
about  two  hours  and  a  half.  I  then  woke  ; 
and  continued  engaged  till  midnight  with  a 
variety  of  thoughts.  I  considered  how  I 
should  keep  the  festival  of  All  Saints;  I 
prayed  for  the  poor  souls  in  purgatory,  and 
besought  God  to  guide  me,  my  counsellors 
and  my  people,  into  all  truth.  I  fell  asleep 
again:  and  then  I  dreamt  that  Almighty  God 
sent  a  monk  to  me,  who  was  the  true  son  of 
the  Apostle  Paul.  All  the  saints  accompanied 
him,  according  to  the  command  of  God,  in 
order  to  testify  to  me  in  his  favour,  and  to  de- 
clare that  he  was  not  come  with  any  fraudu- 
lent design,  but  that  all  he  did  was  agreeable 
to  the  will  of  God.  They  asked  me,  at  the 
same  time,  graciously  to  allow  him  to  write 
something  on  the  church  door  of  the  castle  of 
Wittemberg;  which  request  I  granted  by  the 
mouth  of  the  Chancellor.  Thereupon  the 
monk  went  his  way,  and  began  to  write,  but 
in  such  large  characters,  that  I  could  read 
from  Schweinitz  what  he  was  writing.  The 
pen  that  he  used  was  so  long  that  its  extremity 
reached  even  to  Rome,  wounded  the  ears  of  a 
lion  (Leo}  that  was  couched  there,  and  shook 
the  triple  crown  on  the  Pope's  head.  -  All  the 
cardinals  and  princes,  running  hastily  towards 
him,  endeavoured  to  support  it.  You  and  I, 
brother,  among  the  rest,  attempted  to  support 
it;  I  put  out  my  arm:  but,  at  that  moment  I 
woke,  with  my  arm  extended,  in  great  alarm, 
and  very  angry  with  the  monk  who  handled 
liis  pen  so  awkwardly.  I  recovered  myself  a 
little; — it  was  only  a  dream. 

"  But  I  was  still  hall  asleep,  and  I  closed 
my  eyes  again.  My  dream  continued.  The 
lion,  still  disturbed  by  the  pen,  began  to  roar 
with  all  his  might,  so  that  the  whole  city  of 
Rome  and  all  the  states  of  the  holy  Empire 
ran  to  inquire  what  was  the  matter.  The 
Pope  called  upon  us  to  restrain  the  monk,  and 
addressed  himself  particularly  to  me,  because 
he  lived  in  my  country.  I  woke  again ;  I  re- 


peated a  Paler  nosfer.  I  besought  God  to  pre- 
serve the  holy  Father,  and  I  then  fell  asleep 
again. 

"  After  this,  I  dreamt  that  all  the  Princes 
of  the  Empire,  you  and  I  amongst  the  rest, 
were  flocking  to  Rome,  trying  one  after  the 
other  to  break  this  pen ;  but  the  more  we  ex- 
erted ourselves,  the  stiffer  it  became;  it  resist- 
ed as  if  it  had  been  made  of  iron ;  at  length 
we  were  tired.  I  then  asked  the  monk,  (for 
I  seemed  to  be  sometimes  at  Rome,  and  some- 
times at  Wittemberg,)  where  he  had  obtained 
that  pen,  and  why  it  was  so  strong]  'The 
pen,'  replied  he,  '  once  belonged  to  the  wing 
of  a  goose  of  Bohemia,  a  hundred  years  old.* 
I  received  it  from  one  of  my  old  schoolmasters; 
its  strength  is — that  no  one  can  take  the  pith  out 
of  it;  and  I  am  myself  quite  surprised  at  it.' 
— Suddenly  I  heard  a  loud  cry :  from  the 
monk's  long  pen  had  issued  a  great  number 
of  other  pens.  I  woke  a  third,  time :  it  was 
daylight." 

Duke  John. — "  Master  Chancellor,  what  do 
you  think  of  it1?  Oh  !  that  we  had  here  a 
Joseph  or  a  Daniel  enlightened  by  God !" 

The  Chancellor. — "  Your  highnesses  know 
the  vulgar  proverb,  that  the  dreams  of  maidens^ 
scholars,  and  nobles,  have  generally  some 
hidden  meaning :  but  we  shall  not  know  the 
meaning  of  this  for  some  time,  till  the  things 
to  which  it  relates  shall  have  taken  place. 
Therefore,  commend  the  accomplishment  of 
it  to  God,  and  leave  it  in  his  hands." 

Duke  John. — "I  agree  with  you,  Master 
Chancellor :  it  is  not  right  that  we  should 
puzzle  our  heads  about  the  meaning  of  this  : 
God  will  turn  all  to  his  glory." 

The  Elector. — "  God  in  his  mercy  grant  it! 
However,  I  shall  never  forget  the  dream.  I 
have  thought  of  one  interpretation ; — but  I 
keep  it  to  myself.  Time  will  perhaps  show 
if  I  have  guessed  right." 

Such,  according  to  the  manuscript  of  Wei- 
mar, was  the  conversation  that  took  place  on 
the  morning  of  the  31st  of  October  at  Schwei- 
nitz. Let  us  next  see  what  happened  in  the 
evening  of  the  same  day  at  Wittemberg.  We 
now  return  to  the  firmer  ground  of  history. 

The  admonitions  of  Luther  had  produced 
but  little  effect:  Tetzel,  without  disturbing 
himself,  continued  his  traffic  and  his  impious 
addresses  to  the  people.55  Shall  Luther  sub- 
mit to  these  grievous  abuses  ?  shall  he  keep 
silence?  As  a  pastor,  he  has  powerfully  ex- 
horted those  who  attended  his  ministry ;  and 
as  a  preacher,  he  has  uttered  a  warning  voice 
from  the  pulpit.  He  has  yet  to  speak  as  a 
divine;  he  has  yet  to  address  himself,  not 
merely  to  a  few  persons  in  the  confessional, 
not  merely  to  the  assembly  of  the  church  of 
Wittemberg,  but  to  all  those  who  are,  like 
himself,  teachers  of  God's  word.  His  reso- 
lution is  formed. 

It  was  not  the  Church  that  he  thought  of 


*  John  Huss. — This  is  one  of  the  particulars 
that  may  have  been  added  at  a  subsequent  period, 
in  allusion  to  the  well  known  saying  of  Huss  him' 
self. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


77 


attacking ;  it  was  not  the  Pope  he  was  about 
to  call  to  account;  on  the  contrary,  his  re- 
spect for  the  Head  of  the  Church  would  not 
allow  him  to  be  any  longer  silent  in  regard  to 
assumptions,  by  which  the  Pope's  credit  was 
disparaged.  He  must  take  his  part  against 
those  audacious  men  who  dared  to  mix  up  his 
venerable  name  with  their  disgraceful  traffic. 
Far  from  thinking  of  a  revolution  that  should 
overthrow  the  primacy  of  Rome,  Luther  con- 
ceived that  he  had  the  Pope  and  Catholicism 
with  him,  against  the  effrontery  of  the  monks.53 

The  feast  of  All  Saints  was  a  very  impor- 
tant day  at  Wittemberg,  and  especially  at  the 
church  which  the  Elector  had  built  and  filled 
with  relics.  On  this  occasion  those  relics, 
encased  in  gold  and  silver,  and  adorned  with 
precious  stones,  were  set  out  to  dazzle  the 
eyes  of  the  people  with  their  magnificence.57 
Whoever,  on  that  day,  visited  the  church,  and 
there  confessed  himself,  obtained  a  plenary 
indulgence.  On  that  great  day  the  pilgrims 
flocked  in  crowds  to  Wittemberg. 

Luther,  whose  plan  was  already  formed, 
went  boldly  on  the  evening  of  the  31st  of 
Ootober,  1517,  to  the  church,  towards  which 
the  superstitious  crowds  of  pilgrims  were 
flocking,  and  affixed  to  the  door  ninety-five 
theses  or  propositions,  against  the  doctrine  of 
indulgences.  Neither  the  Elector,  nor  Stau- 
pitz,  nor  Spalatin.  nor  any  of  his  friends,  even 
those  most  intimate  with  him,  had  any  pre- 
vious intimation  of  his  design.58 

Luther  therein  declared,  in  a  kind  of  pre- 
amble, that  he  had  written  these  theses  in  a 
spirit  of  sincere  charity,  and  with  the  express 
desire  of  bringing  the  truth  to  light.  He  de- 
clared himself  ready  to  defend  them,  next  day, 
at  the  university  itself,  against  all  opposers. 

The  attention  excited  by  them  was  very 
great;  and  they  were  read  and  repeated  on  all 
sides.  The  pilgrims,  the  university,  and  the 

(whole  city  were  soon  in  confusion.  The  fol- 
lowing are  some  of  the  propositions  written 
by  the  pen  of  the  monk,  and  posted  on  the 
door  of  the  church  of  Wittemberg : 

"  1.  When  our  Master  and  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  says,  '  Repent,'  he  means  that  the 
whole  life  of  his  faithful  servants  upon  earth 
should  be  a  constant  and  continual  repentance. 

"  2.  This  cannot  be  understood  of  the  sa- 
crament of  penance,  (that  is  to  say  of  con- 
fession and  satisfaction,)  as  administered  by 
the  priest. 

"  3.  However,  our  Lord  does  not  here  speak 
only  of  inward  repentance:  inward  repent- 
ance is  invalid,  if  it  does  not  produce  out- 
wardly every  kind  of  mortification  of  the  flesh. 

"  4.  Repentance  and  grief — that  is  to  say, 
true  penitence,  lasts  as  long  as  a  man  is  dis- 
pleased with  himself, — that  is  to  say,  till  he 
passes  from  this  life  to  eternal  life. 

"5.  The  Pope  has  no  power  or  intention 
to  remit  any  other  penalty  than  that  which  he 
has  imposed,  according  to  his  good  pleasure, 
or  conformably  to  the  canons,  that  is  to  say, 
to  the  Papal  ordinances. 

"  6,  The  Pope  cannot  remit  any  condemna- 
tion ;  but  can  only  declare  and  confirm  the 


remission  that  God  himself  has  given;  except 
only  in  cases  that  belong  to  him.     If  he  does 
|  otherwise,   the   condemnation   continues   the 
same. 

"8.  The  laws  of  ecclesiastical  penance  can 
only  be  imposed  on  the  living,  and  in  nowise 
respect  the  dead. 

"21.  The  commissioners  of  indulgences 
are  in  error  in  saying,  that,  through  the  in- 
dulgence of  the  Pope,  man  is  delivered  from, 
all  punishment,  and  saved. 

"25.  The  same  power,  that  the  Pope  has 
over  purgatory  in  the  Church  at  large,  is  pos- 
sessed by  every  bishop  in  his  diocese  and 
every  curate  in  his  parish. 

"  27.  Those  persons  preach  human  inven- 
tions who  pretend  that,  at  the  very  moment 
when  the  money  sounds  in  the  strong  box, 
the  soul  escapes  from  purgatory. 

"28.  This  is  certain  :  that,  as  soon  as  the 
money  sounds,  avarice  and  love  of  gain  come 
in,  grow  and  multiply.  But  the  assistance 
and  prayers  of  the  Church  depend  only  on 
the  will  and  good  pleasure  of  God. 

"  32.  Those  who  fancy  themselves  sure  of 
their  salvation  by  indulgences  will  go  to  the 
devil  with  those  who  teach  them  this  doc- 
trine. 

"  35.  They  teach  antichristian  doctrine 
who  profess  that,  to  deliver  a  soul  from  pur- 
gatory, or  to  purchase  an  indulgence,  there  is 
no  need  of  sorrow  or  of  repentance. 

"36.  Every  Christian  who  feels  true  re- 
pentance for  his  sins  has  perfect  remission 
from  the  punishment  and  from  the  sin,  with- 
out the  need  of  indulgences. 

"37,  Every  true  Christian,  dead  or  living, 
is  a  partaker  of  all  the  riches  of  Christ,  or 
of  the  Church,  by  the  gift  of  God,  and  with- 
out any  letter  of  indulgence. 

"  38.  Yet  we  must  not  despise  the  Pope's 
distributive  and  pardoning  power,  for  his 
pardon  is  a  declaration  of  God's  pardon. 

"  40.  Repentance  and  real  grief  seek  and 
love  chastening;  but  the  softness  of  the  in- 
dulgence relaxes  the  fear  of  chastisement,  and 
makes  us  averse  from  it. 

"42.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  the 
Pope  neither  expects  nor  wishes  us  to  com- 
pare the  act  of  preaching  indulgences  with 
any  charitable  work  whatsoever. 

"43.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  he 
who  gives  to  the  poor,  or  lends  to  the  needy, 
does  better  than  he  who  buys  an  indulgence. 

"  44.  For  the  work  of  charity  makes  cha- 
rity to  abound,  and  renders  man  more  pious; 
whilst  the  indulgence  makes  him  not  better, 
but  only  more  confident  in  himself,  and  more 
secure  from  punishment. 

45.  WTe  must  teach  Christians,  that  he 
who  sees  his  neighbour  in  want,  and,  not- 
withstanding that,  buys  an  indulgence,  does 
not  in  reality  acquire  the  Pope's  indulgence, 
and  draws  down  on  himself  the  anger  of  God. 

46.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  if 
they  have  no  superfluity,  they  are  bound  to 
keep  for  their  families  wherewith  to  procure 
necessaries,  and    they   ought    not   to   waste 
their  money  on  indulgences. 


78 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


"  47.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  the 
purchase  of  an  indulgence  is  not  a  matter  of 
commandment,  but  a  thing  in  which  they  are 
left  at  liberty. 

"48.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  the 
Pope,  having  more  need  of  the  prayer  of  faith 
than  of  money,  desires  prayer  rather  than 
money,  when  he  distributes  indulgences. 

"  49.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  the 
Pope's  indulgence  is  good,  if  we  do  not  put 
our  trust  in  if;  but  that  nothing  can  be  more 
hurtful,  if  it  leads  us  to  neglect  piety. 

"  50.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  if  the 
Pope  knew  the  exactions  of  the  preachers  of 
indulgences,  he  would  rather  that  the  metro- 
politan church  of  St.  Peter  were  burnt  to  ashes, 
than  see  it  built  up  with  the  skin,  the  flesh, 
and  bones  of  his  flock. 

"51.  We  must  teach  Christians,  that  the 
Pope,  as  in  duty  bound,  would  willingly  give 
his  own  money,  though  it  should  be  necessary 
to  sell  the  metropolitan  church  of  St.  Peter  for 
the  purpose,  to  the  poor  people,  whom  the 
preachers  of  indulgences  now  rob  of  their  last 
penny. 

"52.  To  hope  to  be  saved  by  indulgences 
is  to  hope  in  lies  and  vanity;  even  although 
the  commissioner  of  indulgences,  nay,  though 
even  the  Pope  himself,  should  pledge  his  own 
soul  in  attestation  of  their  efficacy. 

"  53.  They  are  the  enemies  of  the  Pope  and 
of  Christ,  who,  to  favour  the  preaching  of  in- 
dulgences, forbid  the  preaching  of  the  word 
of  God. 

"  55.  The  Pope  can  think  no  otherwise 
than  this:  "If  the  indulgence  (which  is  the 
lesser)  is  celebrated  with  the  sound  of  a  bell, 
and  pomp  and  ceremony,  much  more  is  it  right 
to  celebrate  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  (which 
is  the  greater)  with  a  hundred  bells,  and  a 
hundred  times  more  pomp  and  ceremony. 
•  "  62.  The  true  and  precious  treasure  of  the 
Church  is  the  holy  Gospel  of  the  glory  and 
grace  of  God. 

"  65.  The  treasures  of  the  Gospel  are  nets, 
in  which  it  formerly  happened  that  the  souls 
of  rich  men,  living  at  ease,  were  taken. 

"66.  But  the  treasures  of  the  indulgence 
are  nets,  wherewith  now  they  fish  for  rich 
men's  wealth. 

"  67.  It  is  the  duty  of  bishops  and  pastors 
to  receive  with  all  respect  the  commissioners 
of  the  apostolical  indulgences. 

"  68. "  But  it  is  much  more  their  duty  to 
satisfy  themselves,  by  their  presence,  that  the 
said  commissioners  do  not  preach  the  dreams 
of  their  own  fancy  instead  of  the  Pope's  orders. 

"71.  Cursed  be  whosoever  speaks  against 
the  Pope's  indulgence. 

"  72.  But  blessed  be  he  who  opposes  the 
foolish  and  reckless  speeches  of  the  preachers 
of  indulgences. 

"78.  The  Pope's  indulgence  cannot  take 
away  the  least  of  our  daily  sins, — so  far  as 
the  blame  or  offence  of  it  is  concerned. 

"79.  To  say  that  the  cross,  hung  with  the 
Pope's  arms,  is  as  powerful  as  the  cross  of 
Christ,  is  blasphemy. 

"80.   The  bishops,  pastors,  and  divines, 


who  allow  these  things  to  be  taught  to  the 
people  will  have  to  give  account  for  it. 

"81.  This  shameless  preaching, — these 
impudent  praises  of  indulgences, — make  it 
difficult  for  the  learned  to  defend  the  dignity 
and  honour  of  the  Pope  against  the  calumnies 
of  preachers,  and  the  subtle  and  artful  ques- 
tions of  the  common  people, 

"86.  Why,  say  they,  does  not  the  Pope 
build  the  metropolitan  church  of  St.  Peter's 
with  his  own  money,  rather  than  with  that  of 
poor  Christians,  seeing  that  he  is  richer  than 
the  richest  Crassus  1 

"  92.  May  we  therefore  be  rid  of  those 
preachers,  who  say  to  the  Church  of  Christ 
'  Peace,  peace,'  when  there  is  no  peace. 

"  94.  We  must  exhort  Christians  to  en- 
deavour to  follow  Christ,  their  head,  under  the 
cross,  through  death  and  hell. 

"95.  For  it  is  better,  through  much  tribu- 
lation, to  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
than  to  gain  a  carnal  security  by  the  consola- 
tions of  a  false  peace." 

Here  then  was  the  beginning  of  the  work. 
The  germs  of  the  Reformation  were  enclosed 
in  these  theses  of  Luther.  They  attacked  the 
indulgences,  and  this  drew  notice  ; — but  under 
this  attack  was  found  a  principle,  which, 
while  it  drew  much  less  of  the  people's  atten- 
tion, was  one  day  to  overturn  the  edifice  of  the 
Papacy.  The  evangelic  doctrine  of  a  free 
and  gracious  remission  of  sins  was  for  the  first 
time  publicly  professed.  The  work  must  now 
go  forward.  In  fact  it  was  evident  that  who- 
ever should  receive  that  faith  in  the  remission 
of  sins  proclaimed  by  the  Doctor  of  Wittem- 
berg, — whoever  should  possess  that  repent- 
ance, that  conversion,  and  that  sanctification, 
of  which  he  urged  the  necessity, — would  no 
longer  regard  human  ordinances,  would  throw 
off  the  bandages  and  restraints  of  Rome,  and 
acquire  the  liberty  of  God's  children.  All 
errors  would  fall  before  this  truth.  It  was  by 
this  that  the  light  had  just  entered  the  mind 
of  Luther;  it  was  likewise  by  it  that  the  light 
was  ordained  to  spread  in  the  Church.  A 
clear  perception  of  this  truth  was  what  had 
been  wanting  to  the  earlier  Reformers.  Hence 
the  unprofitableness  of  their  efforts.  Luther 
clearly  saw,  at  a  later  period,  that  in  proclaim- 
ing justification  by  faith,  he  had  laid  the  axe 
to  the  root  of  the  tree.  "It  is  doctrine  that  we 
attack  in  the  followers  of  the  Papacy,"  said 
he.  "  Huss  and  Wicklif  only  attacked  their 
life;  but  in  attacking  their  doctrine,  we  seize 
the  goose  by  the  throat.  Every  thing  depends 
on  the  word  of  God,  which  the  Pope  has 
taken  from  us  and  falsified.  I  have  overcome 
the  Pope,  because  my  doctrine  is  according 
to  God,  and  his  is  the  doctrine  of  the  devil."59 

We  also,  in  our  day,  have  lost  sight  of  this 
cardinal  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith, 
though  not  in  the  same  way  as  our  fathers. 
"In  Luther's  time,"  says  one  of  our  contem- 
poraries,604'^ remission  of  sins  cost  some  mo- 
ney at  least;  but  in  our  days,  every  one  takes 
it  gratuitously  to  himself."  There  is  much 
analogy  between  these  two  false  notions.  In 
our  error  there  is  perhaps  more  forgetfulness 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


79 


of  God  than  that  which  prevailed  in  the  16th 
century.  The  principle  of  justification  by 
God's  free  grace,  which  delivered  the  Church 
from  such  deep  darkness  at  the  period  of  the 
Reformation,  can  alone  renew  this  generation, 
terminate  its  doubts  and  waverings,  destroy 
the  egotism  which  consumes  it,  establish  mo- 
rality" and  uprightness  among  the  nations, — 
in  a  word,  bring  back  to  God  the  world  which 
has  forsaken  him. 

But  if  these  theses  of  Luther  were  strong  in 
the  strength  of  the  truth  they  proclaimed,  they 
were  no  less  powerful  in  the  faith  of  him  who 
declared  himself  their  champion.  He  had 
boldly  drawn  the  sword  of  the  word.  He  had 
done  this  in  reliance  on  the  power  of  truth. 
He  had  felt  that,  in  dependence  on  the  pro- 
mises of  God,  something  might  be  hazarded, 
as  the  world  would  express  it.  "  Let  him 
who  resolves  to  begin  a  good  work,"  (said  he, 
speaking  of  this  bold  attack,)  "  undertake  it, 
relying  on  the  goodness  of  the  thing  itself,  and 
in  no  degree  on  any  help  or  comfort  to  be  de- 
rived from  men : — moreover,  let  him  not  fear 
men,  nor  the  whole  world.  For  that  text  shall 
never  be  falsified:  'It  is  good  to  trust  in  the 
Lord,  and  he  that  trusteth  in  him  shall  cer- 
tainly never  be  confounded.'  But  as  for  him 
who  will  not,  or  cannot,  venture  something, 
trusting  in  God,  let  him  carefully  abstain  from 
undertaking  any  thing."61  We  cannot  doubt 
that  Luther,  after  having  fixed  his  theses  on 
the  door  of  the  church  of  All  Saints,  withdrew 
to  his  peaceful  cell,  filled  with  that  peace  and 
joy  which  flow  from  an  action  done  in  the 
name  of  the  Lord,  and  for  the  cause  of  ever- 
lasting truth. 

Whatever  boldness  may  appear  in  these 
theses,  we  still  discover  in  them  the  monk  who 
would  refuse  to  allow  a  single  doubt  as  to  the 
authority  of  the  Roman  See.  But  in  attack- 
ing the  doctrine  of  indulgences,  Luther  had 
unconsciously  borne  hard  upon  many  errors, 
the  discovery  of  which  could  not  be  agreeable 
to  the  Pope,  since  it  must  necessarily  lead, 
sooner  or  later,  to  the  discrediting  his  su- 
premacy. Luther's  views,  at  that  time,  did 
not  extend  so  far;  but  he  felt  the  boldness 
of  the  step  he  had  just  taken,  and  thought 
therefore  that  he  ought  to  qualify  it,  as  far  as 
he  could,  consistently  with  the  respect  he  owed 
to  the  truth.  He  consequently  put  forth  these 
theses  only  as  doubtful  propositions,  in  respect 
to  which  he  solicited  information  from  the 
learned  ;  and  he  added  (in  accordance,  it  is 
true,  with  an  established  custom,)  a  solemn 
protestation,  by  which  he  declared,  that  he  did 
not  mean  to  say  or  affirm  anything  that  was 
not  founded  on  the  Holy  Scriptures,  the  Fathers 
of  the  Church,  and  the  rights  and  decretals  of 
the  court  of  Rome. 

Often  did  Luther,  in  after  times,  when  he 
contemplated  the  vast  and  unexpected  conse- 
quences of  this  courageous  step,  feel  amazed 
at  himself,  and  unable  to  comprehend  how  he 
had  dared  to  take  it.  The  truth  was,  an  in- 
visible and  all-powerful  hand  held  the  guiding 
rein,  and  urged  on  the  herald  of  truth  in  a  road 
which  he  knew  not,  and  from  the  difficul- 


ties of  which  he  would  perhaps  have  shrunk, 
lad  he  been  aware  of  them,  and  advanced 
alone  and  of  his  own  will.  "I  entered  on 
this  controversy,"  said  he,  "without  any  set- 
tled purpose  or  inclination,  and  entirely  un- 
prepared ...  I  call  God  to  witness  this  who 
sees  the  heart."62 

Luther  had  learned  what  was  the  source  of 
these  abuses.  A  little  book  was  brought  him, 
adorned  with  the  arms  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Mentz  and  Magdeburg,  containing  rules  to 
be  followed  in  the  sale  of  the  indulgences. 
Thus  it  was  this  young  prelate,  this  accom- 
plished prince,  who  had  prescribed,  or  at  least 
sanctioned,  this  imposture.  Luther  saw  in 
him  only  a  superior,  whom  it  was  his  duty  to 
honour  and  respect.63  He  resolved  no  longer 
to  beat  the  air,  but  rather  to  apply  to  those 
who  had  the  office  of  government  in  the 
church.  He  addressed  to  him  a  letter  full  of 
frankness  and  humility.  Luther  wrote  to  Al- 
bert the  same  day  that  he  placarded  his  theses. 
'Forgive  me,  most  reverend  Father  in 
Christ,  and  most  illustrious  Prince,  if  I,  who 
am  the  very  meanest  of  men,  have  the  bold- 
ness to  write  to  your  sublime  grandeur.64  The 
Lord  Jesus  is  my  witness  that,  feeling  how 
small  and  contemptible  I  am,  I  have  long  de- 
layed to  do  so.  Yet  let  your  Highness  look 
upon  an  atom  of  dust,  and  in  your  episcopal 
compassion  graciously  receive  my  request. 

"  Men  are  carrying  throughout  the  country 
the  papal  indulgence,  under  your  Grace's 
name.  I  will  not  so  much  accuse  the  cla- 
mours of  the  preachers,  (for  I  have  not  heard 
them,)  as  the  false  opinions  of  simple  and 
ignorant  people,  who,  when  they  purchase 
these  indulgences,  think  themselves  sure  of 
their  salvation. 

"  Great  God  !  the  souls  confided,  my  very 
excellent  Father,  to  your  care,  are  trained  not 
for  life,  but  for  death.  The  strict  reckoning 
that  will  one  day  be  required  of  you,  increases 
every  day.  I  could  no  longer  keep  silence. 
No!  man  is  not  saved  by  the  work  or  the 
office  of  his  bishop.  Scarcely  even  is  the 
righteous  saved,  and  the  way  that  leadeth 
unto  life  is  narrow.  Why  then  do  the  preach- 
ers of  indulgences,  by  empty  fictions,  lull  the 
people  in  carnal  security. 

"The  indulgence  alone,  if  we  can  give  ear 
to  them,  is  to  be  proclaimed  and  exalted. 
What,  is  it  not  the  chief  and  only  duty  of 
the  bishops  to  teach  the  people  the  Gospel 
and  the  love  of  Christ1!65  Christ  himself  has 
nowhere  told  us  to  preach  indulgences,  but 
he  has  enjoined  us  to  preach  the  Gospel. 
How  horrid  and  dangerous  then  it  is  for  a 
bishop  to  allow  the  Gospel  to  be  withheld, 
and  the  indulgences  alone  to  be  continually 
sounded  in  the  ears  of  the  people ! 

"  Most  worthy  Father  in  God,  in  the  In- 
struction of  the  Commissioners,  which  was 
published  in  your  Grace's  name,  (certainly 
without  your  knowledge,)  it  is  said,  that  the 
indulgence  is  the  most  precious  treasure;  that 
by  it  a  man  is  reconciled  to  God,  and  that 
repentance '  is  not  needed  by  those  who  pur- 
chase it. 

H 


80 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


"What  can  I,  what  ought  I  to  do,  most 
worthy  bishop  and  serene  prince  1  Oh!  I 
entreat  your  Highness,  by  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  to  look  into  this  matter  with  paternal 
vigilance,  to  suppress  this  book  entirely,  and 
to  order  the  preachers  to  address  to  the  people 
different  instructions.  Jf  you  neglect  to  do 
this,  prepare  yourself  to  hear  some  day  a  voice 
lifted,  that  shall  refute  these  preachers,  to  the 
great  disgrace  of  your  most  serene  Highness." 

Luther,  at  the  same  time,  sent  his  theses  to 
the  Archbishop,  and  asked  him  in  a  postscript 
to  read  them,  in  order  to  convince  himself  of 
the  little  dependence  that  was  to  be  placed  on 
the  doctrine  of  indulgences. 

Thus,  the  only  wish  of  Luther  was,  that 
the  watchmen  of  the  Church  should  arouse 
themselves,  and  endeavour  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
evils  that  were  laying  it  waste.  Nothing 
could  be  more  noble  or  respectful  than  this 
letter  of  a  monk  to  one  of  the  greatest  princes 
of  the  Church  and  of  the  Empire.  Never  did 
any  one  act  more  in  the  spirit  of  Christ's  pre- 
cept :  "  Render  unto  Caesar  the  things  that  are 
Caesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  are 
God's."  This  conduct  bears  no  resemblance 
to  that  of  the  reckless  revolutionist,  who  de- 
spises dominions  and  speaks  evil  of  dignities. 
It  is  the  conscientious  appeal  of  a  Christian  and 
a  priest,  who  renders  honour  to  all,  but,  above 
all,  has  the  fear  of  God  in  his  heart.  But  all 
his  entreaties  and  supplications  were  useless. 
Young  Albert,  wholly  engrossed  by  pleasure 
and  the  pursuits  of  ambition,  made  no  reply 
to  this  solemn  address.  The  Bishop  of  Bran- 
denburg, Luther's  ordinary,  a  learned  and 
pious  man,  to  whom  he  also  sent  the  theses, 
replied  that  he  was  attacking  the  power  of  the 
Church;  that  he  would  bring  upon  himself 
much  trouble  and  grief;  that  the  attempt 
would  be  found  too  much  for  his  strength,  and 
that  he  would  do  well  to  give  up  the  affair 
altogether.66  The  princes  of  the  Church  closed 
their  ears  to  the  voice  of  God,  which  was 
making  itself  heard  in  so  affecting  and  ener- 
getic a  manner  through  the  instrumentality  of 
Luther.  They  would  not  understand  the 
signs  of  the  times;  they  were  struck  with 
that  blindness  which  has  already  accelerated 
the  ruin  of  so  many  powers  and  dignities. 
44  They  both  thought  at  that  time,"  as  Luther 
afterwards  observed,  "that  the  Pope  would 
be  too  powerful  for  a  poor  mendicant  monk 
like  me." 

But  Luther  could  judge  better  than  the 
bishops,  of  the  fatal  effect  of  indulgences  on 
the  lives  and  morals  of  the  people;  for  he 
was  intimately  connected  with  them.  He 
saw  constantly  and  close  at  hand,  what  the 
bishops  only  knew  from  reports  that  could 
not  be  depended  on.  If  he  found  no  help 
from  the  bishops,  God  was  not  wanting  to 
him.  The  head  of  the  Church,  who  sits  in 
the  heavens,  and  to  whom  alone  all  power  is 
given  upon  earth,  had  himself  prepared  the 
soil,  and  committed  the  seed  to  the  hand  of 
his  servant ;  he  gave  wings  to  those  seeds  of 
truth,  and  scattered  them  in  a  moment  over 
the  whole  field  of  the  church. 


No  one  appeared  next  day  at  the  university 
to  impugn  the  propositions  of  Luther.  Tet- 
zel's  traffic  was  too  generally  decried  and  too 
disreputable  for  any  other  person  than  himself, 
or  one  of  his  followers,  to  dare  to  accept  the 
challenge.  But  these  theses  were  destined  to 
find  an  echo  beyond  the  vaulted  roof  of  the 
academy.  Hardly  had  they  been  nailed  to 
the  church  door  of  the  castle  of  Wittemberg, 
when  the  feeble  sound  of  the  hammer  was 
succeeded  by  a  thunderclap,  which  shook  the 
very  foundations  of  proud  Rome;  threatened 
with  instant  ruin  the  walls,  gates,  and  pillars 
of  the  Papacy;  stunned  and  terrified  its  cham- 
pions; and  at  the  same  time  awakened  from 
the  slumber  of  error  many  thousands  of  men.67 

These  theses  spread  with  the  rapidity  of 
lightning.  Before  a  month  had  elapsed,  they 
had  found  their  way  to  Rome.  "  In  the  space 
of  a  fortnight,"  says  a  contemporary  historian, 
"  they  had  spread  over  Germany,  and  within 
a  month  they  had  run  through  all  Christendom, 
as  if  angels  themselves  had  been  the  bearers 
of  them  to  all  men.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive 
the  stir  they  occasioned."68  They  were  after- 
wards translated  into  Dutch,  and  into  Spa- 
nish ;  and  a  traveller  carried  them  for  sale  as 
far  as  Jerusalem.  "  Every  one,"  said  Luther, 
"was  complaining  of  the  indulgences,  and, 
as  all  the  bishops  and  doctors  had  kept 
silence,  and  no  one  was  inclined  to  take  the 
bull  by  the  horns,  poor  Luther  became  a  fa- 
mous doctor;  because,  at  last,  said  they,  one 
doctor  was  found  who  dared  grapple  with 
him.  But  I  did  not  like  this  glory,  and 
I  thought  the  song  in  too  high  a  key  for  my 
voice."69 

Many  of  the  pilgrims  who  had  flocked 
from  all  sides  to  Witternberg  at  the  feast 
of  All  Saints,  took  back  with  them — not  the 
indulgences — but  the  famous  theses  of  the 
Augustine  monk.  Thus  they  helped  to  diffuse 
them.  Every  one  read  them,  meditating  and 
commenting  on  them.  Men  conversed  about 
them  in  convents  and  in  colleges.70  The  devout 
monks  who  had  entered  the  convents  that 
they  might  save  their  souls,  and  all  upright 
and  well-intentioned  men  rejoiced  at  so  simple 
and  striking  a  confession  of  the  truth,  and 
heartily  desired  that  Luther  might  continue 
the  work  he  had  begun.  "  I  observe,"  says 
one  very  worthy  of  credit,  and  a  great  rival 
of  the  Reformer,  (Erasmus,)  speaking  to  a 
cardinal,  "  that  the  more  irreproachable  men's 
morals,  and  the  more  evangelical  their  piety, 
the  less  are  they  opposed  to  Luther.  His 
life  is  commended  even  by  those  who  cannot 
endure  his  opinions.  The  world  was  weary 
of  a  method  of  teaching  in  which  so  many 
puerile  fictions  and  human  inventions  were 
mixed  up,  and  thirsted  for  that  living,  pure, 
and  hiddqji  stream  which  flows  from  the  veins 
of  the  apostles  and  evangelists.  The  genius 
of  Luther  was  such  as  fitted  him  for  these 
things,  and  his  zeal  would  naturally  take  fire 
at  so  noble  an  enterprise."71 

To  form  an  idea  of  the  various  but  prodi- 
gious effect  that  these  propositions  produced 
in  Germany,  we  should  endeavour  to  follow 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


81 


them  wherever  they  penetrated, — into  the 
study  of  the  learned,  the  cell  of  the  monk,  and 
the  palaces  of  the  princes. 

Reuchlin  received  a  copy  of  them.  He 
was  tired  of  the  rude  conflict  he  had  waged 
with  the  monks.  The  strength  evinced  by 
the  new  combatant  in  these  theses  cheered  the 
depressed  spirits  of  the  old  champion  of 
letters,  and  gave  fresh  joy  to  his  drooping 
heart.  "Thanks  be  to  God,"  exclaimed  he, 
after  having  read  them,  "  they  have  now  found 
a  man  who  will  give  them  so  much  to  do,  that 
they  will  be  very  glad  to  leave  my  old  age  to 
pass  away  in  peace." 

The  cautious  Erasmus  was  in  the  Low 
Countries  when  the  theses  reached  him.  He 
inwardly  rejoiced  to  see  his  secret  desires  for 
the  reform  of  abuses  so  courageously  express- 
ed :  he  commended  their  author,  only  exhort- 
ing him  to  more  moderation  and  prudence. 
And  yet,  when  some  one  in  his  presence 
blamed  Luther's  violence,  "  God,"  said  Eras- 
mus, "  has  sent  a  physician  who  cuts  into  the 
flesh,  because,  without  such  an  one,  the  dis- 
order would  become  incurable."  And  when 
afterwards  Ihe  Elector  of  Saxony  asked  his 
opinion  of  Luther's  affair, — "  I  am  not  at  all 
surprised,"  answered  he,  smiling,  "  that  he 
has  occasioned  so  much  disturbance,  for  he 
has  committed  two  unpardonable  offences, — 
he  has  attacked  the  tiara  of  the  Pope,  and  the 
bellies  of  the  monks."72 

Doctor  Flek,  prior  of  the  cloister  of  Stein- 
lausitz,  had  for  some  time  discontinued  read- 
ing mass,  but  he  told  no  one  his  true  reason. 
One  day  he  found  the  theses  of  Luther  in  the 
convent  refectory :  he  took  them  up  and  read  ; 
and  no  sooner  had  he  gone  through  some 
of  them,  than,  unable  to  suppress  his  joy,  he 
exclaimed,  "Oh  !  now  at  last,  one  is  come 
who  has  been  long  waited  for,  and  will  tell 
you  all ; — look  there,  monks !"  Thence  glanc- 
ing into  futurity,  as  Mathesius  remarks,  and 
playing  on  the  word  Wittemberg:  "All  the 
world,"  said  he,  "will  come  to  seek  wisdom 
on  that  mountain,  and  will  find  it."73  He  wrote 
to  the  Doctor,  urging  him  by  all  means  to  con- 
tinue the  glorious  struggle  with  courage. 
Luther  calls  him  "  a  man  full  of  joy  and  con- 
solation." 

The  ancient  and  famous  episcopal  see  of 
Wiirzburg  was  then  filled  by  a  pious,  kind, 
and  prudent  man,  Laurence  of  Bibra.  When 
a  gentleman  came  to  announce  to  him  that  he 
destined  his  daughter  for  the  cloister,  "  Better 
give  her  a  husband,"  said  he.  And  he  added, 
"  If  you  want  money  to  do  so,  I  will  lend 
you."  The  Emperor  and  all  the  princes  had 
the  highest  esteem  for  him.  He  deplored  the 
disorders  of  the  Church,  and  especially  of  the 
convents.  The  theses  reached  him  also  in  his 
episcopal  palace ;  he  read  them  with  great 
joy,  and  publicly  declared  that  he  Approved 
Luther's  view.  He  afterwards  wrote  to  the 
Elector  Frederic,  "  Do  not  let  the  pious  Doc- 
tor Martin  Luther  leave  you,  for  the  charges 
against  him  are  unjust."  The  Elector  rejoiced 
at  this  testimony,  copied  it  with  his  own  hand, 
and  sent  it  to  the  Reformer. 


The  Emperor  Maximilian,  the  predecessor 
of  Charles  V.,  himself  read  and  admired  the 
theses  of  the  monk  of  Wittemberg.  He  per- 
ceived the  wide  grasp  of  his  thoughts ;  he  fore- 
saw that  this  obscure  Augustine  might  proba- 
bly become  a  powerful  ally  in  Germany,  in  her 
struggle  with  Rome.  Accordingly,  he  sen* 
this  message  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony  :  "Take 
care  of  the  monk  Luther,  for  a  time  may  come 
when  we  may  have  need  of  him:"74and  shortly 
after,  meeting  PfefHnger,  the  confidential  ad- 
viser of  the  Elector,  at  the  Diet, — "  Well," 
said  he,  "what  is  your  Augustine  about? 
Truly  his  propositions  are  not  to  be  despised. 
He  will  show  wonders  to  the  monks."75 

Even  at  Rome,  and  at  the  Vatican,  the  the- 
ses were  not  so  ill  received.  Leo  X.  regarded 
them  rather  with  the  feelings  of  a  friend  of 
learning  than  a  Pope.  The  amusement  they 
gave  him  made  him  overlook  the  stern  truths 
they  contained  ;  and  when  Silvester  Prierias, 
the  master  of  the  sacred  palace,  besought  him 
to  treat  Luther  as  a  heretic,  he  answered, 
"  That  same  brother,  Martin  Luther,  is  a  man 
of  talent,  and  all  that  is  said  against  him  is 
mere  monkish  jealousy."76 

There  were  few  on  whom  the  theses  of 
Luther  had  more  effect  than  on  the  student  of 
Annaberg,  whom  Tetzel  had  so  unmercifully 
repulsed.  Myconius  had  entered  into  a  con- 
vent. That  very  night  he  had  dreamed  that 
he  saw  a  wide  field  covered  with  ripe  grain. 
"  Reap,"  said  the  voice  of  him  who  seemed 
to  conduct  him ;  and  when  he  excused  him- 
self as  unskilled,  his  guide  showed  him  a 
reaper  labouring  at  his  work  with  inconceiv- 
able activity.  "Follow  him,  and  do  as  he 
does,"77said  his  guide.  Myconius,  panting, 
like  Luther,  for  holiness,  gave  himself  up  in 
the  convent  to  watchings,  fastings,  macera- 
tions, and  all  the  works  of  man's  invention. 
But  in  the  end  he  abandoned  all  hope  of  attain- 
ing the  object  of  his  pursuit.  He  left  off  study 
and  applied  himself  only  to  manual  labours. 
Sometimes  he  bound  books,  sometimes  he 
wrought  as  a  turner,  or  at  some  other  mecha- 
nical occupation.  This  activity  of  body  was 
unavailing,  however,  to  quiet  his  troubled  con- 
science. God  had  spoken  to  him ;  he  could 
not  relapse  into  his  former  sleep.  This  dis- 
tress of  mind  lasted  several  years.  Men  some- 
times imagine  that  the  paths  of  the  Reformers 
were  altogether  pleasant,  and  that  when  once 
they  had  rejected  the  burdensome  observances 
of  the  Church,  nothing  remained  but  ease  and 
delight.  .  Such  persons  do  not  know  that  they 
only  arrived  at  the  truth  by  internal  struggles 
a  thousand  times  more  painful  than  the  observ- 
ances to  which  servile  spirits  readily  submitted. 

At  length  the  year  1517  arrived  :  the  theses 
of  Luther  were  published;  they  ran  through 
all  lands ;  they  arrived  at  the  convent  in  which 
the  student  of  Annaberg  was  immured.  He 
retired  with  another  monk,  John  Voit,  into  a 
corner  of  the  cloister,  that  he  might  read  them 
undisturbed.78  There  was  indeed  the  truth  he 
had  learned  from  his  father;  his  eyes  were 
opened  ;  he  felt  a  voice  within  him  responding 
to  that  which  then  resounded  throughout  Ger- 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


many;  and  a  rich  comfort  filled  his  heart. 
44 1  see  clearly,"  said  he,  "  that  Martin  Lu- 
ther is  the  reaper  whom  I  beheld  in  my  dream, 
and  who  taught  me  to  gather  in  the  ripe  corn." 
Immediately  he  began  to  profess  the  doctrine 
which  Luther  had  proclaimed.  The  monks 
listened  to  him  with  dismay,  combated  his 
new  opinions,  and  exclaimed  against  Luther 
and  his  convent.  "  That  convent,"  replied 
Myconius,  "  is  as  the  Sepulchre  of  our  Lor*; 
some  men  attempt  to  hinder  Christ's  resurrec- 
tion, but  they  cannot  succeed  in  their  attempt." 
At  last  his  superiors,  seeing  that  they  were 
unable  to  convince  him,  forbade  him  for  a 
year  and  a  half  all  intercourse  beyond  the 
walls  of  his  convent;  prohibiting  him  from 
writing  or  receiving  letters;  and  threatened 
him  with  perpetual  imprisonment.  However, 
the  hour  of  deliverance  came  also  to  him. 
Appointed  shortly  after  pastor  at  Zwickau, 
he  was  the  first  who  openly  declared  against 
the  Papacy  in  the  churches  of  Thuringia. 
"  Then  it  was  that  I  was  enabled,"  says  he, 
"to  labour  with  my  venerable  father  Lu- 
ther in  the  harvest  of  the  gospel."  Jonas  has 
designated  him  a  man  capable  of  all  he 
dertook.79 

Doubtless  there  were  other  souls  besides 
these  to  whom  the  theses  of  Luther  were  the 
signal  of  life.  They  kindled  a  new  light  in 
many  a  cell,  cabin,  and  even  palace.  Whilst 
those  who  sought,  in  monastic  seclusion,  a 
well-supplied  board,  a  life  of  indolence,  or  the 
reverence  of  their  fellow-men,  observes  Mathe 
sius,  heaped  reproaches  on  the  Reformer's 
name, — the  monks  who  lived  in  prayer,  fast- 
ings, and  mortifications,  thanked  God  when 
they  heard  the  first  cry  of  that  eagle  predicted 
by  John  Huss,  a  century  before.80  Even  the 
common  people,  who  understood  but  little  of 
the  theological  question,  and  only  knew  that 
this  man  protested  against  mendicant  friars 
and  indolent  monks,  hailed  him  with  shouts 
of  joy.  An  extraordinary  sensation  was  pro- 
duced in  Germany  by  his  bold  propositions. 
But  others  of  his  contemporaries  foresaw  their 
serious  consequences,  and  the  many  obstacles 
they  would  have  to  encounter.  They  loudly 
expressed  their  fears,  and  never  rejoiced  with- 
out trembling.  • 

"I  fear  much,"  wrote  Bernard  Adelrnan, 
the  excellent  canon  of  Augsburg,  to  his  friend 
Pirckheimer,  "  that  the  worthy  man  will  be, 
after  all,  obliged  to  yield  to  the  avarice  and 
power  of  the  partisans  of  indulgences.  His 
remonstrances  have  had  so  little  effect,  that 
the  Bishop  of  Augsburg,  our  primate  and  me- 
tropolitan, has  just  ordered,  in  the  Pope's 
name,  fresh  indulgences  for  St.  Peter's  at 
Rome.81  Let  him,  without  losing  time,  seek 
the  support  of  the  princes;  let  him  beware  of 
tempting  God  ;  for  one  must  be  void  of  com- 
mon sense,  not  to  see  the  imminent  danger  in 
which  he  stands."  Adelman  rejoiced  greatly 
when  a  report  was  current  that  King  Henry 
VIII.  had  invited  Luther  to  England.  "  He 
will  there,"  thought  he,  "be  able  to  teach  the 
truth  without  molestation."  Many  there  were 
who  thus  imagined  that  the  doctrine  of  the 


Gospel  needed  to  be  supported  by  the  power 
of  princes.  They  knew  not  that  it  advances 
without  any  such  power,  and  that  often  the  al- 
liance of  this  power  hinders  and  weakens  it. 

The  celebrated  historian,  Albert  Kranz,  was 
lying  on  his  death-bed  at  Hamburgh,  when 
the  theses  of  Luther  were  brought  to  him. 
"  Thou  hast  truth  on  thy  side,  brother  Martin  !" 
exclaimed  the  dying  man,  "but  thou  wilt  not 
succeed.  Poor  monk,  get  thee  to  thy  cell,  and 
cry,  0  God,  have  mercy  on  me!"82 

An  old  priest  of  Hexter  in  Westphalia,  hav- 
ing received  and  read  the  theses  in  his  pres- 
bytery, said,  in  low  German,  shaking  his  head, 
"  Dear  brother  Martin,  if  you  succeed  in  cast- 
ing down  that  purgatory  and  those  sellers  of 
paper,  truly  you  will  be  a  great  man."  Erbe- 
nius,  who  lived  a  hundred  years  later,  wrote 
these  lines  under  the  words  we  have  quoted : 

Quid  vero,  nunc  si  viveret, 
Bonus  iste  clericus  diceret  ?* 

Not  only  did  many  of  Luther's  friends,  con- 
ceive fears  from  his  proceeding;  several  ex- 
pressed to  him  their  disapproval. 

The  Bishop  of  Brandenburg,  grieved  at  see- 
ing so  important  a  controversy  originating  in 
his  own  diocese,  would  have  wished  to  stifle 
it.  He  resolved  to  set  about  it  with  mildness. 
"  1  find,"  said  he  to  Luther,  by  the  Abbot  of 
Lenin,  "  nothing  in  the  theses  concerning  the 
indulgences  at  variance  with  the  Catholic  faith. 
I  even  myself  condemn  those  imprudent  pro- 
clamations; but  for  the  love  of  peace,  and  out 
of  regard  to  your  bishop,  cease  to  write  on  this 
subject."  Luther  was  embarrassed  that  so 
distinguished  an  abbot  and  so  great  a  bishop 
should  address  him  with  such  humility.  Moved 
and  carried  away  by  the  first  impulse  of  his 
heart,  he  answered,  "  I  consent;  I  prefer  obe- 
dience even  to  the  working  of  miracles,  if  that 
were  possible  to  me."83 

The  Elector  saw  with  regret  the  commence- 
ment of  a  contest,  legitimate  doubtless,  but 
one  of  which  the  result  could  not  be  foreseen. 
No  prince  more  sincerely  desired  to  maintain 
the  public  peace  than  Frederic.  Yet  now 
what  a  vast  conflagration  might  not  this  little 
fire  kindle!  what  great  contentions,  what 
rending  asunder  of  the  nations  might  this 
quarrel  with  the  monks  produce !  The  Elector 
sent  Luther  repeated  intimations  of  his  un- 
easiness on  the  subject/4 

In  his  own  order,  and  even  in  his  convent 
of  Wittemberg,  Luther  met  with  disapproba- 
tion. The  prior  and  the  sub-prior  were  fright- 
ened at  the  outcry  made  by  Tetzel  and  all  his 
companions.  They  went  to  brother  Martin's 
cell,  alarmed  and  trembling:  "Pray,"  said 
they,  "do  not  bring  disgrace  upon  your  order! 
The  other  orders,  and  especially  the  Domini- 
cans, are  already  transported  with  joy  to  think 
that  thay  are  not  alone  in  their  obloquy." 
Lather  was  affected  by  these  words;  but  soon 
recovering  himself,  he  answered,  "Dear  fa- 
thers !  if  the  thing  is  not  of  God,  it  will  come 


What  would  the  worthy  clerk  now  say 
If  he  were  living  in  our  day  ? 


HISTORY   OF  THE    REFORMATION. 


83 


naught;  if  it  is,  let  it  go  forward."  The 
prior  and  the  sub-prior  were  silent.  "The 
thing  is  going  forward  still"  adds  Luther, 
after  having  related  this  circumstance,  "  and 
if  it  please  God,  it  will  go  on  better  and  better 
to  the  end.  Amen."85 

Luther  had  many  other  attacks  of  a  very 
different  kind  to  endure.  At  Erfurth  he  was 
accused  of  violence  and  pride  in  the  manner 
in  which  he  condemned  the  opinions  of  others ; 
a  reproach  to  which  those  persons  are  gene- 
rally exposed  who  have  that  strength  of  con- 
viction which  is  produced  by  the  word  of  God. 
He  was  reproached  with  haste,  and  with 
levity. 

"They  require  modesty  in  me,"  replied 
Luther,  "and  they  themselves  trample  it  un- 
der foot  in  the  judgment  they  pass  on  me  !  . . . 
We  behold  the  mote  in  another's  eye,  and  con- 
sider not  the  beam  that  is  in  our  own  eye. . . . 
The  truth  will  gain  no  more  by  rny  modesty 
than  it  will  lose  by  my  rashness." — "  I  should 
like  to  know,"  continued  he,  addressing  him- 
self to  Lange,  "  what  errors  you  and  your  di- 
vines have  found  in  my  theses.  Who  does 
not  know  that  we  can  seldom  advance  a  new 
idea  without  an  appearance  of  pride,  and  with- 
out being  accused  of  seeking  quarrels  ?  If 
humility  herself  attempted  any  thing  new, 
those  of  a  different  opinion  would  exclaim  that 
she  was  proud.86  Why  were  Christ  and  all  the 
martyrs  put  to  death  ?  Because  they  appeared 
proud  despisers  of  the  wisdom  of  the  times  in 
which  they  lived,  and  because  they  brought 
forward  new  truths  without  having  first  hum- 
bly consulted  the  oracles  of  the  old  opinions. 

"  Let  not  the  wise  men  of  the  present  day, 
therefore,  expect  from  me  so  much  humility, 
or  rather  hypocrisy,  as  to  ask  their  judgment, 
before  I  publish  that  which  my  duty  calls  upon 
me  to  proclaim.  What  I  am  doing  will  not 
be  effected  by  the  prudence  of  man,  but  by  the 
counsel  of  God.  If  the  work  is  of  God,  who 
shall  stop  it]  If  it  is  not,  who  can  forward 
it?  Not  my  will,  not  theirs,  nor  ours,  bat 
Thy  will,  thine,  holy  Father,  who  art  in  hea- 
ven !" 

What  boldness,  what  noble  enthusiasm, 
what  trust  in  God !  and  especially  what  truth 
in  these  words,  and  what  truth  for  all  times ! 

However,  the  reproaches  and  accusations 
which  were  brought  against  Luther  from  all 
sides,  did  not  fail  to  make  some  impression 
upon  his  mind.  He  was  deceived  in  his  ex- 
pectations. He  had  expected  to  see  the  heads 
of  the  Church,  the  most  distinguished  philo- 
sophers of  the  nation,  publicly  join  him  ;  but 
it  was  quite  otherwise.  A  word  of  encourage- 
ment hastily  bestowed  at  the  outset  was  "all 
that  the  more  favourably  disposed  afforded 
him ;  and  many  of  those  whom  he  had  regarded 
with  most  veneration  were  loud  in  their  con- 
demnation of  him.  He  felt  himself  alone  in 
the  Church;  alone  against  Rome;  alone  at 
the  foot  of  that  ancient  and  formidable  cita- 
del, whose  foundations  reached  to  the  bowels 
of  the  earth,  and  whose  walls,  ascending  to 
the  skies,  appeared  to  deride  the  presump- 
tuous stroke  which  his  hand  had  aimed  against 
12 


|  them.87  He  was  disturbed  and  dejected  at  the 

j  thought.     Doubts,  which  he  thought  he  had 

I  overcome,  returned   to  his  mind  with   fresh 

j  force.     He  trembled  to  think  that  he  had  the 

whole  authority  of  the  Church  against  him. 

To  withdraw  himself  from  that  authority,  to 

resist  that  voice  which  nations  and  ages  had 

humbly  obeyed,  to  set  himself  in  opposition 

to  that  Church  which  he  had  been  accustomed 

frfm  his  infancy  to  revere  as  the  mother  of 

the  faithful ;  he,  a  despicable  monk, — it  was 

an  effort  beyond  human  power.88  No  one  step 

cost  him  so  much  as  this,  and  it  was  in  fact 

this  that  decided  the  fate  of  the  Reformation. 

No  one  can  describe  better  than  himself  the 
struggle  he  then  suffered  in  his  mind.  "I 
began  this  affair,"  said  he,  "  with  great  fear 
and  trembling.  What  was  I  at  that  time? 
a  poor,  wretched,  contemptible  friar,  more 
like  a  corpse  than  a  man.*9  Who  was  I,  to 
oppose  the  Pope's  majesty,  before  which  not 
only  the  kings  of  the  earth  and  the  whole 
world  trembled ;  but  also,  if  I  may  so  speak, 
heaven  and  hell  were  constrained  to  obey  the 
slightest  intimation  of  his  will?  No  one 
can  know  what  I  suffered  those  first  two 
years,  and  in  what  dejection,  I  might  say  in 
what  despair,  I  was  often  plunged.  Those 
proud  spirits  who  afterwards  attacked  the 
Pope  with  such  boldness,  can  form  no  idea  of 
my  sufferings ;  though,  with  all  their  skill, 
they  could  have  done  him  no  injury,  if  Christ 
had  not  inflicted  upon  him,  through  me,  His 
weak  and  unworthy  instrument,  a  wound  from, 
which  he  will  never  recover.  But  whilst  they 
were  satisfied  to  look  on  and  leave  me  to  face 
the  danger  alone,  I  was  not  so  happy,  so  calm, 
or  so  sure  of  success  ;  for  I  did  not  then  know 
many  things  which  now,  thanks  be  to  God,  I 
do  know.  There  were,  it  is  true,  many  pious 
Christians  who  were  much  pleased  with  my 
propositions  and  thought  highly  of  them. 
But  I  was  not  able  to  recognise  these,  or  look 
upon  them  as  inspired  by  the  Holy  Ghost;  I 
only  looked  to  the  Pope,  the  cardinals,  the 
bishops,  the  theologians,  the  jurisconsults,  the 
monks,  the  priests.  It  was  from  thence  that 
I  expected  the  Spirit  to  breathe.  However, 
after  having  triumphed,  by  means  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, over  all  opposing  arguments,  I  at  last 
overcame,  by  the  grace  of  Christ,  with  much 
anguish,  labour,  and  great  difficulty,  the  only 
argument  that  still  stopped  me,  namely,  *  that 
I  must  hear  the  church;'90for,  from  my  heart, 
I  honoured  the  church  of  the  Pope  as  the  true 
church,  and  I  did  so  with  more  sincerity  and 
veneration  than  those  disgraceful  and  infa- 
mous corrupters  of  the  church,  who,  to  oppose 
me,  now  so  much  extol  it.  If  I  had  despised 
the  Pope,  as  those  persons  do  in  their  hearts, 
who  praise  him  so  much  with  their  lips,  I 
should  have  feared  that  the  earth  would  open 
at  that  instant,  and  swallow  me  up  alive,  like 
Korah  and  his  company." 

How  honourable  are  these  struggles  to 
Luther's  character  !  what  sincerity,  what  up- 
rightness, do  th.ey  evince !  and  how  much 
more  worthy  of  our  respect  is  he  rendered  by 
these  painful  assaults  from  within  and  from 
SH 


84 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


without,  than  he  could  have  been  by  an  intre- 
pidity untried  by  conflict.  This  travail  of  his 
soul  is  good  evidence  of  the  truth  and  divine 
nature  of  his  work.  We  see  that  the  cause 
and  principle  of  all  his  actions  was  from 
heaven.  Who  will  dare  to  say,  after  all  the 
characteristics  we  have  pointed  out,  that  the 
Reformation  was  a  political  affair  ?  No, 
certainly,  it  was  not  the  fruit  of  human  policy, 
but  of  divine  power.  If  Luther  had  Uhly 
been  actuated  by  human  passions,  he  won  Id 
have  yielded  to  his  fears  ;  his  disappoint- 
ments and  misgivings  would  have  smothered 
the  fire  that  had  been  kindled  in  his  soul,  and 
he  would  only  have  shed  a  transient  light 
upon  the  Church,  as  had  been  done  before  by 
so  many  zealous  and  pious  men,  whose  names 
have  been  handed  down  to  posterity.  But 
now  God's  time  was  come ;  the  work  was  not 
to  be  arrested ;  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
Church  must  be  accomplished.  Luther  was 
destined  at  least  to  prepare  the  way  for  that 
complete  deliverance  and  that  mighty  increase 
which  are  promised  to  the  kingdom  of  Christ. 
Accordingly  he  experienced  the  truth  of  that 
glorious  promise :  "  The  youths  shall  faint, 
and  be  weary,  and  the  young  men  shall  utterly 
fail :  But  they  that  wait  on  the  Lord  shall  re- 
new their  strength;  they  shall  mount  up  with 
wings,  as  eagles."  And  the  same  divine 
power,  which,  animating  the  heart  of  the  Doc- 
tor of  Wittemberg,  had  led  him  to  the  combat, 
soon  restored  his  former  courage. 

The  reproaches,  the  timidity,  or  the  silence 
of  his  friends  had  discouraged  him ;  the  at- 
tacks of  his  enemies  reanimated  him:  this  is 
usually  the  case.  The  adversaries  of  the 
truth,  thinking  by  their  violence  to  do  their 
own  work,  did  in  fact  the  work  of  God.91 
Tetzel  took  up  the  gauntlet,  but  with  a  feeble 
hand.  The  sermon  of  Luther,  which  had  had 
the  same  eifect  upon  the  common  people  as 
the  theses  had  had  upon  the  learned,  was  the 
first  thing  he  undertook  to  answer.  He  re- 
plied to  this  discourse,  sentence  by  sentence, 
in  his  own  manner ;  he  then  gave  notice  that 
he  was  preparing  to  confute  his  adversary 
more  at  length,  in  some  theses  which  he 
would  maintain  at  the  famous  university  of 
Frankfort  upon  the  Oder.  "Then,"  said  he, 
referring  to  the  conclusion  of  Luther's  sermon, 
"every  one  will  be  able  to  discover  who  is  an 
heresiarch,  a  heretic,  a  schismatic, — who  is 
in  error,  who  is  rash,  who  is  a  slanderer. 
Then  it  will  be  evident  to  the  eyes  of  all,  who 
has  '  a  gloomy  brain,'  who  has  '  never  felt  the 
Bible,  read  the  doctrines  of  Christianity,  and 
understood  his  own  teachers ;' — and  in  de- 
fence of  the  propositions  that  I  bring  forward 
I  am  ready  to  suffer  any  punishment  what- 
soever, imprisonment,  bastinado,  water,  or 
fire." 

One  thing  strikes  us  in  this  work  of  TetzeFs. 
It  is  the  difference  between  his  German  and 
that  of  Luther.  It  seems  as  if  there  w.ere  a 
distance  of  several  ages  between  them.  A 
foreigner  especially  finds  it  difficult  to  under- 
stand Tetzel,  whilst  the  language  of  Luther 
is  almost  entirely  such  as  is  used  at  the  pre- 


sent day.  It  is  sufficient  to  compare  their 
writings,  to  see  that  Luther  is  the  father  of 
the  German  language.  This  is  undoubtedly 
one  of  the  least  of  his  merits,  but  still  it  is  a 
merit. 

Luther  replied  to  this  attack  without  nam- 
ing Tetzel; — Tetzel  had  not  named  him. 
But  there  was  no  one  in  Germany  who  could 
not  have  written  in  the  front  of  their  produc- 
tions the  names  which  the  authors  thought  fit 
to  conceal.  Tetzel  endeavoured  to  confound 
the  repentance  that  God  requires  with  the  pe- 
nitence that  the  Church  imposes  ;  in  order  to 
give  higher  value  to  his  indulgences.  Luther 
undertook  to  clear  up  this  point. 

"  To  avoid  many  words,"  said  he,  in  his 
own  picturesque  language,  "  I  give  to  the 
winds,  (which  have  more  leisure  than  I  have,) 
his  other  remarks,  which  are  but  paper  flowers 
and  dry  leaves,  and  I  content  myself  with 
examining  the  foundations  of  his  edifice  of 
burrs." 

"  The  penitence  imposed  by  the  holy  Father 
cannot  be  the  repentance  required  by  Christ: 
for  what  the  holy  Father  imposes  he  can  dis- 
pense with :  and  if  these  two  penitences  are 
one  and  the  same  thing,  it  follows  that  the 
holy  Father  takes  away  what  Christ  imposes, 
and  destroys  the  commandment  of  God  . . . 
Let  him  only  ill  treat  me,"  continues  Luther, 
after  having  quoted  other  false  interpretations 
of  Tetzel,  "let  him  call  me  a  heretic;  schis- 
matical,  slanderous,  and  whatever  he  pleases : 
I  shall  not  be  his  enemy  on  that  account; — 
nay,  so  far  from  it,  I  will,  on  that  account, 
pray  for  him  as  for  a  friend.  But  it  cannot  be 
endured  that  he  should  treat  the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture, our  consolation,  as  a  sow  treats  a  sack 
of  oats."92 

We  must  accustom  ourselves  to  find  Luther 
sometimes  using  expressions  too  coarsely  vi- 
tuperative for  modern  taste :  it  was  the  cus- 
tom of  the  time ;  and  we  generally  find  in 
those  words  which  shock  our  notions  of  pro- 
priety in  language,  a  suitableness  and  strength 
which  redeem  their  harshness.  He  con- 
tinues : 

"  He  who  purchases  indulgences,  (say  our 
adversaries  again,)  does  better  than  he  who 
gives  alms  to  a  poor  man,  unless  he  be  re- 
duced to  the  greatest  extremity.  Now,  if 
they  tell  us  that  the  Turks  are  profaning  our 
churches  and  crosses,  we  may  hear  it  without 
shuddering,  for  we  have  amongst  ourselves 
Turks  a  hundred  times  worse,  who  profane 
and  annihilate  the  only  true  sanctuary,  the 
word  of  God,  which  sanctifies  all  things.  .  .  . 
Let  him  who  wishes  to  follow  this  precept, 
take  good  care  not  to  feed  the  hungry,  or  to 
clothe  the  naked,  before  they  die  of  want,  and 
consequently  have  no  more  need  of  assistance." 

It  is  important  to  compare  Luther's  xeal  for 
good  works,  with  what  he  says  about  justifi- 
cation by  faith.  Indeed,  no  one  who  has  any 
experience  and  knowledge  of  Christianity, 
wants  this  new  proof  of  a  truth  of  which  he 
has  felt  the  fullest  evidence;  namely,  that  the 
more  firmly  we  hold  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith,  the  better  we  know  the  necessi- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


85 


ty  of  works,  and  the  more  diligent  we  are  in 
the  practice  of  them ;  whilst  on  the  other  hand, 
any  laxity  of  the  doctrine  of  faith  brings  with 
it,  of  necessity,  a  neglect  of  good  works.  Lu- 
ther, St.  Paul  before  him,  and  Howard  after 
him  are  proofs  of  the  former  assertion.  All 
men  without  this  faith, — and  the  world  is  full 
of  such, — give  proof  of  the  latter. 

Luther  proceeds  to  refer  to  the  insults  of 
Tetzel,  and  returns  them  in  this  fashion  :  "It 
seems  to  me,  at  the  sound  of  these  invectives, 
that  I  hear  a  great  ass  braying  at  me.  I  re- 
joice at  it,  and  should  be  very  sorry  that  such 
people  should  call  me  a  good  Christian."  .  . . 
We  must  represent  Luther  such  as  he  was, 
and  with  all  his  weaknesses.  This  inclina- 
tion to  humour,  and  even  low  humour,  was 
one  of  them.  He  was  a  great  man,  a  man  of 
God ;  but  he  was  a  man,  and  not  an  angel, 
nor  even  a  perfect  man.  Who  has  the  right 
to  require  this  in  him1? 

"  Furthermore,"  adds  he,  defying  and  chal- 
lenging his  adversaries  to  combat,  "although 
for  such  things  it  is  not  the  custom  to  burn 
heretics,  here  am  I,  at  Wittemberg,  I,  Doctor 
Martin  Luther!  and  if  there  is  any  inquisitor 
who  wishes  to  chew  iron,  or  blow  up  rocks, 
I  give  him  notice  that  he  may  have  a  safe- 
conduct  hither,  open  gates,  a  good  table,  and 
a  lodging  prepared  for  him,  all  through  the 
gracious  care  of  the  worthy  prince,  Duke 
Frederic,  Elector  of  Saxony,  who  will  never 
be  the  protector  of  heretics."93 

We  see  that  Luther  was  not  wanting  in 
courage.  He  trusted  in  the  word  of  God,  and 
that  is  a  rock  that  never  fails  to  shelter  us  in 
the  storm.  But  God  in  his  faithfulness  also 
afforded  him  other  assistance.  To  the  bursts 
of  joy  with  which  the  multitude  received  the 
theses  of  Luther,  had  succeeded  a  mournful 
silence.  The  learned  had  timidly  withdrawn 
when  they  heard  the  calumnies  and  insults 
of  Tetzel  and  of  the  Dominicans.  The  bish- 
ops, who  had  before  loudly  blamed  the  abuse 
of  the  indulgences,  seeing  them  at  last  attack- 
ed, had  not  failed,  as  is  always  the  case,  to 
discover  that  the  attack  was  unseasonable. 
The  greater  part  of  the  Reformer's  friends 
were  alarmed.  Every  one  shrunk  back.  But 
when  the  first  alarm  was  over,  a  change  took 
place  in  the  minds  of  men.  The  monk  of 
Wittemberg,  who,  for  some  time  had  been  al- 
most alone  in  the  Church,  soon  saw  himself 
again  surrounded  by  a  multitude  of  friends  and 
admirers. 

There  was  one,  who,  though  timid  still  re- 
mained faithful  to  him  at  this  crisis,  and  whose 
friendship  was  a  consolation  and  support. 
This  was  Spalatin.  Their  correspondence 
had  been  kept  up.  "  I  return  you  thanks," 
he  says  to  him,  speaking  of  a  special  mark  of 
friendship  he  had  received  from  him,  "but 
what  do  I  not  owe  you  V'94  It  was  on  the  llth 
of  November,  15 17,  eleven  days  after  the  pub- 
lication of  the  theses,  and  consequently  at  the 
moment  when  the  minds  of  the  people  were 
in  the  greatest  ferment,  that  Luther  thus  pour- 
ed forth  his  gratitude  to  his  friend.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  see  in  this  very  letter  to  Spalatin, 


how  this  strong  man  who  had  just  performed 
an  action  requiring  so  much  courage,  acknow- 
ledges whence  his  strength  is  derived.  "We 
can  do  nothing  of  ourselves;  we  can  do  all 
things  by  the  grace  of  God.  Ignorance  in 
any  measure  is  altogether  beyond  our  power 
to  overcome.  There  is  no  ignorance  so  dark 
but  the  grace  of  God  can  dispel  it.  The  more 
we  labour  by  our  own  strength  to  attain  wis- 
dom,' the  more  infatuated  we  become.95  And 
it  is  not  true  that  this  invincible  ignorance 
excuses  the  sinner,  for  otherwise  there  is  no 
such  thing  as  sin  in  the  world." 

Luther  had  sent  his  propositions  neither  to 
the  prince  nor  to  any  of  his  courtiers.  It  ap- 
pears that  the  chaplain  expressed  some  sur- 
prise at  this.  "I  did  not  wish,"  answered 
Luther,  "that  my  theses  should  reach  the 
hands  of  our  illustrious  prince,  or  any  of  his 
circle,  before  those  who  think  they  are  there- 
in referred  to  had  received  them,  lest  they 
should  suppose  that  I  published  them  by  the 
prince's  direction,  or  to  court  his  favour,  and 
out  of  ill-will  to  the  Bishop  of  Mentz.  I  am 
told  there  are  several  who  fancy  this ; — but 
now  I  can  safely  affirm,  that  my  theses  were 
published  without  the  privity  of  Duke  Fre- 
deric."96 

If  Spalatin  comforted  his  friend,  and  sup- 
ported him  with  all  his  influence,  Luther,  on 
his  part  endeavoured  to  answer  all  the  inqui- 
ries addressed  to  him  by  the  diffident  chap- 
lain. Among  his  questions  was  one  which 
is  often  proposed  in  our  days.  "  WThal," 
asked  he,  "  is  the  best  method  of  studying  the 
Scriptures  ?" 

"  Hitherto,"  answered  Luther,  "  worthy 
Spalatin,  you  have  asked  only  things  I  was 
able  to  answer.  But  to  guide  you  in  the  study 
of  the  Holy  Scripture  is  beyond  my  strength. 
However,  if  you  insist  on  knowing  my  method, 
I  will  not  conceal  it  from  you. 

"It  is  most  plain  we  cannot  attain  to  the 
understanding  of  Scripture  either  by  study  or 
by  strength  of  intellect.  Therefore  your  first 
duty  must  be  to  begin  with  prayer.97  Entreat  the 
Lord  to  deign  to  grant  you,  in  his  rich  mercy, 
rightly  to  understand  his  word.  There  is  no 
other  interpreter  of  the  word  of  God  but  the 
author  of  that  word  himself;  even  as  He  has 
said, '  They  shall  all  be  taught  of  God.'  Hope 
nothing  from  your  study,  or  the  strength  of 
your  intellect;  but  simply  put  your  trust  in 
God,  and  in  the  guidance  of  his  Spirit.  Be- 
lieve one  who  has  made  trial  of  this  method."58 
Here  we  see  how  Luthei  attained  to  the  pos- 
session of  the  truth  which  he  preached  to 
others.  It  was  not,  as  some  have  said,  by 
following  the  guidance  of  his  own  presump- 
tuous reason ;  nor  was  it,  as  others  assert,  by 
surrendering  himself  to  the  contentious  pas- 
sions. He  drew  from  the  purest  and  holiest 
spring,  by  humble,  trusting,  and  prayerful  in- 
quiry of  God  himself.  But  then,  there  are 
few  men  of  this  age  who  follow  his  example ; 
and  hence  it  is  that  there  are  few  who  under- 
stand him.  To  a.  thoughtful  mind  these 
words  of  Luther  are  of  themselves  a  justifica- 
tion of  the  Reformation. 


86 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Luther  also  found  consolation  in  the  friend- 
ship of  respectable  laymen.  Christopher 
Scheurl,  the  worthy  town-clerk  of  the  imperial 
city  of  Nuremberg,  at  this  time  afforded  him 
some  affecting  marks  of  his  regard."  How 
sweet  to  the  heart  of  a  man  encompassed  with 
adversaries  is  every  intimation  of  interest  felt 
in  his  success !  The  town-clerk  of  Nurem- 
berg went  further ;  he  wished  to  bring  over 
other  friends  to  the  man  he  himself  befriended. 
He  proposed  to  him  that  he  should  dedicate 
one  of  his  writings  to  Jerome  Ebner,  a  juris- 
consult of  Nuremberg,  who  was  then  in  great 
repute.  "You  have  a  high  notion  of  my  la- 
bours," answered  Luther  modestly ;  "  but  I 
myself  have  a  very  poor  opinion  of  them.  It 
was  my  wish,  however,  to  comply  with  your 
desire.  I  looked, — but  amongst  all  my  papers, 
which  I  never  before  thought  so  meanly  of,  I 
could  find  nothing  but  what  seemed  totally 
unworthy  of  being  dedicated  to  so  distin- 
guished a  person  by  so  humble  an  individual 
as  myself."  Touching  humility  !  The  words 
are  those  of  Luther, — and  he  is  speaking  of 
the  comparatively  unknown  name  of  Doctor 
Ebner !  Posterity  has  not  ratified  his  esti- 
mate. 

Luther,  who  made  no  attempt  to  circulate 
his  theses,  had  not  only  abstained  from  send- 
ing them  to  the  Elector  and  his  court,  but  had 
not  even  sent  them  to  Scheurl.  The  town- 
clerk  of  Nuremberg  expressed  some  surprise 
at  this.  "  My  design,"  answered  Luther, 
"  was  not  to  make  them  so  public.  I  wished 
to  discuss  the  various  points  comprised  in  them 
with  some  of  our  associates  and  neighbours.100 
If  they  had  condemned  them,  I  would  have 
destroyed  them ;  if  they  had  approved  them, 
I  would  have  published  them.  But  now  they 
have  been  printed  again  and  again,  and  cir- 
culated so  far  beyond  all  my  expectations, 
that  I  regret  the  product! on  of  them  ;101not  that 
I  fear  the  truth  being  made  known  to  the  peo- 
ple, for  that  is  my  object;  but  they  are  not 
in  the  best  form  for  general  instruction.  They 
contain  some  points,  too,  which  are  still  ques- 
tionable in  my  own  judgment.  And  if  I  had 
thought  they  would  have  made  such  an  im- 
pression, there  are  propositions  that  I  would 
have  left  out,  and  others  that  I  would  have 
asserted  with  greater  confidence."  Luther 
afterwards  thought  differently.  Far  from 
fearing  that  he  had  said  too  much,  he  declared 
he  ought  to  have  spoken  out  much  more  fully. 
But  the  apprehensions  that  Luther  evinced  to 
Scheurl  do  honour  to  his  sincerity.  They 
show  that  he  had  no  preconceived  plan,  or 
party  purpose;  that  he  was  free  from  self- 
conceit,  and  was  seeking  the  truth  alone. 
When  he  had  discovered  it  in  its  fulness,  his 
language  was  changed.  "  You  will  find  in 
my  earlier  writings,"  said  he,  many  years 
afterwards,  "  that  I  very  humbly  conceded  to 
the  Pope  many  and  important  things  which  I 
now  abhor  and  regard  as  abominable  and 
blasphemous."102 

Scheurl  was  not  the  only  layman  of  consi- 
deration who  then  manifested  a  friendly  dis- 
position towards  Luther.  The  famous  painter, 


Albert  Durer,  sent  him  a  present,  probably 
one  of  his  productions,  and  the  Doctor  ex- 
pressed his  gratitude  for  the  gift.103 

Thus  Luther,  at  that  time,  experienced  in 
his  own  person  the  truth  of  the  divine  word  : 
"  A  friend  loveth  at  all  times  ;  and  a  brother 
is  born  for  adversity."  But  he  recalled  the 
passage  for  comfort  to  others  as  well  as  to 
himself. 

He  pleaded  for  the  entire  nation.  The 
Elector  had  just  levied  a  tax,  and  it  was  af- 
firmed that  he  was  about  to  levy  another,  in 
accordance,  probably,  with  the  advice  of  Pfef- 
finger,  his  counsellor,  whose  conduct  was 
often  the  subject  of  Luther's  strictures.  The 
Doctor  boldly  placed  himself  in  the  breach. 
"  Let  not  your  Hi«hness,"  said  he,  "  despise 
the  prayer  of  a  poor  friar.  I  beseech  you,  in 
God's  name,  not  to  impose  any  further  tax. 
I  was  heart-broken, — and  so  were  many  of 
those  who  are  most  devoted  to  you, — at  see- 
ing to  what  a  degree  the  last  had  injured  your 
Highness's  fair  name  and  popularity.  It  is 
true  that  God  has  endowed  you  with  a  lofty 
judgment,  so  that  you  see  further  into  the 
consequences  of  these  things  than  I  or  your 
subjects  in  general.  But  it  may  be  the  will 
of  God  that  a  meaner  capacity  shall  minister 
instruction  to  a  greater, — to  the  end  that  no 
one  may  trust  in  himself,  but  simply  in  the 
Lord  our  God.  May  he  deign,  for  our  good, 
to  preserve  your  body  in  health,  and  your  soul 
for  everlasting  blessedness.  Amen."  Thus 
the  Gospel,  while  it  honours  kings,  pleads  the 
cause  of  the  people.  It  instructs  subjects  in 
their  duties,  and  it  calls  upon  princes  to  be 
regardful  of  their  subjects'  rights.  The  voice 
of  such  a  Christian  man  as  Luther,  speaking 
in  the  secret  chamber  of  a  sovereign,  may 
often  do  more  than  can  be  effected  by  a  whole 
assembly  of  legislators. 

In  this  same  letter,  in  which  Luther  incul- 
cated a  stern  lesson  to  his  prince,  he  was  not 
afraid  to  ask  a  boon  of  him,  or  rather,  to  re- 
mind him  of  a  promise, — the  promise  he  had 
made  him  of  a  new  gown.  This  freedom  on 
Luther's  part,  at  a  moment  when  he  might 
fear  he  had  offended  Frederic,  is  equally 
honourable  to  the  Prince  and  the  Reformer. 
"  But  if,"  said  he,  "  Pfeffinger  has  the  charge 
of  these  matters,  let  him  give  it  me  in  reality, 
and  not  in  protestations  of  friendship.  For  as 
to  weaving  fine  words  together,  it  is  what  he 
excels  in ;  but  no  good  cloth  comes  of  that." 
Luther  thought  that  by  his  faithful  counsels 
he  had  fairly  earned  his  court  garment.104How- 
ever,  two  years  after  he  had  not  received  it, 
and  his  solicitation  was  renewed.105  A  fact 
which  seems  to  show  that  Frederic  was  not 
so  easily  wrought  upon  by  Luther  as  has  been 
supposed. 

The  minds  of  men  had  gradually  recovered 
from  the  alarm  that  had  at  first  been  commu- 
nicated to  them.  Luther  himself  was  inclined 
to  declare  that  his  words  did  not  bear  the  con- 
struction that  had  been  put  upon  them.  New 
events  might  have  diverted  public  attention ; 
and  the  blow  aimed  against  the  Romish  doc- 
trine might  have  spent  itself  in  the  air,  as  had 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


87 


often  bepn  the  case  before.  But  the  partisans 
of  Rome  prevented  the  affair  from  ending  thus. 
They  fanned  the  flame  instead  of  extinguish- 
ing it. 

Tetzel  and  the  Dominicans  haughtily  re- 
plied to  the  attack  made  upon  them.  Eager 
to  crush  the  audacious  monk  who  had  dis- 
turbed their  traffic,  and  to  conciliate  the  favour 
of  the  Roman  Pontiif,  they  raised  a  shout  of 
indignation, — affirmed  that  to  attack  the  in- 
dulgences established  by  the  Pope,  was  to 
attack  the  Pope  himself;  and  summoned  to 
their  assistance  all  the  monks  and  divines  of 
their  school.106  It  is  evident,  indeed,  that  Tet- 
zel was  conscious  of  his  own  inability  to  cope 
with  such  an  adversary  as  Luther.  Quite 
disconcerted  by  the  Doctor's  attack,  and  irri- 
tated in  the  highest  degree,  he  quitted  the 
neighbourhood  of  Wittemberg,  and  went  to 
Frankfort  on  the  Oder,  where  he  arrived  in 
November,  1517.  Conrad  Wimpina,  a  man 
of  great  eloquence,  and  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished divines  of  the  time,  was  one  of  the 
professors  in  the  university  of  that  city. 
Wimpina  regarded  with  a  jealous  eye  both 
the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg  and  the  university 
to  which  he  belonged.  The  reputation  en- 
joyed by  both  gave  him  umbrage.  Tetzel 
requested  him  to  answer  the  theses  of  Luther, 
and  Wimpina  accordingly  wrote  two  series 
of  antitheses,  the  first  in  defence  of  the  doc- 
trine of  indulgences,  and  the  second  of  the 
Papal  authority. 

On  the  20th  January,  1518,  took  place  that 
disputation  which  had  been  so  long  preparing, 
which  had  been  announced  so  ostentatiously, 
and  on  which  Tetzel  built  his  hopes.  Loudly 
had  he  beat  to  arms.  Monks  had  been  gather- 
ing together  from  all  the  neighbouring  clois- 
ters. More  than  three  hundred  were  now 
assembled.  Tetzel  read  to  them  his  theses. 
In  these  he  repeated  all  that  he  had  advanced 
before,  even  the  declaration  that — "  Whoso- 
ever shall  say  the  soul  does  not  take  its 
flight  from  purgatory,  immediately  that  the 
money  is  dropped  into  the  chest  is  in  error."107 

But,  above  all,  he  put  forward  propositions 
by  which  the  Pope  seemed  actually  "  seated," 
as  the  apostle  expresses  it,  "  in  the  temple  of 
God,  showing  himself  to  be  God."  This 
shameless  dealer  in  counterfeit  wares  found  it 
convenient  to  retreat  with  all  his  disorders  and 
scandals  under  the  cover  of  the  Pope's  mantle. 

The  following  are  positions  which  he  de- 
clared himself  ready  to  defend,  in  presence  of 
the  numerous  assembly  that  surrounded  him  : 

"3.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  the 
Pope,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  is  higher 
than  the  universal  church,  and  superior  to 
councils;  and  that  entire  submission  is  due 
to  his  decrees. 

"  4.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  the 
Pope  alone  has  the  right  to  decide  in  questions 
of  Christian  doctrine; — that  he  alone,  and  no 
other,  has  power  to  explain,  according  to  his 
judgment,  the  sense  of  Holy  Scripture,  and  to 
approve  or  condemn  the  words  and  works  of 
others. 

"5.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  the 


judgment  of  the  Pope,  in  things  pertaining  to 
Christian  doctrine,  and  necessary  to  the  salva- 
tion of  mankind,  can  in  no  case  err. 

"6.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  they 
should  place  more  dependence  in  matters  of 
faith  on  the  Pope's  judgment,  expressed  in 
his  decrees,  than  of  the  unanimous  opinion 
of  all  the  learned,  resting  merely  upon  their 
interpretation  of  Scripture. 

"8.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  they 
who  conspire  against  the  honour  or  dignity  of 
the  Pope  incur  the  guilt  of  treason,  and  deserve 
to  be  accursed. 

"  17.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  there 
are  many  things  which  the  Church  regards  as 
certain  articles  of  the  Catholic  faith,  although 
they  are  not  found  either  in  the  inspired  Scrip- 
tures or  in  the  early  Fathers. 

"44.  Christians  should  be  taught  to  regard 
as  obstinate  heretics  all  who,  by  speech,  action, 
or  writing,  declare  that  they  would  not  retract 
their  heretical  propositions,  though  excommu- 
nication after  excommunication  should  be 
showered  upon  them  like  hail. 

"48.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  they 
who  protect  the  errors  of  heretics,  and  who, 
by  their  authority,  hinder  them  from  being 
brought  before  the  judge  who  has  a  right  to 
hear  them,  are  excommunicate ; — and  that  if, 
within  the  space  of  one  year,  they  cease  not 
from  doing  so,  they  will  be  declared  infamous, 
and  severely  visited  with  punishment,  con- 
formable to  the  provisions  of  the  law,  and  for 
the  warning  of  others.108 

"50.  Christians  should  be  taught,  that  they 
who  scribble  so  many  books  and  tracts, — who 
preach,  or  publicly,  and  with  evil  intention, 
dispute  about  the  confession  of  the  lips,  the 
satisfaction  of  works,  the  rich  and  large  in- 
dulgences of  the  Bishop  of  Rome  and  his 
power;  they  who  side  with  those  who  preach 
or  write  such  things,  and  take  pleasure  in  their 
writings,  and  circulate  them  among  the  people 
and  in  society;  and  finally,  all  they,  who,  in 
secret,  speak  of  these  things  with  contempt  or 
irreverence,  must  expect  to  fall  under  the  pen- 
alties before  recited,  and  to  plunge  themselves 
and  others  along  with  them,  into  eternal  con- 
demnation at  the  great  day,  and  the  deepest 
disgrace  in  this  present  world.  For  every 
beast  that  toucheth  the  mountain  shall  be 
stoned." 

We  perceive  that  Luther  was  not  the  only 
object  of  Tetzel's  attack.  In  his  48th  thesis 
he  probably  had  an  eye  to  the  Elector  of 
Saxony.  In  other  respects  these  propositions 
savour  strongly  of  the  Dominican.  To  threaten 
all  opposition  with  rigorous  chastisements, 
was  an  inquisitor's  argument,  which  there  was 
no  way  of  answering.  The  three  hundred 
monks,  whom  Tetzel  had  assembled,  were 
full  of  admiration  of  all  that  he  had  said.  The 
divines  of  the  university  were  too  fearful  of 
being  classed  among  the  promoters  of  heresy, 
and  too  much  attached  to  the  principles  of 
Wimpina,  openly  to  attack  the  astounding 
theses  which  had  been  read  in  their  presence. 

This  affair,  therefore,  about  which  there  had 
been  so  much  noise,  seemed  likely  to  end  like 


88 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


a  mock  fight ;  but  among  the  crowd  of  students 
present  at  the  discussion  was  a  young  man, 
ahout  twenty  years  of  age,  named  John  Knip- 
strow.  He  had  read  the  theses  of  Luther,  and 
found  them  agreeable  to  the  Scriptures.  In- 
dignant at  seeing  the  truth  publicly  trampled 
under  foot,  without  any  one  offering  himself 
in  its  defence,  the  young  man  raised  his  voice, 
to  the  great  surprise  of  the  whole  assembly, 
and  attacked  the  presumptuous  Tetzel.  The 
poor  Dominican,  who  had  not  reckoned  on  any 
such  opposition,  was  thrown  into  dismay. 
After  some  attempts  at  an  answer,  he  aban- 
doned the  field  of  battle,  and  made  room  for 
Wimpina.  The  latter  defended  his  cause  with 
more  vigour;  but  Knipstrow  pressed  him  so 
hard  that,  to  put  an  end  to  the  untoward  con- 
test, Wimpina,  in  his  capacity  of  president, 
declared  the  discussion  terminated,  and  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  the  promoting  of  Tetzel  to 
the  rank  of  Doctor,  as  the  recompense  of  this 
glorious  dispute.  After  this,  Wimpina,  to  get 
rid  of  his  young  antagonist,  caused  him  to  be 
sent  to  the  convent  of  Pyritz,  in  Pomerania, 
with  directions  that  he  should  be  strictly  watch- 
ed. But  this  newly-risen  luminary,  removed 
from  the  banks  of  the  Oder,  was  destined,  at  a 
later  period,  to  diffuse  the  light  over  Pome- 
rania. God,  when  he  sees  fit,  employs  the 
disciple  to  confound  the  master. 

Tetzel,  desirous  to  make  up  for  the  check 
he  had  met  with,  had  recourse  to  the  ultima 
ratio  of  Rome  and  its  inquisitors, — the  fire. 
He  set  up  a  pulpit  and  a  scaffold  in  one  of  the 
suburbs  of  Frankfort.  He  went  thither  in 
solemn  procession,  arrayed  in  the  insignia  of 
an  inquisitor  of  the  faith.  He  inveighed,  in 
his  most  furious  manner,  from  the  pulpit.  He 
hurled  his  thunders  with  an  unsparing  hand, 
and  loudly  exclaimed,  that "  the  heretic  Luther 
ought  to  be  burned  alive."  Then,  placing  the 
Doctor's  propositions  and  sermon  on  the  scaf- 
fold, he  set  fire  to  them.109 He  showed  greater 
dexterity  in  this  operation  than  he  had  dis- 
played in  defending  his  theses.  Here  there 
was  none  to  oppose  him,  and  his  victory  was 
complete.  The  arrogant  Dominican  re-entered 
Frankfort  in  triumph.  When  parties  accus- 
tomed to  power  have  sustained  defeat,  they 
have  recourse  to  certain  shows  and  semblances, 
which  must  be  allowed  them  as  a  consolation 
for  their  disgrace. 

The  second  theses  of  Tetzel  mark  an  im- 
portant epoch  in  the  Reformation.  They 
changed  the  ground  of  the  dispute,  transfer- 
ring it  from  the  indulgence-market  to  the  halls 
of  the  Vatican, — and  diverted  the  attack  from 
Tetzel,  to  direct  it  against  the  Pope.  For  the 
contemptible  trafficker  whom  Luther  had  as- 
sailed and  held  powerless  in  his  grasp,  they 
substituted  the  sacred  person  of  the  Head  of 
Church.  Luther  was  all  astonishment  at  this. 
A  little  later,  probably,  he  would,  of  his  own 
accord,  have  taken  up  this  new  position;  but 
his  enemies  spared  him  the  trouble.  Thence- 
forward, the  dispute  had  reference,  not  merely 
to  a  discredited  traffic,  but  to  Rome  itself; 
and  the  blow,  that  a  bold  hand  had  aimed 
against  Tetzel's  stall,  smote,  and  shook  to 


'its  foundation,  the  throne  of  the  pontifical 
king. 

The  theses  of  Tetzel  served,  moreover, 
only  as  a  signal  to  the  troop  of  Romish  doc- 
tors. A  shout  was  raised  against  Luther  by 
the  monks,  enraged  at  the  appearance  of  an 
adversary  more  formidable  even  than  Erasmus 
or  Reuchlin.  The  name  of  Luther  resounded 
from  all  the  Dominican  pulpits.  They  stirred 
up  the  passions  of  the  people;  they  called 
the  intrepid  Doctor,  a  madman,  a  seducer,  a 
wretch  possessed  by  the  devil.  His  teaching 
was  decried  as  the  most  horrible  of  heresies. 
*'  Only  wait,"  said  they,  "  a  fortnight,  or,  at 
most,  a  month,  and  that  notorious  heretic  will 
be  burned  alive."  Had  it  depended  on  the 
Dominicans,  indeed,  the  Saxon  Doctor  would 
soon  have  met  the  fate  of  Huss  and  of  Jerome ; 
but  God  was  watching  over  him.  His  life 
was  destined  to  accomplish  what  the  martyr- 
dom of  Huss  had  begun.  For  each  individual 
serves  the  purposes  of  God;  one  by  his  life, 
another  by  his  death.  Already  many  ex- 
claimed that  the  whole  university  of  Wittem- 
berg  was  tainted  with  heresy,  and  they  pro- 
nounced it  infamous.110 "Let  us  drive  out  the 
wretch  and  all  his  partisans,"  said  they.  And 
in  many  cases  these  clamours  did,  in  fact, 
excite  the  passions  of  the  people.  Those 
who  shared  in  the  opinions  of  the  Reformer 
were  pointed  out  to  public  observation,  and 
wherever  the  monks  had  power  in  their  hands, 
the  friends  of  the  Gospel  felt  the  effects  of 
their  hatred.  Thus  the  prophecy  of  our  Sa- 
viour began  to  be  fulfilled :  "  They  shall 
revile  you,  and  persecute  you,  and  say  all 
manner  of  evil  against  you  falsely,  for  my 
sake."  This  recompense  of  the  world  is  in 
no  age  withheld  from  the  decided  disciples  of 
the  Gospel. 

When  Luther  heard  of  the  theses  of  Tetzel 
and  of  the  general  attack  of  which  they  had 
given  the  signal,  his  courage  rose.  He  saw 
that  it  was  necessary  to  face  such  adversaries 
boldly;  his  intrepid  spirit  felt  no  difficulty  in 
resolving  to  do  so.  But,  at  the  same  time, 
their  weakness  discovered  to  him  his  own 
strength,  and  inspired  him  with  the  conscious- 
ness of  what  in  reality  he  was. 

He  did  not,  however,  give  way  to  those 
emotions  of  pride  which  are  so  congenial  to 
man's  heart.  "  I  have  more  difficulty,"  wrote 
he  to  Spalatin,  at  this  time,  "  to  refrain  from 
despising  my  adversaries,  and  so  sinning 
against  Christ,  than  I  should  have  in  van- 
quishing them.  They  are  so  ignorant,  both  of 
human  and  divine  things,  that  it  is  humbling 
to  have  to  dispute  with  them ;.  and  yet  it  is 
this  very  ignorance  which  gives  them  their  in- 
conceivable bold  ness  and  their  brazen  front."111 
But  what,  above  all,  strengthened  his  heart, 
in  the  midst  of  this  general  hostility,  was  the 
deep  conviction  that  his  cause  was  the  cause 
of  truth.  "  Do  not  wonder,"  he  wrote  to  Spa- 
latin, in  the  beginning  of  1518,  "  that  they  re- 
vile me  so  unsparingly.  I  hear  their  revilings 
with  joy.  If  they  did  not  curse  me,  we  could 
not  be  so  firmly  assured  that  the  cause  I  hav<J 
undertaken  is  thatof  God  himself.  112Christ  was 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


89 


set  for  a  sign  that  should  be  spoken  against." 
"  I  know,"  said  he,  another  time,  "  that  from 
the  beginning  the  Word  of  God  has  been  such 
as  that  whosoever  would  carry  it  into  the 
•world,  must,  like  the  apostles,  leave  every 
thing,  and  be  delivered  unto  death.  If  it  were 
not  so,  it  would  not  be  the  word  of  Christ."113 
This  peace,  in  the  midst  of  agitation,  is  a  thing 
unknown  to  the  heroes  of  the  world.  We  see 
men  at  the  head  of  a  government, — of  a  politi- 
cal party, — sink  under  their  labours  and  trials. 
The  Christian  generally  gathers  new  strength 
in  conflict.  It  is  because  he  is  acquainted 
with  a  hidden  source  of  refreshment  and  cou- 
rage, unknown  to  him  whose  eyes  are  closed 
against  the  Gospel. 

One  thing,  however,  at  times  disturbed  Lu- 
ther :  It  was  the  thought  of  the  dissensions 
his  courageous  resistance  might  give  rise  to. 
He  knew  that  a  word  might  be  enough  to  set 
the  world  in  a  flame.  He  at  times  foresaw 
prince  opposing  prince ;  nation,  perhaps,  set 
against  nation.  His  love  for  his  country  took 
alarm  ;  his  Christian  charity  recoiled  from  the 
prospect.  He  would  gladly  have  secured 
peace ;  yet  it  behoved  him  to  speak.  It  was 
the  Lord's  will.  "I  tremble,"  said  he,—" I 
shudder — at  the  thought  that  I  may  be  an  oc- 
casion of  discord  to  such  mighty  princes."114 

He  still  kept  silence  in  regard  to  Tetzel's 
propositions  concerning  the  Pope ;  had  he  been 
carried  away  by  passion,  doubtless  he  would 
have  fallen  with  impetuosity  upon  that  astound- 
ing doctrine,  under  which  his  adversary  sought 
shelter  and  concealment  for  himself.  But  he 
did  nothing  of  the  kind.  There  is  in  his  de- 
lay, reserve,  and  silence,  a  something  grave 
and  solemn,  which  sufficiently  reveals  the 
spirit  that  animated  him.  He  paused,  yet  not 
from  weakness, — for  the  blow  was  but  the 
heavier  when  at  length  it  fell. 

TetzeT,  after  his  auto-da-fe  at  Frankfort  on 
the  Oder,  had  hastened  to  send  his  theses  into 
Saxony.  They  will  serve,  thought  he,  as  an 
antidote  to  those  of  Luther.  A  man  was  de- 
spatched by  the  inquisitor  from  Alle  to  distri- 
bute his  propositions  at  Wittemberg.  The 
students  of  that  university,  indignant  that 
Tetzel  should  have  burned  the  theses  of  their 
master,  no  sooner  heard  of  the  arrival  of  his 
messenger  than  they  surrounded  him  in  troops, 
inquiring  in  threatening  tones  how  he  had 
dared  to  bring  such  things  thither.  Some  of 
them  purchased  a  portion  of  the  copies  he  had 
brought  with  him ;  others  seized  on  the  remain- 
der ;  thus  getting  possession  of  his  whole  stock, 
which  amounted  to  eight  hundred  copies ;  then, 
unknown  to  the  Elector,mthe  senate,  the  rector, 
Luther,  and  all  the  professors,  the  students  of 
Wittemberg  posted  bills  on  the  gates  of  the 
University,  bearing  these  words  :  "  Whosoever 
desires  to  be  present  at  the  burning  and  obse- 
quies of  the  theses  of  Tetzel,  let  him  repair  at 
two  o'clock  to  the  market  place." 

They  assembled  in  crowds  at  the  hour  ap- 
pointed ;  and,  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the 
multitude,  committed  the  propositions  of  the 
Dominican  to  the  flames.  One  copy  was  saved 
Luther  afterwards  sent  it  to  his 


friend  Lange,  of  Erfurth.  The  young  students 
acted  on  the  precept  of  them  of  old  time,  "  an, 
eye  for  an  eye,  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth,"  and 
not  on  that  of  Christ.  But  when  doctors  and 
professors  had  set  such  an  example  at  Frank- 
fort, can  we  wonder  that  young  students  should 
follow  it  at  Wittemberg]  The  report  of  this 
academic  execution  spread  through  Germany, 
and  made  much  noise.ua  Luther  was  deeply 
grieved  at  it. 

"I  am  surprised,"  wrote  he,  to  his  old 
master,  Jodocus,  at  Erfurth,  "  that  you  could 
think  I  had  any  thing  to  do  with  the  burning 
of  Tetzel's  theses.  Do  you  think  I  have  utter- 
ly lost  my  senses  1  But  whatcanl  do?  When 
the  tale  is  told  of  me,  any  thing,  arid  from  every 
quarter,  gains  implicit  belief.117  Can  I  tie  up 
men's  tongues'?  No  matter!  let  them  tell, 
and  hear,  and  see,  and  report  whatever  they 
please.  I  will  go  on  as  long  as  the  Lord  shall 
give  me  strength  ;  and,  with  God's  help,  I 
will  fear  nothing." — "  What  will  come  of  it," 
said  he  to  Lange,  "  I  know  not ;  this  only  I 
know,  that  the  peril  in  which  I  stand  is  greatly 
enhanced  by  the  act."118This  occurrence  shows 
how  the  hearts  of  the  young  were  already 
kindled  in  the  cause  of  which  Luther  was  the 
champion.  It  was  a  sign  of  high  import ;  fol 
a  movement  once  begun  among  the  young  is 
necessarily  soon  communicated  to  the  entire 
generation. 

The  theses  of  Tetzel  and  of  Wimpina, 
though  slightly  esteemed,  produced  a  certain 
effect.  They  opened  out  the  questions  in  dis- 
pute ;  they  enlarged  the  rent  in  the  mantle  of 
the  church ;  they  brought  new  questions  of 
thrilling  interest  into  the  field  of  controversy. 
Consequently,  the  heads  of  the  Church  began 
to  take  a  nearer  view  of  the  debate,  and  to  de- 
clare themselves  strongly  against  the  Reform- 
er. "  I  know  not,  truly,  on  whose  protection 
Luther  can  rely,"  said  the  Bishop  of  Bran- 
denburg, "that  he  ventures  in  this  way  to  at- 
tack the  authority  of  the  bishops."  Perceiving 
that  this  new  conjuncture  called  for  new  pre- 
cautions, the  Bishop  came  himself  to  Wit- 
temberg. But  he  found  Luther  animated  by 
that  inward  joy  which  springs  from  a  good 
conscience,  and  determined  to  give  battle. 
The  Bishop  felt  that  the  monk  was  obeying  a 
power  higher  than  his  own,  and  returned  in  an 
angry  mood  to  Brandenburg.  One  day,  (be- 
fore the  close  of  the  winter  of  1518,)  while 
seated  at  his  fireside,  he  said,  turning  to  those 
who  surrounded  him,  "  I  will  not  lay  my  head 
down  in  peace  until  I  have  cast  Martin  into 
the  fire  like  this  fagot ;"  and  as  he  spoke  he  cast 
the  fagot  on  the  blazing  hearth.  The  revolution 
of  the  sixteenth  century  was  to  be  no  more  in- 
debted for  support  to  the  heads  of  the  Church 
than  that  of  the  first  century  had  been  to  the 
sanhedrim  and  the  synagogue.  The  dignified 
priesthood  was  again,  in  the  sixteenth  centu- 
ry, opposed  to  Luther,  the  Reformation,  and 
its  ministers,  as  it  had  formerly  been  to  Jesus 
Christ,  the  Gospel,  and  his  Apostles,  and  as 
it  too  often  is,  in  all  periods,  to  the  truth. 
"The  Bishops,'r  said  Luther,  speaking  of  the 
visit  of  the  prelate  of  Brandenburg.  "  begin  to 


90 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


see  that  they  should  have  done  what  I  am 
doing,  and  they  are  ashamed.  They  call  me 
arrogant  and  audacious;  and  I  do  not  deny 
that  I  am  so.  But  they  are  not  the  people  to 
know  either  what  God  is,  or  what  we  are."119 

A  more  formidable  resistance  than  that 
which  Tetzel  had  offered  had  now  sprung  up 
against  Luther.  Rome  had  answered  him. 
A  reply  had  gone  forth  from  the  walls  of  the 
sacred  palace.  It  was  not  Leo  X.,  however, 
who  condescended  to  meddle  with  theology. 
"  A  squabble  among  the  monks!"  said  he: 
"  the  best  way  is  to  take  no  notice  of  it." 
And  on  another  occasion  he  observed  :  "It  is 
a  drunken  German  that  has  written  these 
theses  :120  when  he  is  sober  he  will  talk  very 
differently."  A  Dominican  of  Rome,  Syl- 
vester Prierias,  master  of  the  pontifical  palace, 
filled  the  office  of  censor.  In  that  capacity 
he  was  the  first  to  take  cognisance  of  the 
theses  published  by  the  Saxon  monk. 

A  Roman  censor,  and  the  theses  of  Luther! 
how  remarkable  the  encounter!  Freedom  of 
speech,  freedom  of  inquiry,  and  freedom  of 
religious  belief,  had  now  to  maintain  a  conflict, 
within  the  very  gates  of  Rome,  against  the 
power  that  claims  to  hold  in  its  hands  the 
monopoly  of  spiritual  knowledge,  and  at  its 
own  will  to  suppress  the  voice  of  Christian 
truth  or  allow  its  utterance.  The  struggle 
between  that  Christian  liberty  which  stamps 
men  the  children  of  God,  and  that  pontifical 
despotism  which  makes  them  the  slaves  of 
Rome,  is  symbolized,  as  it  were,  in  the  very 
beginning  of  the  Reformation,  by  the  encounter 
of  Luther  and  Prierias. 

This  Roman  censor,  this  prior-general  of 
the  Dominicans,  this  dignitary,  whose  office 
empowered  him  to  determine  what  doctrines 
Christian  men  should  profess,  and  on  what 
points  they  should  be  silent,  was  eager  to 
reply.  He  published  a  writing  which  he 
dedicated  to  Leo  X.,  and  in  which  he  spoke 
contemptuously  of  the  German  monk,  and 
declared,  with  an  assurance  altogether  Roman, 
that  he  should  like  to  know  whether  that 
Martin  had  indeed  an  iron  snout  and  a  head 
of  brass,  which  it  was  impossible  to  shatter.121 
Then,  under  the  form  of  a  dialogue,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  attack  Luther's  theses,  employing 
by  turns  ridicule,  reviling,  and  threats. 

The  contest,  between  the  Augustine  of 
"Witternberg  and  the  Dominican  of  Rome, 
was  waged  on  the  question  which  is  in  itself 
the  principle  of  the  Reformation;  namely, 
what  is  the  sole  infallible  authority  for  Chris- 
tians 1  Take  the  system  of  the  Church,  as 
set  forth  by  its  most  independent  organs.122 

The  letter  of  the  written  word  is  dead, 
without  that  spirit  of  interpretation,  which 
alone  reveals  its  hidden  meaning.  But  this 
spirit  is  not  given  to  every  Christian,  but  to 
the  Church,  that  is,  to  the  priests.  It  is  great 
presumption  to  affirm  that  He,  who  promised 
to  the  Church  to  be  with  her  always  even  to 
the  end  of  the  world,  could  have  abandoned 
her  to  the  power  of  error.  It  will  be  said, 
perhaps,  that  the  doctrine  and  constitution  of 
the  Church  are  not  now  such  as  we  find  them 


in  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Undoubtedly;  but 
this  change  is  only  apparent,  it  extends  only 
to  the  form  and  not  to  the  substance.  Nay, 
more, — this  change  is  a  progression.  The 
life-giving  power  of  the  Divine  Spirit  has 
imparted  reality  to  what,  in  Scripture,  existed 
only  in  idea.  To  the  outline  of  the  word  it 
has  given  a  body,  put  a  finishing  touch  to  its 
rough  draught,  and  completed  the  work  of 
which  the  Bible  had  merely  furnished  the 
rudiments.  Consequently,  we  must  under- 
stand the  meaning  of  Holy  Scripture  as  it 
has  been  determined  by  the  Church,  under 
the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit. — So  far  the 
Catholic  doctors  were  agreed :  at  this  point 
they  were  divided, — General  Councils,  said 
some,  (and  Gerson  was  of  their  number,)  are 
the  representatives  of  the  Church.  Others 
said,  it  is  the  Pope  who  is  the  depositary  of 
the  spirit  of  interpretation ;  and  no  one  has 
the  right  to  construe  Scripture  otherwise  than 
in  accordance  with  the  decree  of  the  Roman 
Pontiff.  This  was  the  tenet  espoused  by 
Prierias. 

Such  was  the  doctrine  which  the  master  Oi 
the  palace  opposed  to  the  infancy  of  the 
Reformation.  He  advanced  assertions,  with . 
respect  to  the  power  of  the  Church  and  of  the 
Pope,  to  which  the  most  shameless  flatterers 
of  the  Court  of  Rome  would  have  blushed  to 
subscribe.  The  following  is  one  of  the  prin- 
ciples laid  down  at  the  commencement  of  his 
writing:  "Whosoever  does  not  rely  on  the 
teaching  of  the  Roman  Church,  and  of  the 
Roman  Pontiff,  as  the  infallible  rule  of  faith, 
and  as  that  from  which  Holy  Scripture  itself 
derives  its  obligation  and  authority,  is  a 
heretic."123 

Then  follows  a  dialogue  in  which  the 
speakers  are  Luther  and  Sylvester,  and  in 
which  the  latter  labours  to  refute  the  Doctor's 
propositions.  The  sentiments  of  the  Saxon 
monk  were  altogether  new  and  strange  to  a 
Roman  censor;  hence  Prierias  showed  that 
he  understood  neither  the  feelings  of  his  heart, 
nor  the  principles  that  regulated  his  conduct. 
He  estimated  the  teacher  of  the  truth  by  the 
petty  standard  of  the  retainers  of  the  Papacy. 
"  My  good  Luther,"  says  he,  "  were  it  thy 
fortune  to  receive  from  our  Lord  the  Pope  a 
good  bishopric  and  a  plenary  indulgence  for 
the  rebuilding  of  thy  church,  how  would  thy 
tone  be  altered,  and  how  loudly  wouldst  thou 
extol  the  indulgence  which  it  now  delights 
thee  to  disparage !"  "With  all  his  pretensions 
to  refinement,  this  Italian  has  frequent  recourse 
to  the  grossest  scurrility  of  language.  "  If  it 
is  the  nature  of  dogs  to  bite,"  says  he  to  Lu- 
ther, "  I  should  fear  thou  hadst  a  dog  for  thy 
father."124  To  ward  the  close  of  his  work,  the 
Dominican  even  marvels  at  his  own  conde- 
scension, in  parleying  thus  with  a  mutinous 
monk ;  and  in  taking  leave  of  his  adversary, 
he  shows  him  the  cruel  teeth  of  an  inquisitor. 
"The  Roman  Church,"  says  he,  "the  supre- 
macy of  whose  power,  spiritual  and  temporal, 
is  vested  in  the  Pope,  can  restrain,  by  the 
secular  arm,  those  who,  having  first  received 
the  faith,  afterwards  depart  from  it.  The 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


91 


Church  is  under  no  obligation  to  employ 
argument  to  combat  and  overcome  rebels."125 
Such  words,  proceeding  from  the  pen  of  a 
dignitary  of  the  Roman  court,  were  deeply 
significant;  yet  they  did  not  intimidate  Lu- 
ther; he  believed,  or  affected  to  believe,  that 
this  dialogue  was  not  written  by  Prierias,  but 
by  Ulric  de  Hutten,  or  some  other  contributor 
to  the  Litterae  Obscurorum  Virorum.  "  One 
of  that  fraternity,"  said  he,  "  from  the  mere 
love  of  satire,  or  to  set  Luther  against  Prie- 
rias, has  collected  together  this  mass  of  ab- 
surdity."126 However,  after  having  for  some 
time  kept  silence,  his  doubts,  if  he  had  any, 
were  removed  ;  he  set  to  work,  and  in  two 
days  prepared  his  answer.127 

The  Bible  had  decided  Luther's  destiny '.  it 
had  moulded  the  Reformer  and  commenced 
the  Reformation.  Luther's  belief  depended 
not  on  the  testimony  of  the  Church.  His 
faith  had  come  from  the  Bible  itself:  from 
within,  and  not  from  without.  He  was  so 
deeply  convinced  that  the  evangelic  doctrine 
was  immovably  built  upon  the  word  of  God 
that  all  external  doctrine  was  to  him  superflu- 
ous. This  experimental  knowledge  possessed 
by  Luther  opened  to  the  Church  a  new  futu- 
rity. The  living  spring,  which  had  gushed 
forth  for  the  refreshment  of  the  monk  of  Wit- 
temberg,  was  to  become  a  mighty  river  that 
should  slake  the  thirst  of  nations. 

"To  understand  Scripture,  it  is  neces- 
sary that  the  Spirit  of  God  should  open  the 
understanding,"  said  the  Church,  and  thus 
far  it  said  truly.  But  its  error  lay  in  consider- 
ing the  Holy  Spirit  as  the  exclusive  privilege 
of  a  particular  caste,  and  supposing  that  he 
could  be  pent  up  in  assemblies  and  colleges, 
in  a  city,  or  a  conclave.  "  The  wind  bloweth 
where  it  listeth,"  said  the  Son  of  God,  when 
speaking  of  the  Spirit  of  God, — and  else- 
where: "They  shall  be  all  taught  of  God." 
The  corruption  of  the  Church,  the  ambition  of 
the  Pontiffs,  the  passions  of  Councils,  the  ani- 
mosities of  the  clergy,  the  pomp  of  the  pre- 
lates, had  banished  far  from  those  priestly 
abodes  that  Holy  Spirit — that  Spirit  of  hu- 
mility and  of  peace.  The  Spirit  of  God  had 
departed  from  the  assemblies  of  the  proud, 
and  the  palaces  of  princes  of  the  Church,  and 
had  tabernacled  with  simple  Christians  and 
humble  priests.  He  had  turned  from  a  tyran- 
nous hierarchy,  whose  bloody  heel  again  and 
again  had  trampled  on  the  poor, — from  a 
proud  and  ignorant  clergy,  whose  leaders  were 
oetter  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  sword  than  of 
the  Bible, — and  was  present  with  despised 
sectaries,  or  with  men  of  understanding  and 
learning.  The  holy  cloud,  that  had  withdrawn 
itself  from  the  stately  temple  and  the  proud 
cathedral,  had  descended  on  the  secluded 
dwellings  of  the  humble,  or  the  tranquil 
chamber  of  the  conscientious  inquirer.  The 
Church,  debased  by  her  love  of  power  and 
lucre,  dishonoured  before  the  people  by  her 
venal  perversion  of  the  doctrine  of  life, — the 
Church,  busy  in  selling  salvation,  that  she 
might  replenish  a  treasury  exhausted  by  her 
pride  and  debaucheries, — had  forfeited  al: 
13 


respect ;  and  men  of  sense  no  longer  attached 
any  value  to  her  testimony.  Despising  an 
authority  so  degraded,  they  gladly  turned  to- 
ward the  divine  word  and  its  infallible  au- 
hority  as  the  only  refuge  open  to  them  in  that 
universal  confusion. 

The  age  therefore  was  ripe.  The  bold 
movement  by  which  Luther  shifted  the  supr 
ort  of  the  highest  hopes  of  man's  heart, — 
oosening  them  with  a  strong  hand  from  the 
walls  of  the  Vatican  to  fix  them  on  the  rock 
of  the  word  of  God, — was  hailed  with  enthu- 
siasm. This  was  the  object  the  Reformer  had 
in  view  in  his  answer  to  Prierias. 

Passing  by  the  principles  the  Dominican 
bad  laid  down  at  the  opening  of  his  work — 
"I,"  said  he,  "following  your  example,  will 
also  lay  down  certain  principles." 

The  first  is  this  passage  of  St.  Paul  :  "  If 
any  one  preach  unto  you  another  Gospel  than 
that  is  preached,  though  he  should  be  an  angel 
from  heaven,  let  him  be  accursed." 

The  second  is  the  following,  from  St.  Au- 
gustine writing  to  St.  Jerome : — "  I  have  learn- 
ed to  render  to  the  inspired  Scriptures  alone 
the  homage  of  a  firm  belief,  that  they  have 
never  erred  ;  as  to  others,  I  do  not  believe  in 
the  things  they  teach,  simply  because  it  is 
they  who  teach  them." 

Here  Luther,  with  a  steady  hand,  establish- 
es the  fundamental  principles  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. The  word  of  God, — the  whole  word  of 
God, — and  nothing  but  the  word  of  God.  "If 
you  rightly  understand  these  principles,"  con- 
tinues he,  "you  will  also  understand  that 
your  whole  Dialogue  is  overturned  by  them ; 
for  you  have  done  nothing  but  bring  forward 
phrases  and  opinions  of  St.  Thomas."  Then, 
openly  impugning  the  axioms  of  his  adversary, 
he  freely  confesses  that  he  thinks  both  Popes 
and  Councils  may  err.  He  complains  of  the 
flatteries  of  the  Roman  courtiers,  who  ascribe 
this  and  that  power  to  the  Pope.  He  declares 
that  the  Church  exists  virtually  in  Christ 
alone,  and  representatively  in  a  General  Coun- 
cil.128 And  then,  alluding  to  the  insinuation  of 
Prierias:  "undoubtedly  you  judge  me  by 
yourself,"  said  he;  "but  if  I  aspired  to  be 
made  a  bishop,  I  certainly  should  not  use  the 
language  which  you  find  so  offensive.  Do  you 
imagine  I  am  ignorant  of  the  manner  in  which 
bishoprics  and  priest's  orders  are  obtained  at 
Rome?  Do  not  the  very  children  sing,  in 
every  street  of  that  city,  these  well  known 
words : — 

"  Of  all  foul  spots  the  wide  world  round, 
The  foulest  here  in  Rome  is  found  ?"129 

(Such  songs  had  been  current  in  Rome  be- 
fore the  election  of  one  of  the  last  Popes.) 
Yet  Luther  speaks  of  Leo  with  respect.  "  I 
know,"  says  he,  "  that  he  may  be  compared 
to  Daniel  in  Babylon :  his  innocence  has  often 
endangered  his  life."  He  concludes  by  re- 
plying very  briefly  to  the  threatening  language 
used  by  Prierias.  "  Lastly,  you  say  that  the 
Pope  is  both  ppntiff  and  emperor,  and  that  he 
can  employ  the  secular  arm  to  compel  obedir 
ence.  Do  you  thirst  for  blood  then  ?  I  pro? 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


lest  to  you  that  these  rhodomontades  an 
menaces  of  yours  give  me  not  the  slightes 
alarm.     For  what  if  I  were  to  lose  my  life 
Christ  still  lives;  Christ  my  Lord,  and  the 
Lord  of  all,  blessed  forever.     Amen." 

Thus  fearlessly  did  Luther,  in  opposition  to 
the  infidel  altar  of  the  Papacy,  set  up  the  altar 
of  the  holy  and  infallible  word  of  God ;  an 
altar,  before  which  he  would  have  every  knee 
to  bow,  and  on  which  he  declares  himself 
ready  to  offer  up  his  life. 

A  new  adversary  now  presented  himself  in 
the  lists, — a  Dominican,  like  his  predecessors 
James  Hochstraten,  the  inquisitor  of  Cologne, 
of  whose  outcries  against  Reuchlin,  and  the 
friends  of  literature,  we  have  already  spoken, 
could  not  restrain  his  rage  when  he  heard  of 
the  first  efforts  of  the  hero  of  the  Reformation. 
It  was  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  monkish  ig- 
norance and  fanaticism  should  assail  the  man 
who  was  to  give  them  the  death-blow.  Mona- 
chism  had  arisen  when  the  primitive  truth  had 
begun  to  disappear.  From  that  period  rnona- 
chism  and  error  had  grown  up  side  by  side. 
The  man  who  was  to  accelerate  their  fall  had 
now  appeared.  But  his  sturdy  antagonists 
would  not  abandon  the  field.  The  struggle 
lasted  to  the  end  of  Luther's  life,  but  we  re- 
gard it  as  epitomised  in  this  dispute  of  Hoch- 
straten and  Luther;  the  free  and  courageous 
Christian,  and  the  irascible  slave  of  monkish 
superstitions !  Hochstraten  lost  his  temper, 
he  gave  vent  to  his  indignation,  and  loudly 
demanded  the  death  of  the  heretic.  He  would 
have  had  recourse  to  the  stake  to  secure  the 
triumph  of  Rome.  "  It  is  high  treason  against 
the  Church,"  exclaimed  he,  "  to  suffer  so  hor- 
rid a  heretic  to  live  an  hour  longer.  Away 
with  him  at  once  to  the  scaffold !"  This  san- 
guinary counsel  was  but  too  well  followed  in 
many  countries,  and  the  voices  of  many  mar- 
tyrs, as  in  the  earlier  ages  of  the  Church, 
gave  testimony  to  the  truth  from  the  midst  of 
the  flames.  But  in  vain  were  fire  and  sword 
invoked  against  Luther.  The  angel  of  the 
Lord  encamped  around  him,  and  defended 
him. 

Luther  answered  Hochstraten  in  few  words, 
but  with  much  vigour :  "  Out  upon  thee,"  said 
he,  at  the  close  of  his  reply,  "thou  senseless 
murderer,  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  thy  breth- 
ren !  I  sincerely  desire  that  thuu  shouldst  not 
call  me  Christian  and  faithful;  but  that  thou 
shouldst  continue  on  the  contrary  to  decry  me 
as  a  heretic.  Understand  me,  thou  blood- 
thirsty man !  enemy  to  the  truth  !  and  if  thy 
rage  prompt  thee  to  attempt  my  life,  take  care 
to  act  circumspectly,  and  to  choose  thy  time 
well ;  God  knows  what  is  my  purpose  if  my 
life  should  be  spared My  hope  and  ex- 
pectation, God  willing,  shall  not  be  disap- 
pointed."130 Hochstraten  made  no  reply. 

An  attack  more  trying  to  his  feelings,  await- 
ed the  Reformer.  Doctor  Eck,  the  celebrated 
professor  of  Ingolstadt,  the  deliverer  of  Urban 
Regius,  the  friend  of  Luther,  had  received  the 
famous  theses.  Eck  was  not  a  man  to  de- 
fend the  abuses  of  the  indulgences;  but  he 
was  a  doctor  of  the  school,  not  of  the  Bible,- 


well  versed  in  the  scholastic  divinity,  but  not 
in  the  word  of  God.  If  Prierias  had  repre- 
sented Rome,  and  Hochstraten  the  monks, 
the  new  combatant  represented  the  schools. 
The  scholastic  philosophy,  which  for  almost 
five  centuries  held  sway  over  Christendom, 
far  from  yielding  to  the  earliest  efforts  of  the 
Reformer,  arose  in  its  pride  to  crush  the  man 
who  dared  to  treat  it  with  contempt.  Eck 
and  Luther,  Luther  and  the  Schools,  were 
often  afterwards  arrayed  one  against  the  other. 
But  it  was  now  the  contest  opened. 

It  could  hardly  happen  but  that  Eck  should 
consider  many  of  Luther's  assertions  errone- 
ous. '  We  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  sin- 
cerity of  his  convictions.  He  was  enthusiastic 
in  defence  of  the  scholastic  opinions,  whilst 
Luther  was  an  equally  enthusiastic  adherent 
of  the  word  of  God.  We  may  even  imagine 
that  Eck  felt  some  concern  at  the  necessity 
of  opposing  his  old  friend  :  and  yet  it  appears, 
from  the  manner  in  which  he  assailed  him, 
that  passion  and  jealousy  had  some  share  in 
his  motives. 

It  was  under  the  title  of  Obelisks  that  he 
wrote  his  remarks  on  the  theses  of  Luther. 
Desiring  at  first  to  keep  up  appearances,  he 
did  not  publish  his  work,  but  contented  him- 
self with  communicating  it  in  confidence  to 
his  ordinary,  the  Bishop  of  Eichstadt.  But 
the  Obelisks  were  soon  widely  dispersed, 
ither  through  the  indiscretion  of  the  Bishop, 
or  by  the  Doctor's  own  act.  One  copy  fell 
nto  the  hands  of  Link,  a  preacher  at  Nurem- 
berg, and  a  friend  of  Luther;  by  him  it  was 
communicated  to  Luther  himself.  Eck  was 
a  very  different  adversary  from  either  Tetzel, 
Prierias,  or  Hochstraten :  the  more  his  work 
excelled  theirs  in  learning  and  subtlety,  the 
more  injurious  was  likely  to  be  its  effects. 
fie  spoke  of  "  his  feeble  adversary"  in  a  tone 
of  compassion,  well  knowing  that  pity  is 
more  disparaging  than  anger.  He  insinuated 
hat  Luther's  propositions  were  spreading  the 
Bohemian  poison,  that  they  savoured  of  Bo- 
lemia,  and  by  these  malignant  references, 
drew  upon  Luther  the  odium  attaching  in 
Germany  to  the  name  of  Huss  and  the  Bohe- 
nian  schismatics. 

The  malice  that   was  discernible  in  this 
writing,   roused  Luther's  indignation.      But 

was  still  more  grieved  at  the  thought  that 
he  blow  came  from  an  old  friend.     "  It  was 
hen,"  thought  he,  "  at  the  cost  of  the  affec- 
ion   of  his  friends  that  truth   must  be  de- 
ended."     Luther  unbosomed  the  sadness  of 
iis   heart,  in  a  letter  to   Egranus,  pastor  at 
Zwickau.     «*  In  these  Obelisks,"  said  he,  "  I 
.m  called  a  *  pestilent  man,'  '  a  Bohemian,' 
a   heretic,'  and   reproached  as   '  seditious,' 
insolent,'   and    'rash.'      I    overlook    minor 
eproaches,  such   as 'dull,'  'stupid,'   'igno- 
ant,'  '  despiser  of  the  sovereign  pontiff,'  &c. 
^hroughout  there  are  nothing  but  insults,  and 
yet  he  who  has  written  them  is  a  distinguished 
man,  in  whom  genius  and  learning  are  blend- 
ed ;  moreover,  one  who  was  united  to  me  by 
a  great  intimacy,  recently  contracted.131  His 
name  is  John  Eck,  doctor  of  divinity,  chan- 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


cellor  of  Ingolstadt,  &c.  a  man  well  known 
and  highly  esteemed  for  his  writings.  If  I 
did  not  know  the  design  of  Satan,  I  should 
wonder  at  the  rage  which  has  prompted  Eck 
to  violate  a  friendship  so  delightful,  and  so 
recent  besides,  and  that  without  giving  me 
one  word  of  notice."132 

But  if  Luther's  heart  was  wounded,  his 
courage  was  not  abated.  On  the  contrary, 
he  caught  fresh  fire  for  the  dispute.  "Re- 
joice, brother,"  he  said  to  Egranus,  who  had 
likewise  been  attacked  by  a  violent  adversary, 
"  rejoice,  and  let  not  these  paper  missiles  ter- 
rify you!  The  more  furious  my  adversaries, 
the  more  I  advance.  I  leave  the  things  that 
are  behind,  for  them  to  bark  at,  and  I  stretch 
forward  to  those  that  are  before,  that  they 
may  bark  at  those  also  in  their  turn." 

Eck  felt  how  disgraceful  his  conduct  had 
been,  and  endeavoured  to  justify  himself  in  a 
letter  to  Carlstadt.  In  it  he  termed  Luther 
"their  common  friend."  He  threw  all  the 
blame  on  the  Bishop  of  Eichstadt,  at  whose 
solicitation  he  declared  he  had  written  his 
work.  He  had  not  intended  to  publish  the 
Obelisks,  he  said  ;  if  it  had  been  otherwise  he 
would  have  manifested  more  regard  for  the 
ties  of  friendship,  by  which  he  was  united  to 
Luther.  Finally,  he  intimated  a  wish  that, 
instead  of  engaging  in  a  public  controversy 
with  him,  Luther  should  turn  his  arms  against 
the  divines  of  Frankfort.  The  professor  of 
Ingolstadt,  who  had  not  feared  to  strike  the 
first  blow,  began  to  quail  when  he  considered 
the  strength  of  the  adversary  he  had  had  the 
imprudence  to  attack.  He  would  willingly 
have  avoided  the  contest.  But  it  was  now 
too  late. 

All  these  fine  speeches  did  not  satisfy  Lu- 
ther; however,  he  wished  to  remain  silent. 
"I  will  swallow  patiently,"  he  said,  "this 
morsel,  worthy  of  Cerberus."133But  his  friends 
were  of  a  different  opinion.  They  importuned 
him  and  obliged  him  to  comply.  He  there- 
fore answered  Eck's  Obelisks  by  his  Asterisks, 
or  Stars;  "opposing,"  as  he  said,  "the  light 
and  dazzling  brightness  of  the  stars  of  heaven, 
to  the  rust  and  livid  hue  of  the  Obelisks  of  the 
doctor  of  Ingolstadt."  In  this  work  he  treated 
his  new  adversary  with  less  harshness  than 
he  had  used  towards  his  former  opponents ; 
but  his  suppressed  indignation  at  times  broke 
forth  in  his  words. 

He  proved  that  in  all  that  chaos  of  Obelisks 
there  was  nothing  of  the  Scriptures,  nothing 
of  the  Fathers  of  the  Church,  nothing  of  the 
ecclesiastical  canons :  but  throughout,  nothing 
but  glosses  of  the  schools;  opinions,  mere 
opinions,  and  dreams;134 in  a  word,  all  those 
very  things  that  Luther  had  attacked.  The 
Asterisks  are  full  of  life  and  energy.  The 
author  is  indignant  at  the  errors  in  his  friend's 
book,  but  he  pities  the  man.'^He  again  asserts 
the  fundamental  principle  that  he  had  main- 
tained in  his  answer  to  Prierias;  "  The  sove- 
reign pontiff  is  a  man,  and  may  be  led  into 
error;  but  God  istruth  itself,  and  cannoterr."136 
And  afterwards,  using  an  argument  "  ad  /to- 
minem,"  against  the  scholastic  doctor ;  "  It  is 


certainly  an  act  of  audacity,"  says  he,  "  for 
any  one  to  teach  as  the  philosophy  of  Aris- 
totle, what  he  cannot  prove  on  Aristotle's  au- 
thority.— You  allow  this. — Well,  with  much 
greater  reason  is  it  the  height  of  audacity,  to 
affirm  in  the  Church,  and  amongst  Christians, 
what  Christ  himself  has  not  taught.137  Now 
where  do  we  find  in  the  Bible,  that  the  trea- 
sure of  Christ's  merits  is  confided  to  the 
Pope  1" 

Lastly,  he  adds  :  "  As  to  the  malicious  re- 
proach of  Bohemian  heresy,  I  bear  this  accu- 
sation patiently,  for  Christ's  sake.  I  live  in 
a  celebrated  university,  a  city  of  note,  a  con- 
siderable bishopric,  a  powerful  duchy,  where 
all  are  orthodox,  and  where,  undoubtedly, 
they  would  not  tolerate  so  wicked  a  heretic.' 

Luther  did  not  publish  the  Asterisks,  he 
only  communicated  them  to  his  friends;  it 
was  not  till  afterwards  that  they  were  given 
to  the  public.133 

This  rupture  between  the  doctor  of  Ingol- 
stadt and  the  doctor  of  Wittemberg  caused  a 
great  sensation  in  Germany.  They  had  com- 
mon friends.  Scheurl,  especially,  took  alarm. 
It  was  through  him  that  the  two  doctors  had 
become  acquainted.  He  was  one  of  those 
who  wished  to  see  a  Reformation  take  place 
in  the  universal  Germanic  church,  and  by  the 
agency  of  its  most  distinguished  members. 
But  if,  at  the  outset,  the  most  eminent  theo- 
logians were  to  fall  to  quarrelling;  if,  whilst 
Luther  was  advancing  new  opinions,  Eck 
stood  up  as  the  representative  of  the  old,  what 
confusion  was  to  be  apprehended  ]  Would 
not  numerous  adherents  flock  around  each 
chief,  and  form  two  hostile  camps  in  the  bo- 
som of  the  empire  ? 

On  these  accounts  Scheurl  endeavoured  to 
reconcile  Eck  and  Luther.  The  latter  declared 
himself  ready  to  forget  every  thing;  that  he 
loved  Eck's  talents  ;139that  he  admired  his 
learning ;  and  that  he  felt  more  grief  than 
anger  at  his  old  friend's  conduct.  "  I  am  pre- 
pared," said  he  to  Scheurl,  "either  for  peace 
or  war;  but  I  prefer  peace.  Help  us,  then, 
by  your  good  offices ;  grieve  with  us  that  the 
devil  has  kindled  this  beginning  of  discord 
among  us;  and  afterwards  rejoice  that  Christ 
in  his  mercy  has  extinguished  it."  He  wrote 
affectionately  to  Eck,  but  the  latter  returned 
no  answer.140 He  did  not  even  send  him  any 
message.  The  time  for  a  reconciliation  was 
past.  The  breach  grew  wider  and  wider. 
The  pride  of  Eck  and  his  implacable  spirit, 
soon  broke  the  last  ties  of  their  declining 
riendship. 

Such  were  the  struggles  which  the  charn- 
jion  of  God's  word  had  to  maintain  in  the 
>eginning  of  his  career.  But,  in  the  estima- 
tion of  a  Christian,  those  combats  are  of  small 
account,  that  are  to  be  waged  in  the  high 
places  of  this  world,  or  in  the  arena  of  the 
schools.  Human  teachers  imagine  that  they 
have  obtained  a  splendid  triumph  if  some 
literary  circles  are  filled  with  the  fame  of 
their  systems.  As  their  desire  is  rather  to 
gratify  their  self-love,  or  to  please  a  party,  than 
to  benefit  mankind,  this  brilliant  worldly  sue- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


cess  suffices  them.  Thus,  their  labours  may 
be  compared  to  smoke,  which,  after  blinding 
the  eyes,  passes  away  without  leaving  any 
vestige  behind.  Neglecting  to  deposit  their 
principles  in  the  masses,  they  do  little  more 
than  skim  the  surface  of  society. 

Not  so  the  Christian;  his  aim  is  neither  a 
name  in  society,  nor  academical  honours  ;  but 
the  salvation  of  souls.  He  willingly  foregoes 
the  intellectual  rivalry  in  which  he  might  en- 
gage at  his  ease  with  the  disputers  of  this 
world, — and  prefers  the  secret  labours  which 
carry  light  and  life  into  the  sequestered  dwell- 
ings of  the  poor.  This  did  Luther ;  or  rather, 
following  his  Master's  precept,  "He did  this, 
and  left  no  other  things  undone."  While 
combating  inquisitors,  chancellors  of  univer- 
sities, and  masters  of  the  palace,  he  laboured 
to  diffuse  sound  religious  knowledge  among 
the  multitude.  With  this  view,  he  about  the 
same  time  published  several  popular  tracts, 
such  as  his  sermons  on  the  Ten  Command- 
ments, preached  two  years  previously  in  the 
church  of  Wittemberg,  and  which  have  al- 
ready been  mentioned,  and  also  his  explana- 
tion of  the  Lord's  Prayer,  for  the  simple  and 
unlearned  laity.  Who  would  not  desire  to 
know  what  the  Reformer  then  addressed  to 
the  people!141  We  will  cite,  therefore,  some 
of  the  words  which  he  put  forth  to  "run 
through  the  land,"  as  he  says  in  the  preface 
to  the  last  mentioned  work. 

Prayer,  that  interior  act  of  the  heart,  will 
undoubtedly  be  ever  one  of  the  points  with 
which  a  true  and  vital  reformation  will  com- 
mence ;  Luther's  thought  was  turned  to  this 
solemn  subject.  It  is  not  possible  to  trans- 
fuse his  energetic  style  and  the  vigour  of  his 
language,  which  was  in  course  of  formation, 
so  to  speak,  under  his  pen,  as  he  composed. 
We  will  however  make  some  attempt. 

"When  thou  prayest,"  said  he,  "let  thy 
words  be  few,  but  thy  thoughts  and  feelings 
many  and  deep.  The  less  thou  speakest,  the 
better  thy  prayers.  Few  words  and  much 
thought  is  a  Christian  frame.  Many  words 
and  little  thought  is  heathenish." 

"  The  prayer  that  is  external  and  of  the 
body  is  that  'mumbling  of  the  lips,  that  out- 
ward babble,  gone  through  without  attention, 
and  heard  and  seen  of  men ;  but  prayer  in 
spirit  and  in  truth  is  the  inward  desire,  the 
motions  and  sighs  that  proceed  from  the 
depth  of  the  heart.  The  former  is  the  prayer 
of  hypocrites,  and  of  those  who  trust  in  them- 
selves. The  latter  is  the  prayer  of  God's 
children  who  walk  in  his  fear." 

Passing  on  to  the  opening  words  of  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  he  thus  expresses  himself: — 
Our  Father.  "  Of  all  names  there  is  not  one 
which  more  inclines  us  towards  God  than  the 
name  of  Father.  We  should  feel  less  love, 
and  derive  less  consolation,  from  addressing 
him  as  Lord,  or  God,  or  Judge.  By  that  word 
Father,  his  bowels  of  compassion  are  moved; 
for  there  is  no  sound  more  sweet  or  prevailing 
with  a  father  than  the  voice  of  his  child." 

He  continues,  and  on  the  words,  "who  art 
in  heaven,"  he  says  :  "  Whosoever  professes 


that  he  has  a  father  in  heaven,  acknowledges 
himself  to  be  a  stranger  upon  earth  : — hence, 
there  is  in  his  heart  an  ardent  longing,  like 
that  of  a  child  that  is  living  among  strangers 
in  want  and  grief,  afar  from  its  fatherland.  It 
is  as  if  he  said,  Alas !  my  father,  thou  art  in 
heaven,  and  I,  thy  suffering  child,  am  on  earth, 
far  from  thee,  encompassed  with  dangers, 
wants,  and  mourning. 

"  Hallowed  be  thy  name?  — "  He  wrho  is 
passionate,  abusive,  envious,  and  slanderous, 
dishonours  the  name  of  God  in  which  he  has 
been  baptized.  Profaning  to  impious  uses  a 
vessel  that  God  has  consecrated  to  himself, 
he  is  like  a  priest  who  should  take  the  holy 
cup  and  give  drink  to  swine,  or  gather  dung 
into  it." 

"  Thy  kingdom  come ." — "Those  who  amass 
property  and  build  magnificent  mansions,  who 
strive  after  what  the  world  can  give,  and  utter 
this  prayer  with  their  lips,  resemble  those 
huge  organ  pipes  which  incessantly  sincr  with 
all  their  power  in  the  churches,  without 
speech,  feeling,  or  reason." 

Further  on,  Luther  attacks  the  error  of  pil- 
grimages, which  was  then  so  prevalent :  "  One 
goes  to  Rome,  another  to  St.  James,  a  third 
builds  a  chapel,  and  a  fourth  endows  religious 
houses,  in  order  to  attain  to  the  kingdom  of 
God  ;  but  all  neglect  the  one  thing  needful, 
which  is,  to  become  themselves  his  kingdom. 
Why  seek  the  kingdom  of  God  beyond  the 
seas'?  It  is  in  thy  heart  it  should  arise." 

"  It  is  an  awful  thing,"  he  continues,  "  to 
hear  us  offer  this  petition,  'Thy  will  be  done.' 
Where  in  the  church  do  we  see  this  'will  of 
God  ]'  One  bishop  rises  against  another 
bishop;  one  church  against  another  church. 
Priests,  monks,  and  nuns  quarrel,  and  thwart, 
and  wa^e  war  with  each  other,  and  every- 
where discord  prevails.  And  yet  each  party 
declares  that  there  is  good  will  and  upright 
intention ;  and  so,  to  the  honour  and  glory  of 
God,  they  altogether  do  the  devil's  work. . .  " 

"  Why  do  we  use  the  words,  '  our  bread  ]' " 
he  continues,  expounding  these  words,  "  Give 
us  this  day  our  daily  bread."  "  Because  we 
do  not  pray  for  the  common  bread  that  heathens 
partake,  and  which  God  gives  to  all  men, — 
but  for  'our'  bread,  the  bread  of  those  who 
are  'children'  of  the  heavenly  Father." 

"  And  what  then  is  this  bread  of  God  ?  It 
is  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord.  '  I  am  the  bread 
of  life  which  came  down  from  heaven,  and 
giveth  life  to  the  world.'  Therefore  let  no 
one  be  deluded:  whatever  sermons  and  in- 
structions do  not  exhibit  and  make  known 
Jesus  Christ,  cannot  be  the  daily  bread  and 
nourishment  of  souls." 

"  Of  what  use  is  it  that  such  bread  has  been 
provided,  if  it  is  not  served  up,  and  so  we  are 
unable  to  partake  of  if?  It  is  as  if  a  noble 
feast  were  prepared,  and  none  were  ready  to 
distribute  the  bread,  to  place  the  meat  on 
table,  or  fill  the  cups,  and  so  the  guests  should 
be  reduced  to  feed  on  the  mere  sight  and  smell. 
Therefore  we  must  preach  Christ  alone. 

"  But,  say  you,  what  is  it  to  know  Christ  1 
and  what  good  will  come  of  it  ?  I  answer ; 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


95 


to  learn  and  know  Christ  is  to  understand 
what  the  Apostle  declares,  namely  :  that 
'  Christ  is  made  unto  us  of  God,  wisdom 
righteousness,  sanctification,  and  redemption.' 
Now  you  understand  that,  if  you  acknowledge 
all  your  wisdom  mere  blameworthy  foolish- 
ness, your  righteousness  a  criminal  iniquity, 
your  holiness  a  guilty  pollution,  your  redemp- 
tion a  miserable  sentence  of  condemnation ; 
if  you  feel  that  you  are  truly,  before  God,  and 
before  all  creatures,  a  fool,  a  sinner,  an  im- 
pure and  condemned  man :  if  you  manifest, 
not  by  word  alone,  but  from  the  bottom  of 
your  heart,  and  by  your  works, — that  there  is 
neither  salvation  nor  comfort  for  you,  save 
only  in  Christ.  To  believe  is  nothing  else 
than  feeding  on  this  bread  from  heaven." 

Thus  Luther  faithfully  adhered  to  his  reso- 
lution to  open  the  eyes  of  a  blinded  people, 
whom  the  priests  were  leading  at  their  plea- 
sure. His  writings  rapidly  dispersed  through- 
out Germany,  called  up  a  new  light,  and  shed 
abundantly  the  seed  of  truth  on  a  soil  well 
prepared  for  it.  But,  while  attending  to  those 
who  were  at  a  distance,  he  did  not  forget  those 
who  were  nigh  at  hand. 

The  Dominicans,  from  their  pulpit,  anathe- 
matized the  infamous  heretic.  Luther, — the 
man  of  the  people,  and  who,  if  he  had  desired 
it,  could,  by  a  few  words,  have  called  up  the 
popular  fury  against  them, — disdained  such 
triumphs,  and  thought  only  of  instructing  his 
hearers. 

And  he  did  so.  His  reputation,  which 
epread  more  and  more  widely,  and  the  bold- 
ness with  which  he  lifted  the  banner  of 
Christ  in  the  midst  of  an  enslaved  Church, 
increased  the  eager  attendance  on  his  preach- 
ing at  Wittemberg.  The  crowd  of  hearers  was 
more  considerable  than  ever.  Luther  went 
straight  to  his  mark.  One  day,  having  ascend- 
ed the  pulpit,  he  undertook  to  prove  the  doc- 
trine of  repentance,  and  on  this  occasion,  he 
pronounced  a  discourse  which  became  after- 
wards very  celebrated,  and  in  which  he  laid 
down  some  of  the  grounds  of  the  evangelical 
doctrine. 

He  first  contrasted  man's  pardon  with  God's 
pardon.  "  There  are,"  said  he,  "  two  kinds 
of  remission:  the  remission  of  the  penalty,  and 
the  remission  of  the  sin.  The  first  reconciles 
outwardly  the  offender  with  the  Church.  The 
second,  which  is  the  heavenly  grace,  recon- 
ciles the  offender  with  God.  If  a  man  does 
not  find  in  himself  that  peace  of  conscience, 
that  joy  of  heart  which  springs  from  God's 
remission  of  sin,  there  is  no  indulgence  that 
can  help  him,  though  he  should  buy  all  that 
had  ever  been  offered  upon  earth." 

He  continues:  "They  wish  to  do  good 
works  before  their  sins  are  forgiven  them, — 
whilst  it  is  indispensable  that  our  sins  be  par- 
doned before  good  works  can  be  done.  It  is 
not  works  which  banish  sin  ;  but  drive  out  sin 
and  you  will  have  works.142 For  good  works 
must  be  done  with  a  joyful  heart,  and  a  good 
conscience  toward  God,  that  is,  with  remission 
of  sins." 

He  then  comes  to  the  chief  object  of  this 


sermon,  which  was  also  the  great  end  of  the 
whole  Reformation.  The  Church  had  put 
itself  in  the  place  of  God  and  his  word ;  he 
rejects  her  assumption,  and  shows  every  thing 
to  depend  on  faith  in  God's  word. 

"The  remission  of  the  sin  is  out  of  the 
power  of  pope,  bishop,  priest,  or  any  man 
living ;  and  rests  solely  on  the  word  of  Christ, 
and  on  thine  own  faith.  For  Christ  did  not 
design  that  our  comfort,  our  hope,  and  our  sal- 
vation, should  be  built  on  a  word  or  work  of 
man,  but  solely  on  himself,  on  his  work,  and 
on  his  word.  .  .  .  Thy  repentance  and  thy 
works  may  deceive  thee;  but  Christ,  thy  God, 
will  not  deceive  thee,  nor  will  he  falter,  and 
the  devil  shall  not  overthrow  his  words."143 

"  A  pope  or  a  bishop  has  no  more  power  to 
remit  sin  than  the  humblest  priest.  And  even, 
without  any  priest,  every  Christian,  even 
though  a  woman  or  a  child,  can  do  the  same.144 
For  if  a  simple  believer  say  to  thee,  '  God 
pardon  thy  sin  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,' — 
and  thou  receive  that  word  with  firm  faith,  and 
as  though  God  himself  spake  it  to  thee — thou 
art  absolved." 

"If  thou  dost  not  believe  that  thy  sins  are 
forgiven  thee,  thou  makest  thy  God  a  liar,  and 
showest  thyself  to  hold  more  to  thy  vain 
thoughts  than  to  God  and  his  word." 

"  Under  the  Old  Testament,  neither  priest, 
nor  king,  nor  prophet,  had  authority  to  declare 
remission  of  sins.  But  under  the  New,  every 
believer  has  this  power.  The  Church  is  full 
of  remission  of  sins.145 If  a  devoted  Christian 
should  comfort  thy  conscience  by  the  word  of 
the  cross,  whether  that  Christian  be  a  man  or 
woman,  young  or  old,  receive  that  comfort 
with  such  faith  as  to  endure  death  a  hundred 
times,  rather  than  doubt  that  God  has  ratified 
it.  Repent;  do  all  the  works  thou  canst ;  but 
let  aith  in  pardon  through  Christ  hold  the 
first  rank,  and  command  the  whole  field  of 
your  warfare."145 

Thus  spake  Luther  to  his  surprised  and  de- 
lighted hearers.  All  the  superstructures  which 
presumptuous  priests  had  raised  for  their  own 
gain  between  God  and  the  soul  of  man  were 
thrown  down,  and  man  brought  face  to  face 
with  his  God.  The  word  of  forgiveness  now 
descended  pure  from  on  high  without  passing 
through  a  thousand  corrupting  channels.  That 
the  witness  of  God  should  be  received,  it  was 
no  longer  necessary  that  men  should  attach  to 
it  their  delusive  seal.  The  monopoly  of  the 
priestly  caste  was  abolished ;  the  Church  was 
delivered  from  her  thraldom. 

Meanwhile  it  was  become  needful  that  the 
flame  that  had  been  lighted  up  in  Wittemberg 
should  be  kindled  elsewhere.  Luther,  not 
satisfied  with  proclaiming  the  truth  of  the 
Gospel  in  the  place  of  his  own  abode,  as  well 
to  the  students  as  to  the  people,  was  desirous 
to  scatter  in  other  places  the  seeds  of  sound 
doctrine.  In  the  spring  of  1518  the  order  of 
the  Augustines  held  its  chapter  general  at 
Heidelberg.  Luther  was  summoned  thither 
as  one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  his 
order.  His  friends  made  every  effort  to  dis- 
suade him  from  undertaking  this  journey.  In 


96 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


truth,  the  monks  had  laboured  to  make  the 
name  of  Luther  hated  in  all  the  places  he 
would  have  to  pass  through.  To  insult  they 
added  threats.  A  little  matter  would  suffice 
to  raise  a  tumult  on  his  journey,  in  which  he 
might  fall  a  victim.  "Or  else,"  said  his 
friends,  "  what  they  dare  not  do  by  violence 
they  will  accomplish  by  treachery  and  fraud."'14 
But  Luther  never  allowed  himself  to  be  stop- 
ped short  in  the  performance  of  a  duty  by  fear 
of  danger,  however  imminent.  Accordingly 
ne  was  deaf  to  the  timid  suggestions  of  his 
friends :  he  plainly  showed  in  whom  he  put 
his  trust,  and  under  whose  protection  he  was 
resolved  to  undertake  this  dreaded  journey. 
Then  the  festival  of  Easter  being  terminated, 
he  quietly  set  out  on  foot,148the  13th  April,  1518. 

He  took  with  him  a  guide  named  Urban, 
who  carried  his  little  baggage,  and  was  to  ac- 
company him  as  far  as  Wurtzburg.  What 
thoughts  must  have  crowded  the  heart  of  this 
servant  of  the  Lord  during  his  journey  !  At 
Weissenfels,  the  pastor,  who  had  no  previous 
knowledge  of  him,  recognised  him  immediate- 
ly as  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg,  and  received 
him  cordially.149  At  Erfurth,  two  other  brethren 
of  the  order  of  the  Augustines  joined  company 
with  him.  At  Judenbach,  the  three  travellers 
met  Degenhard  Pfeflinger,  the  confidential  ad- 
viser of  the  Elector,  and  were  entertained  by 
him  at  the  inn.  "  I  had  the  pleasure,"  writes 
Luther  to  Spalatin,  "  of  making  the  rich  lord 
poorer  by  some  groncken ,-  you  know  how  I  love 
on  all  occasions  to  levy  contributions  on  the 
rich  for  the  advantage  of  the  poor;  especially 
when  the  rich  are  friends  of  mine."150He reach- 
ed Coburg,  overcome  with  fatigue.  "All 
goes  well,  by  God's  favour,"  wrote  he,  "un- 
less it  be  that  I  must  acknowledge  myself  to 
have  sinned  in  undertaking  this  journey  on 
foot.  But  for  that  sin  I  think  I  have  no  need 
of  any  indulgence,  for  my  contrition  is  perfect, 
and  the  satisfaction  plenary.  I  am  exhausted 
with  fatigue,  and  all  the  conveyances  are  full. 
Is  not  this  enough,  and  more  than  enough,  of 
penance,  contrition,  and  satisfaction  T'151 

The  Reformer  of  Germany,  not  finding  room 
in  the  public  conveyances,  nor  any  one  will- 
ing to  give  up  his  place  to  him,  was  obliged, 
on  the  following  morning,  notwithstanding  his 
weariness,  to  set  out  again  from  Coburg,  on 
foot.  He  arrived  at  Wurtzburg  the  second 
Sunday  after  Easter,  towards  evening.  From 
thence  he  sent  back  his  guide. 

It  was  in  this  town  that  the  Bishop  of  Bibra 
resided,  who  had  received  his  theses  with  so 
much  approbation.  Luther  was  the  bearer  of 
a  letter  to  him  from  the  Elector  of  Saxony. 
The  Bishop,  delighted  with  the  opportunity 
thus  offered  of  becoming  personally  acquaint- 
ed with  this  courageous  champion  of  the  truth, 
immediately  invited  him  to  the  episcopal  pa- 
lace. He  himself  went  to  meet  him,  address- 
ed him  very  affectionately,  and  offered  to  pro- 
cure him  a  guide  as  far  as  Heidelberg.  But 
Luther  had  met  at  Wurtzburg  his  two  friends, 
the  Vicar-general  Staupitz,  and  Lange,  the 
Prior  of  Erfurth,  and  had  been  offered  a  seat 
in  their  carriage.  He  therefore  thanked  Bibra 


for  his  proffered  kindness,  and  the  next  day 
the  three  friends  set  out  from  Wurtzburg. 
They  travelled  in  this  manner  for  three  days, 
conversing  together.  On  the  21st  of  April 
they  reached  Heidelberg.  Luther  alighted  at 
the  convent  of  the  Augustines. 

The  Elector  of  Saxony  had  given  him  a  let 
ter  for  the  Count  Palatine  Wolfgang,  Duke 
of  Bavaria.  Luther  repaired  to  his  magnifi- 
cent castle,  the  delightful  situation  of  which 
is  even  at  this  day  the  admiration  of  strangers. 
The  monk,  a  native  of  the  plains  of  Saxony, 
had  a  heart  capable  of  admiring  the  pictur- 
esque situation  of  Heidelberg,  commanding 
the  two  beautiful  valleys  of  the  Rhine  and  the 
Necker.  He  delivered  his  letter  of  recom- 
mendation to  John  Simler,  the  steward  of  the 
household.  The  latter,  on  reading  it,  observed : 
"  Truly,  you  have  a  valuable  letter  of  credit 
here.'"52The  Count  Palatine  received  Luther 
very  graciously.  He  invited  him  repeatedly 
to  bistable,  together  with  Lange  and  Staupitz. 
It  was  a  great  comfort  to  Luther  to  meet  with 
so  friendly  a  reception.  "  We  were  very  happy 
together,"  says  he,  "and  amused  each  other 
with  agreeable  and  pleasant  conversation, 
taking  our  repasts,  examining  the  beauties  of 
the  Palatine  palace,  admiring  the  ornaments, 
the  armoury,  cuirasses,  and  every  thing  re- 
markable that  this  celebrated  and  truly  royal 
castle  contains."153 

But  Luther  had  another  task  to  perform. 
He  must  work  while  it  was  yet  day.  Called 
for  a  time  to  a  university  which  exercised  an 
extensive  influence  over  the  west  and  south 
of  Germany,  he  was  there  to  strike  a  blow 
which  should  put  in  movement  the  churches 
of  those  countries.  He  began  therefore  to 
write  some  theses,  which  he  proposed  to  main- 
tain in  a  public  disputation.  Such  disputa- 
tions were  not  unusual ;  but  Luther  felt  that, 
to  make  this  useful,  it  must  be  of  a  striking 
character.  His  natural  disposition,  moreover, 
prompted  him  to  present  truth  in  a  paradoxi- 
cal form.  The  professors  of  the  university 
would  not  suffer  the  disputation  to  take  place 
in  their  great  hall.  A  room  was,  therefore, 
engaged  in  the  convent  of  the  Augustines, 
and  the  2Gth  of  April  was  fixed  for  the  dis- 
cussion. 

Heidelberg  at  a  later  period  received  the 
evangelical  doctrine.  One  who  was  present 
at  the  conference  in  the  convent  of  the  Au- 
gustines might  have  then  foreseen,  that  that 
conference  would  one  day  bear  fruit. 

The  reputation  of  Luther  attracted  a  numer- 
ous auditory, — professors,  courtiers,  burghers, 
students  came  in  crowds.  The  following  are 
some  of  the  Doctor's  "paradoxes," — for  by 
that  name  he  designated  his  theses.  Even  in 
our  day,  perhaps,  some  might  give  them  no 
better  name ;  yet  it  would  be  easy  to  render 
them  in  propositions  obvious  to  common 
sense. 

"  1.  The  law  of  God  is  a  salutary  rule  of 
ife;  and  yet  it  cannot  help  man  in  the  obtain- 
ng  of  righteousness ;  but  on  the  contrary  im- 
pedes him." 
«*  3.  Works  of  men,  let  them  be  as  fair  and 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


97 


good  as  they  may,  are  yet  evidently  nothing 
but  mortal  sins." 

"  4.  Works  that  are  of  God,  however  un- 
sightly and  evil  in  appearance,  have  yet  an 
endless  efficacy." 

"  7.  The  works  of  the  righteous  themselves 
would  be  mortal  sins, — if  from  a  holy  reverence 
of  the  Lord,  they  did  not  fear  that  their  works 
might  indeed  be  mortal  sins."154 

"9.  To  say  that  works  done  out  of  Chris 
are  truly  dead  works, — but  not  mortal  sins, — 
is  a  dangerous  forgetfulness  of  the  fear  of 
God." 

"  13.  Free  will,  since  the  fall  of  man,  is 
but  an  empty  word;  and  if  man  does  all  he 
can,  he  still  sins  mortally." 

"16.  A  man  who  dreams  he  can  attain  to 
grace  by  doing  all  that  is  in  his  power,  adds 
sin  to  sin, — and  is  doubly  guilty." 

"  18.  It  is  certain  that  man  must  altogether 
despair  of  his  own  ability,  if  he  would  be 
made  capable  of  receiving  the  grace  of  Christ." 
"21.  A  theologian  of  this  world  calls  good 
— evil,  and  evil — good  ;  but  a  teacher  of  the 
cross  is  a  teacher  of  the  truth." 

"22.  The  wisdom  which  applies  itself  to 
learn  the  invisible  perfections  of  God  from 
his  works,  puffs  up,  blinds,  and  hardens  men." 
"23.  The  law  calls  forth  God's  anger: 
slays,  accurses,  judges,  and  condemns,  what- 
soever is  not  in  CAm/."155 

"24.  Yet  this  wisdom  (§  22,)  is  not  an 
evil ;  and  the  law  (§  23,)  is  not  to  be  rejected; 
but  he  who  learns  not  the  wisdom  of  God 
under  the  Cross,  turns  to  evil  whatever  is 
good." 

"25.  That  man  is  not  justified  who  does 

many  works;   but  he  who,  without  having 

yet  done  works,  has  much  faith  in  Christ." 

"26.  The  law  says, '  Do  this,'  and  what  it 

enjoins  is  never  done;  Grace  says,  '  Believe 

in  him,'  and  immediately  all  is  perfected."156 

"  28.  The  love  of  God  finds  nothing  in  man, 

but  creates  in  him  what  He  loves.     Man's 

love  is  the  gift  of  his  well  beloved."157 

Five  doctors  of  divinity  attacked  these  the- 
ses. They  had  read  them  with  the  surprise 
that  their  novelty  excited.  Such  theology 
seemed  to  them  extravagant.  They,  however, 
entered  on  the  discussion,  as  Luther  tells  us, 
with  a  courtesy  which  inspired  him  with  much 
esteem  for  them ;  yet  with  great  earnestness 
and  discernment.  Luther,  on  his  part,  mani- 
fested unusual  mildness  in  his  mode  of  reply, 
unrivalled  patience  in  listening  to  the  objec- 
tions of  his  opponents,  and  all  the  quickness 
of  St.  Paul  in  solving  the  difficulties  opposed 
to  him.  His  answers  short  but  full  of  the 
word  of  God, — astonished  his  hearers.  "  He 
is  exactly  like  Erasmus,"  said  many,  "except 
that  he  surpasses  him  in  one  thing ; — that  is, 
he  openly  professes  what  Erasmus  was  satis- 
fied with  insinuating."158 

The  disputation  was  drawing  near  to  its 
close.  The  adversaries  of  Luther  had,  at 
least,  retreated  with  honour  from  the  field  ; 
the  youngest  of  them,  Doctor  George  Niger, 
alone  continued  the  contest  with  the  powerful 
disputant;  alarmed  at  the  bold  propositions 


of  the  Augustine  monk,  and  not  knowing  what 
argument  to  have  recourse  to,  he  exclaimed, 
with  an  accent  of  fear,  "  If  our  peasantry  heard 
such  things,  they  would  stone  you  to  death."169 
At  these  words  a  general  laugh  went  round 
the  assembly. 

Yet  never  did  an  auditory  listen  with  more 
attention  to  a  theological  discussion.  The 
first  words  of  the  Reformer  had  aroused  men's 
minds.  Questions,  which  but  a  little  while 
before,  would  have  met  only  with  indifference, 
were,  at  that  hour,  teeming  with  interest.  An 
observer  might  have  read  in  the  countenances 
of  those  present  the  new  ideas  which  the  bold 
assertions  of  the  Saxon  Doctor  awakened  in 
their  minds. 

Three  youths,  especially,  were  much  affect- 
ed. One  of  them,  by  name  Martin  Bucer, 
was  a  Dominican,  of  twenty-seven  years  of 
age,  who,  in  spite  of  the  prejudices  of  his 
order,  seemed  unwilling  to  lose  a  word  of 
the  Doctor's  remarks.  A  native  of  a  small 
town  in  Alsace,  he  had,  in  his  sixteenth  year, 
entered  a  convent.  He  soon  showed  such 
capacity,  that  the  more  enlightened  of  the 
monks  formed  high  expectations  of  him.160"He 
will,  one  day,"  said  they,  "be  an  honour  to 
our  order/'  His  superiors  accordingly  sent 
him  to  Heidelberg,  that  he  might  apply  him- 
self to  the  study  of  philosophy,  theology, 
Greek,  and  Hebrew.  At  that  period,  Eras- 
mus published  several  of  his  writings.  Mar- 
tin Bucer  read  them  with  avidity. 

Shortly  after  this,  the  first  published  writ- 
ings of  Luther  appeared.  The  student  of 
Alsace  hastened  to  compare  the  doctrines  of 
the  Reformer  with  the  Holy  Scriptures.  Some 
misgivings  as  to  the  truth  of  Popery  were 
then  awakened  in  his  mind.161  It  was  in  this 
way  that  light  was  spread  in  those  days. 
The  Elector  Palatine  took  notice  of  the  young 
man.  His  powerful  and  sonorous  voice  and 
agreeable  manners,  his  eloquence,  and  the 
freedom  with  which  he  attacked  the  prevail- 
ing vices,  made  his  preaching  remarkable. 
Appointed  chaplain  to  the  Elector,  he  was 
fulfilling  the  functions  of  his  office,  when  he 
heard  of  Luther's  visit  to  Heidelberg.  How 
great  was  his  joy  !  He  was  among  the  first 
to  repair  to  the  hall  of  the  convent  of  the  Au- 
gustines.  He  had  with  him  paper,  pens,  and 
nk,  intending  to  take  notes.  But  whilst  his 
land  rapidly  traced  the  words  of  Luther,  the 
hand  of  God  wrote  in  imperishable  characters 
on  his  heart  the  great  truths  he  heard.  The 
irst  gleams  of  the  doctrine  of  grace  diffused 
themselves  in  his  soul  in  the  course  of  that 
memorable  hour.162  The  Dominican  was  won 
to  Christ. 

Not  far  from  Bucer  sate  John  Brentz,  or 
Brentius,  then  nineteen  years  of  age.  Brentz, 
son  of  a  magistrate  of  a  town  in  Suabia,  had 
>een  entered  student  at  Heidelberg  in  his  thir- 
eenth  year.  His  application  was  unequalled. 
:Ie  rose  at  midnight  for  study.  This  custom 
iad  become  so  confirmed,  that  in  after  life  he 
could  never  sleep  after  that  hour.  But  at  a 
ater  period,  he  devoted  the  stillness  of  these 
seasons  to  meditation  on  the  Scriptures. 


98 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Brentz  was  one  of  the  first  to  discern  the  new 
light  then  appearing  in  Germany.  He  hailed 
it  with  a  soul  overflowing  with  love.103  He 
eagerly  perused  the  writings  of  Luther.  But 
how  was  he  rejoiced  -at  the  opportunity  of 
hearing  him  at  Heidelberg!  One  of  the 
•Doctor's  propositions  especially  struck  young 
Brentz.  It  was  this :  "  That  man  is  not 
justified  in  the  sight  of  God  who  does  many 
works ;  but  he  who,  without  having  yet  done 
works,  has  much  faith  in  Christ." 

A  pious  woman  of  Heilbronn,  on  the  Necker, 
the  wife  of  one  of  the  council  of  that  town, 
named  Snepf,  following  the  example  of  Han- 
nah, had  dedicated  her  first-born  son  to  the 
Lord,  in  the  fervent  desire  to  see  him  devote 
himself  to  the  study  of  divinity.  This  young 
man,  born  in  1495,  made  rapid  progress  in 
learning;  but  either  from  liking,  or  from  am- 
bition, or  else  in  compliance  with  his  father's 
desire,  he  took  to  the  study  of  jurisprudence. 
The  pious  mother  grieved  to  see  her  son  Ehr- 
hard  pursuing  a  course  different  from  that  to 
which  she  had  consecrated  him.  She  ad- 
monished him,  expostulated,  and  again  and 
again  reminded  him  of  her  vow  made  at  his 
birth.164  At  length,  overcome  by  his  mother's 
perseverance,  Ehrhard  Snepf  complied,  and  he 
soon  had  such  a  relish  for  his  new  studies, 
that  nothing  could  have  diverted  him  from 
them. 

He  was  very  intimate  with  Bucer  and 
Brentz,  and  this  friendship  continued  as  long 
as  they  lived  ;  "  for,"  says  one  of  their  histo- 
rians, "  friendships  founded  on  the  love  of 
literature  and  of  virtue  are  always  lasting." 
He  was  present  with  his  two  friends  at  the 
disputation  at  Heidelberg.  The  paradoxes 
and  courageous  efforts  of  the  Doctor  of  Wit- 
temberg,  gave  a  new  impulse  to  his  mind. 
Rejecting  the  vain  opinion  of  human  merit, 
he  embraced  the  doctrine  of  the  free  justifica- 
tion of  the  sinner. 

The  next  day,  Bucer  went  to  Luther.  "I 
had,"  says  he,  "  a  familiar  private  conversa- 
tion with  him,  a  most  exquisite  repast — of  no 
ordinary  viands,  but  of  the  truths  which  he 
set  before  me.  To  every  objection  that  I 
made,  the  Doctor  had  a  ready  reply ;  and  he 
explained  every  thing  with  the  greatest  clear- 
ness. Oh  !  would  to  God  I  had  time  to  write 
you  more  about  it."165  Luther  was  himself  af- 
fected with  Bucer's  deep  emotion.  "  He  is 
the  only  brother  of  his  order,"  he  wrote  to 
Spalatin,  "who  is  sincere;  he  is  a  young 
man  of  great  promise.  He  received  me  with 
simplicity,  and  conversed  very  earnestly.  He 
deserves  our  love  and  confidence."166 

Brentz,  Snepf,  and  many  others,  moved  by 
the  new  truths  which  were  beginning  to  en- 
lighten their  minds,  also  visited  Luther;  they 
talked  and  conferred  with  him ;  they  requested 
an  explanation  of  what  they  had  not  under- 
stood. The  Reformer,  leaning  on  the  word 
of  God,  answered  them.  Every  word  that  he 
spoke  imparted  fresh  light  to  their  minds.  A 
new  world  seemed  to  open  before  them. 

After  the  departure  of  Luther,  these  noble- 
minded  men  began  to  teach  at  Heidelberg. 


It  was  fit  that  they  should  carry  on  what  the 
man  of  God  had  begun,  and  not  leave  the 
torch  that  he  had  kindled  to  expire.  The 
disciple  will  speak  when  the  teacher  is  si- 
lent. Brentz,  young  as  he  was,  undertook 
to  expound  St.  Matthew's  Gospel, — at  first 
in  his  own  room — afterwards,  when  that 
apartment  was  found  too  small,  in  the  hall  of 
Philosophy.  The  theologians,  envious  at  the 
concourse  of  hearers  that  this  young  man  drew 
together,  betrayed  their  irritation.  Brentz 
then  took  orders,  and  transferred  his  lectures 
to  the  college  of  the  canons  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
Thus  the  fire,  already  kindled  in  Saxony, 
was  communicated  to  Heidelberg.  The  light 
spread  rapidly.  This  period  has  been  called 
the  seed-time  of  the  Palatinate. 

But  it  was  not  the  Palatinate  alone  that 
reaped  the  fruits  of  that  memorable  disputa- 
tion at  Heidelberg.  These  courageous  friends 
of  the  truth  soon  became  shininglights  in  the 
Church.  All  of  them  attained  to  eminent 
stations,  and  took  a  conspicuous  part  in  the 
transactions  to  which  the  Reformation  gave 
birth.  Strasburg,  and  afterwards  England, 
were  indebted  to  the  labours  of  Bucer  for  a 
purer  knowledge  of  the  truth.  Snepf  first 
declared  it  at  Marburg,  then  at  Stuttgard,  at 
Tubingen,  and  at  Jena.  And  Brentz,  after 
having  laboured  at  Heidelberg,  taught  for  a 
long  time  at  Halle  in  Suabia,  and  at  Tubin- 
gen. We  shall  meet  with  them  again,  as  we 
trace  the  course  of  the  Reformation. 

This  disputation  carried  forward  Luther 
himself.  He  increased  from  day  to  day  in 
the  knowledge  of  the  truth.  "I  am  one  of 
those,"  said  he,  "  who  have  myself  made 
progress  by  writing  for  and  instructing  others, 
— not  one  of  those  who,  without  any  such 
training,  have  suddenly  become  great  and 
learned  doctors." 

He  was  delighted  to  see  the  eagerness  with 
which  the  young  students  received  the  grow- 
ing truth.  This  it  was  that  comforted  him 
when  he  found  the  old  doctors  so  deeply- 
rooted  in  their  opinions.  "  I  have  the  glorious 
hope,"  said  he,"  "that  even  as  Christ,  when 
rejected  by  the  Jews,  turned  towards  the 
Gentiles,  so  we  shall  see  the  rising  genera- 
tion receive  the  true  theology,  which  these 
old  men,  wedded  to  their  vain  and  fantastical 
opinions,  now  obstinately  reject."167 

The  chapter  being  ended,  Luther  proposed 
returning  to  Wittemberg.  The  Count  Pala- 
tine gave  him  a  letter  for  the  Elector,  dated 
the  1st  of  May,  in  which  he  said  that  "the 
skill  which  Luther  had  shown  in  the  disputa- 
tion did  great  honour  to  the  university  of  Wit- 
temberg." He  was  not  allowed  to  return  on 
foot.168  The  Augustines  of  Nuremberg  con- 
ducted him  as  far  as  Wurtzburg.  From  thence 
he  went  to  Erfurth  with  the  brethren  of  that 
city.  Immediately  on  his  arrival,  he  paid  a 
visit  to  his  former  master,  Jocodus.  The  old 
professor,  much  grieved  and  scandalized  at 
the  course  his  pupil  had  taken,  was  accus- 
tomed to  prefix  to  all  Luther's  propositions  a 
thetai  the  letter  which  the  Greeks  made  use 
of  to  denote  condemnation.169  On  several  occa- 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


99 


sions  he  had  written  to  the  young  doctor  in  a 
style  of  reproach.  The  latter  wished  to  an- 
swer these  letters  by  word  of  mouth.  Not 
being  admitted,  he  wrote  to  his  master:  "  All 
the  university,  with  the  exception  of  one  licen- 
tiate, think  as  I  do.  Nay,  more:  the  Prince, 
the  Bishop,  several  other  prelates,  and  all  the 
most  enlightened  of  our  citizens,  declare 
unanimously  that  till  now  they  never  knew 
or  understood  Christ  and  his  Gospel.  I  am 
willing  to  receive  your  reproofs.  And  even 
should  they  be  harsh,  they  will  appear  gentle 
to  me.  Open  your  heart,  therefore,  without 
fear;  express  your  displeasure:  I  will  not 
and  cannot  be  angry  with  you.  God  and  my 
own  conscience  are  my  witnesses."170 

The  old  doctor  was  affected  by  these  ex- 
pressions of  his  former  pupil.  He  wished  to 
try  whether  there  were  no  means  of  removing 
the  condemnatory  theta.  They  talked  over 
the  subject,  but  to  no  purpose.  "  I  made  him 
understand,  however,"  says  Luther,  "  that  all 
their  dogmas  were  like  that  creature  which  is 
said  to  devour  itself.  But  it  is  useless  to  talk 


to  a  deaf  man.  These  doctors  cling  to  their 
petty  distinctions,  though  they  confess  that 
they  have  nothing  to  confirm  them  but  what 
they  call  the  light  of  natural  reason, — a 
gloomy  chaos  to  us  who  proclaim  the  one 
true  and  only  light,  Christ  Jesus."171 

Luther  quitted  Erfurth  in  the  carriage  be- 
longing to  the  convent,  which  took  him  to 
Eisleben.  From  thence  the  Augustines  of  the 
place,  proud  of  the  doctor  who  had  done  such 
honour  to  their  order  and  their  town,  which 
was  his  native  place,  furnished  him  with 
horses  to  proceed  to  Wittemberg  at  their  ex- 
pense. Every  one  wished  to  show  some  mark 
of  affection  and  esteem  to  this  extraordinary 
man,  whose  fame  was  daily  increasing. 

He  arrived  on  the  Saturday  after  Ascension 
day.  The  journey  had  done  him  good,  and 
his  friends  thought  him  looking  stronger  and 
in  better  health  than  before  he  set  out.172They 
rejoiced  at  all  that  he  related.  Luther  rested 
for  a  while  after  the  fatigue  of  his  journey  and 
his  dispute  at  Heidelberg ;  but  this  rest  was 
only  a  preparation  for  severer  labours. 


BOOK   IV. 


LUTHER  BEFORE  THE  LEGATE. 

May  to  December,  1518. 

The  Pope — Leo  X. — Luther  to  his  Bishop — Luther  to  the  Pope — Luther  to  the  Vicar- General—- 
The Cardinal  to  the  Elector — Sermon  on  Excommunication — Luther's  Influence — Diet  at  Augs- 
burg— The  Emperor  and  the  Elector — Letters  to  the  Pope — Citation  of  Luther  to  Rome — Inter- 
cession of  the  University — The  Legate  De  Vio — The  Pope's  Brief — Luther's  Indignation — The 
Pope  to  the  Elector — George  Schwarzerd — Melancthon — Luther  and  Melancthon— Staupitz  to 
Spalatin — Luther's  Resolution — He  sets  out — At  Nuremberg — Luther  at  Nuremberg — De  Vio — • 
Serra  Longa  and  Luther — Return  of  Serra  Longa — Prior  of  the  Carmelites — Serra  Longa — Luther 
and  Serra  Longa — The  Safe  Conduct — Appearance  before  the  Legate — First  Interview — De  Vio's 
Proofs — Luther's  Replies — A  Proposal — Luther  and  De  Vio — Luther's  Declaration — The  Legate's 
Answer — Luther's  Request — Third  Conference — Luther's  Declaration — The  Legate's  Answer 
— Luther's  Reply — The  Cardinal  Foiled — Rumours — De  Vio  and  Staupitz — Luther  to  Carlstadt 
— The  Communion — Departure  of  Staupitz — Letter  to  the  Legate — Luther  and  the  Legate — Lu- 
ther's Letter  to  the  Legate — His  Appeal — Luther's  Flight — Nuremberg — The  Legate  to  the 
Elector — Luther  to  the  Elector — Graefenthal — Luther  to  Spalatin — Luther's  Intended  Departure — 
A  Critical  Hour— Deliverance— Dissatisfaction  at  Rome — The  Pope's  Bull — Luther's  Appeals  to 
a  Council. 


AT  length  Truth  had  raised  its  head  in  the 
midst  of  the  nations  of  Christendom.  Having 
triumphed  over  the  inferior  instruments  of  the 
papal  power,  it  was  now  to  enter  upon  a  strug- 
gle with  its  head  himself.  We  are  about  to 
contemplate  Luther  in  close  conflict  with 
Rome. 

It  was  after  his  return  from  Heidelberg  that 
Luther  advanced  to  the  attack.  His  first 
Theses  on  the  indulgences  had  been  imper- 
fectly understood.  He  resolved  to  set  forth 
their  meaning  more  plainly.  He  had  found, 
by  the  clamours  proceeding  from  the  blind- 
ness and  hatred  of  his  enemies,  how  important 
it  was  to  gain  over  to  the  side  of  the  truth  the 
more  enlightened  portion  of  the  nation: — he 
decided  therefore  to  appeal  to  its  judgment,  by 
presenting  to  it  the  grounds  on  which  his  new 
convictions  rested.  It  was  quite  necessary  to 
14 


invite  the  decision  of  Rome ;  he  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  send  thither  his  explanations;  while 
with  one  hand  he  held  them  forth  to  all  his  im- 
partial and  enlightened  fellow-countrymen,  he, 
with  the  other,  laid  them  before  the  footstool 
of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff. 

These  explanations  of  his  theses,  which  he 
called  solutions? were  written  with  great  mo- 
deration. Luther  tried  to  soften  the  passages 
that  had  occasioned  irritation,  and  evinced  a 
genuine  modesty.  But,  at  the  same  time,  he 
manifested  an  immovable  conviction,  and  cou- 
rageously defended  every  proposition  that  truth 
obliged  him  to  maintain.  He  repeated,  once 
more,  that  every  Christian  who  truly  repented 
had  remission  of  sins  without  any  indulgence ; 
that  the  Pope  had  no  more  power  than  the 
lowest  priest  to  do  anything  beyond  simply 
declaring  the  forgiveness  that  God  had  already 


100 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


granted ;  that  the  treasury  of  the  merits  of 
saints,  administered  by  the  Pope  was  a  pure 
fiction :  and  that  holy  Scripture  was  the  sole 
rule  of  faith.  But  let  us  listen  to  his  own 
statement  of  some  of  these  things. 

He  begins  by  laying  down  the  nature  of  true 
repentance,  and  contrasts  that  act  of  God,  by 
which  man  is  regenerated,  with  the  mum- 
meries of  the  Romish  Church.  «*  The  Greek 
word  petavofits,"  said  he,  "  signifies,  put  on 
a  new  spirit,  a  new  mind, — take  to  you  a 
new  nature,  so  that,  ceasing  to  be  earthly,  you 
may  become  heavenly  :  Christ  is  a  teacher  of 
the  spirit,  and  not  of  the  letter,  and  his  words 
are  spirit  and  life."  Thus  he  teaches  a  re- 
pentance in  spirit  and  in  truth,  and  not  those 
outward  penances  which  the  haughtiest  sin- 
ner may  perform  without  any  real  humiliation, 
— he  requires  a  repentance,  \vhich  may  be 
wrought  in  every  situation  of  life, — under  the 
purple  robe  of  kings,  under  the  priest's  cas- 
sock, the  prince's  hat, — in  the  midst  of  the 
splendours  of  Babylon,  where  Daniel  dwelt, 
— as  well  as  under  the  monk's  frock,  or  the 
mendicant's  rags.* 

Further  on  we  read  these  bold  words:  "I 
care  little  what  pleases  or  displeases  the  Pope. 
He  is  a  man  like  other  men.  There  have  been 
many  popes  who  have  not  only  taken  up  with 
errors  and  vices,  but  things  yet  more  extraor- 
dinary. I  listen  to  the  Pope  as  pope,  that  is, 
when  he  speaks  in  the  canons,  agreeably  to 
the  canons,  or  regulates  any  matter  conjointly 
with  a  council, — but  not  when  he  speaks  of 
his  own  mind.  If  I  acted  on  any  other  rule, 
might  I  not  be  required  to  say,  with  those 
who  know  not  Jesus  Christ,  that  the  horrible 
massacres  of  Christians,  by  which  Julius  II. 
•was  stained,  were  the  good  deeds  of  a  kind 
shepherd  of  the  Lord's  sheep  1"  f 

"I  must  needs  wonder,"  ne  continues,  "at 
the  simplicity  of  those  who  have  said  that  the 
two  swords  in  the  Gospel  represent  the  one 
the  spiritual,  the  other  the  temporal  power. 
True  it  is,  that  the  Pope  holds  a  sword  of 
Iron,  and  thus  offers  himself  to  the  view  of 
Christians  not  as  a  tender  father,  but  as  an 
awful  tyrant.  Alas!  God,  in  his  anger,  hath 
given  us  the  sword  we  preferred,  and  with- 
drawn that  which  we  despised.  Nowhere,  in 
all  the  earth,  have  there  been  more  cruel  wars 
than  among  Christians.  Why  did  not  the 
same  ingenious  critic  who  supplied  this  fine 
commentary,  interpret  the  narrative  of  the  two 
keys  delivered  to  St.  Peter  in  the  same  subtle 
manner,  and  establish,  as  a  dogma  of  the 
Church,  that  the  one  serves  to  unlock  the 
treasury  of  heaven,  and  the  other  the  treasures 
of  this  world  ?"£ 

"  It  is  impossible,"  says  he,  "  for  a  man  to 
be  a  Christian  without  having  Christ;  and,  if 
he  has  Christ,  he  has,  at  the  same  time,  all 
that  is  in  Christ.  What  gives  peace  to  the 
conscience  is  that,  by  faith,  our  sins  are  no 
more  ours,  but  Christ's,  upon  whom  God  hath 
laid  them  all;  and  that,  on  the  other  hand,  all 


*  On  the  first  Thesis. 

t  Thesis  80. 


t  Thesis  26. 


Christ's  righteousness  is  ours,  to  whom  GoJ 
hath  given  it.  Christ  lays  his  hand  upon  us, 
and  we  are  healed.  He  casts  his  mantle  upon 
us,  and  we  are  clothed  ;  for  he  is  the  glorious 
Saviour,  blessed  forever."* 

With  such  view  of  the  riches  of  salvation  by 
Christ,  there  could  no  longer  be  any  need  of 
indulgences. 

At  the  same  time  that  Luther  thus  attacked 
the  papal  rule,  he  spoke  honourably  of  Leo 
X.  "The  times  we  live  in,"  said  he,  "  are  so 
evil,  that  even  persons  of  the  highest  station 
have  no  power  to  help  the  Church.  We  have 
at  this  time  a  very  good  Pope  in  Leo  X.  His 
sincerity  and  learning  are  a  matter  of  joy  to 
us.  But  what  can  he  do  alon  ,  amiable  and 
gracious  as  he  is?  He  deserved,  assuredly, 
to  be  elected  Pope  in  better  times.  In  these 
days  we  deserve  none  but  such  as  Julian  II. 
or  Alexander  VI." 

He  then  came  to  this  point. — "  I  will  speak 
out,  in  a  few  words  and  boldly. — The  Church 
requires  to  be  reformed.  And  it  is  a  work 
neither  for  one  man,  as  the  Pope, — nor  for 
several,  as  the  cardinals  and  fathers  in  council 
assembled, — but  for  the  whole  world  ;  or  rather 
it  is  a  work  which  appertains  to  God  alone. 
As  to  the  time  when  such  Reformation  shall 
commence,  he  only  knows  it  who  has  appoint- 
ed all  time.  The  barriers  are  thrown  down, 
and  it  is  no  longer  in  our  power  to  restrain  the 
overflowing  billows." 

These  are  a  few  of  the  declarations  and 
thoughts  which  Luther  addressed  to  the  more 
enlightened  of  his  countrymen.  W7hitsuntide 
was  drawing  near;  and  thus  it  was  at  the 
same  season  in  which  the  apostles  rendered 
to  their  risen  Saviour  the  first  testimony  of 
their  faith,  that  Luther,  the  new  apostle,  pub- 
lished this  animated  testimony,  in  which  he 
breathed  forth  his  ardent  desires  for  the  resur- 
rection of  the  Church.  On  Whitsun-eve,  22d 
May,  1518,  he  despatched  this  writing  to  the 
Bishop  of  Brandenburg,  his  ordinary,  accom- 
panied with  these  words : 

"  Most  worthy  Father  in  God  ! 

"  It  is  now  some  time  since  a  new  and  un- 
heard-of doctrine,  concerning  the  apostolic 
indulgences,  began  to  be  preached  in  these 
parts:  the  learned  and  the  unlearned  were 
troubled  by  it;  and  many  persons  known,  or 
personally  unknown  to  me,  requested  me  to 
declare  from  the  pulpit,  or  by  writing,  my  opi- 
nion of  the  novelty — I  will  not  say  the  impu- 
dence— of  the  doctrine  I  refer  to.  At  first  I 
kept  myself  silent  and  neutral.  But,  at  last, 
things  came  to  such  a  pass,  that  the  Pope's 
holiness  was  compromised. 

"  What  could  I  do?  I  thought  it  my  part 
neither  to  approve  nor  condemn  these  doc- 
trines, but  to  open  a  discussion  on  this  import- 
ant subject,  till  such  time  as  the  holy  Church 
should  pronounce  upon  it. 

"  No  one  presenting  himself,  or  accepting 
the  challenge  to  a  discussion  to  which  I  had 
nvited  all  the  world ;  and  my  theses  being 
:onsidered  not  as  matters  for  debate,  but  as 


*  Thesis  37. 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


101 


propositions  dogmatically  asserted;2— I  find 
myself  obliged  to  put  forth  an  explanation  of 
them.  Deign,  therefore,  to  accept  these  offer- 
ings that  I  present  to  you,  most  -clement  Bi- 
shop.3 And  that  all  may  see  that  I  am  not 
acting  presumptuously,  I  entreat  your  reve- 
rence to  take  pen  and  ink  and  blot  out,  or  even 
throw  into  the  fire  whatever  may  displease 
you.  I  know  that  Christ  needs  none  of  my 
labour  or  services,  and  that  he  can  easily, 
without  my  instrumentality,  make  known  the 
good  tidings  in  his  church.  Not  that  the  de- 
nunciations and  threats  of  my  enemies  alarm 
me.  Quite  the  contrary.  If  they  were  not  so 
wanting  in  prudence,  and  lost  to  shame,  no 
one  should  hear  or  know  any  thing  about  me. 
I  would  immure  myself  in  a  corner,  and  there 
study  alone  for  my  own  profit.  If  this  matter 
is  not  of  God,  it  will  certainly  not  be  to  my 
honour,  nor  to  the  honour  of  any  man,  but  will 
come  to  naught.  May  glory  and  honour  be  to 
Him  to  whom  alone  they  belong!" 

Luther  was*  up  to  this  time,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  respect  for  the  head  of  the  Church ; 
he  gave  credit  to  Leo  for  justice  and  a  love  of 
truth.  Accordingly,  he  resolved  to  write  to 
him  also.  A  week  after,  on  Trinity  Sunday, 
30th  May,  1518,  he  addressed  to  him  a  letter, 
of  which  the  following  are  some  fragments. 

"To  the  most  blessed  Father,  Pope  Leo  X., 
Supreme  Bishop, — brother  Martin  Luther,  an 
Augustine,  wishes  eternal  salvation ! 

"I  hear,  most  holy  Father,  that  evil  reports 
circulate  concerning  me,  and  that  my  name  is 
in  bad  odour  with  your  Holiness.  I  am  called 
a  heretic,  an  apostate,  a  traitor,  and  a  thousand 
other  reproachful  names.  What  I  see  sur- 
prises me,  and  what  I  hear  alarms  me.  But 
the  sole  foundation  of  my  tranquillity  remains 
unmoved,  being  a  pure  and  quiet  conscience. 
O,  holy  Father !  deign  to  hearken  to  me,  who 
am  but  a  child,  and  need  instruction." 

Luther  then  relates  the  affair  from  its  begin- 
ning, and  thus  proceeds: 

"  Nothing  was  heard  in  all  the  taverns  but 
complaints  of  the  avarice  of  the  priests,  attacks 
on  the  power  of  the  keys,  and  of  the  supreme 
bishop.  I  call  all  Germany  to  witness.  When 
I  heard  these  things,  my  zeal  was  aroused  for 
the  glory  of  Christ, — if  I  understand  my  own 
heart;  or,  if  another  construction  is  to  be  put 
on  my  conduct, — my  young  and  warm  blood 
was  inflamed. 

"  I  represented  the  matter  to  certain  princes 
of  the  Chnrch,  but  some  laughed  at  me,  and 
others  turned  a  deaf  ear.  The  awe  of  your 
name  seemed  to  have  made  all  motionless. 
Thereupon  I  published  this  dispute. 

"This,  then,  holy  Father,  this  is  the  action 
which  has  been  said  to  have  set  the  whole 
world  in  a  flame ! 

"And  now  what  am  I  to  do?  I  cannot 
retract  what  I  have  said,  and  I  see  thatHhis 
publication  draws  down  on  me,  from  all  sides, 
an  inexpressible  hatred.  I  have  no  wish  to 
appear  in  the  great  world,  for  I  am  unlearned, 
of  small  wit,  and  far  too  inconsiderable  for 
such  great  matters,  more  especially  in  :his 
illustrious  age,  when  Cicero  himself,  if  he 


were  living,  would  be  constrained  to  hide  him- 
self in  some  dark  corner.4 

"  But  in  order  to  appease  my  enemies  and 
satisfy  the  desires  of  many  friends,  I  here  pub- 
lish my  thoughts.  I  publish  them,  holy  Fa- 
ther, that  I  may  dwell  the  more  safely  under 
your  protection.  All  those  who  desire  it  may 
here  see  with  what  simplicity  of  heart  I  have 
petitioned  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Church 
to  instruct  me,  and  what  respect  I  have  mani- 
fested for  the  power  of  the  keys.  If  I  had  not 
acted  with  propriety,  it  would  have  been  im- 
possible that  the  serene  Lord  Frederic,  Duke 
and  Elector  of  Saxony,  who  shines  foremost 
among  the  friends  of  the  apostolic  and  Christian 
truth,  should  have  endured  that  one,  so  dan- 
gerous as  I  am  asserted  to  be,  should  continue 
in  his  university  of  Wittemberg. 

"  Therefore,  most  holy  Father,  I  throw  my- 
self at  the  feet  of  your  holiness,  and  submit 
myself  to  you,  with  all  that  I  have  and  all  that 
I  am.  Destroy  my  cause,  or  espouse  it :  pro- 
nounce either  for  or  against  me;  take  my  life, 
or  restore  it,  as  you  please;  I  will  receive 
your  voice  as  that  of  Christ  himself,  who  pre- 
sides and  speaks  through  you.5  If  I  have  de- 
served death,  I  refuse  not  to  die ;  the  earth  is 
the  Lord's,  and  all  that  therein  is.  May  He 
be  praised  forever  and  ever.  May  He  main- 
tain you  to  all  eternity.  Amen. 

"  Signed  the  day  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  in  the 
year  1518.  Brother  Martin  Luther,  Augus- 
tine." 

What  humility  and  truth  in  this  fear,  or 
rather  this  admission  of  Luther,  that  his  young 
and  warm  blood  had  perhaps  taken  fire  too 
hastily !  We  see  here  the  man  of  sincerity, 
who,  instead  of  presuming  on  himself,  dreads 
the  influence  of  his  passions,  even  in  such 
actions  as  are  most  conformable  to  the  com- 
mandment of  God.  This  is  not  the  language 
of  a  proud  fanatic.  We  behold  Luther's 
earnest  desire  to  gain  over  Leo  to  the  cause  of 
truth,  to  avoid  all  schism,  and  to  cause  the 
Reformation  (the  necessity  of  which  he  pro- 
claimed) to  proceed  from  the  highest  authority 
in  the  Church.  Certainly,  it  is  not  he  who 
can  be  accused  of  having  broken  up  that  unity 
of  the  Western  Church,  which  so  many  of  all 
sects  have  since  regretted.  On  the  contrary, 
he  gave  up  every  thing  but  truth  that  he  might 
maintain  it.  It  was  his  adversaries  who,  re- 
fusing to  allow  the  fulness  and  sufficiency  of 
the  salvation  wrought  by  Jesus  Christ,  tore  to 
shreds  the  Lord's  vesture  at  the  foot  of  the 
cross. 

After  writing  this  letter,  Luther,  on  the 
same  day,  wrote  to  his  friend  Staupitz,  Vicar- 
general  of  his  order.  It  was  through  him  that 
he  resolved  to  forward  to  Leo  both  his  "  Solu- 
tions" and  his  letter. 

"  I  beg  of  you,"  said  he,  "  to  receive  with 
favour  the  poor  productions  that  I  send  you,* 
and  to  forward  them  to  the  excellent  Pope  Leo 
X.  Not  that  I  mean  by  this  to  draw  you  into 
the  peril  in  which  I  stand;  lam  resolved  my- 
self to  incur  the  whole  danger.  Christ  will 


The  Solutions. 


102 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


look  to  it,  and  make  it  appear  whether  what 
I  have  said  comes  from  him  or  myself, — 
Christ,  without  whom  the  Pope's  tongue  can- 
not move,  nor  the  hearts  of  kings  decree. 

"  As  for  those  who  threaten  me,  I  have  no 
answer  for  them  but  the  saying  of  Reuchlin  : 
*  The  poor  man  has  nothing  to  fear,  for  he  has 
nothing  to  lose.'6  I  have  neither  money  nor 
astate,  and  I  desire  none.  If  I  have  some- 
times tasted  of  honour  and  good  report,  may 
He  who  has  begun  to  strip  me  of  them  finish 
his  work.  All  that  is  left  me  is  this  wretched 
body,  enfeebled  by  many  trials : — let  them  kill 
it  by  violence  or  fraud,  so  it  be  to  the  glory 
of  God ;  by  so  doing  they  will  but  shorten 
the  term  of  my  life  by  a  few  hours.  It  is  suf- 
ficient for  me  that  I  have  a  precious  Redeem- 
er, a  powerful  High  Priest,  my  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.  I  will  praise  him  as  long  as  I  have 
breath.  If  another  will  not  join  me  in  prais- 
ing him,  what  is  that  to  me!" 

In  these  words  we  read  the  innermost  heart 
of  Luther. 

Whilst  he  was  thus  placing  confidence  in 
Rome,  Rome  had  thoughts  of  vengeance 
against  him.  As  early  as  the  3d  of  April, 
Cardinal  Raphael  de  Rovera  had  written  to 
the  Elector  Frederic  in  the  Pope's  name,  to 
intimate  that  some  suspicion  was  entertained 
of  his  fidelity,  and  to  desire  him  to  avoid  pro- 
tecting Luther.  "The  Cardinal  Raphael," 
observed  the  latter,  "  would  have  been  well 
pleased  to  see  me  burned  alive  by  Duke  Fre- 
deric."7 Thus  Rome  was  beginning  to  turn 
arms  against  Luther;  her  first  blow  was  di- 
rected to  the  depriving  him  of  his  protector's 
favour.  If  she  succeeded  in  destroying  this 
shelter  of  the  monk  of  Wittemberg,  he  would 
fall  an  easy  prey  to  her  agents. 

The  German  sovereigns  were  very  tenacious 
of  their  reputation  as  Christian  princes.  The 
slightest  suspicion  of  heresy  filled  them  with 
fears.  The  Roman  Court  had  skilfully  taken 
advantage  of  this  disposition  of  mind.  Fre- 
deric had  always  been  attached  to  the  religion 
of  his  fathers.  Hence  the  Cardinal  Raphael's 
letter  produced  a  very  considerable  impression 
upon  his  mind.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
Elector  made  it  a  rule  never  to  be  hasty  in 
any  thing.  He  knew  that  truth  was  not 
always  on  the  side  of  the  strongest.  The  dis- 
putes of  the  Empire  with  Rome  had  taught 
him  to  discern  the  interested  views  of  that 
court.  He  had  arrived  at  the  conviction  that, 
to  be  a  Christian  prince,  it  was  not  necessary 
to  be  a  slave  to  the  Pope. 

"  He  was  not  one  of  those  profane  persons," 
says  Melancthon,  "who  would  stifle  all 
changes  in  their  very  birth.  Frederic  sub- 
mitted himself  to  the  will  of  God.  He  care- 
fully read  the  writings  that  were  put  forth, 
and  would  not  allow  any  to  destroy  what  he 
thought  true."  He  possessed  this  power. 
Besides  being  absolute  sovereign  of  his  own 
dominions,  he  enjoyed  at  least  as  much  respect 
throughout  the  Empire  as  was  paid  to  the 
Emperor  himself. 

It  is  probable  that  Luther  received  some  in- 
timation of  this  letter  of  Cardinal  Raphael's, 


which  reached  the  Elector  on  the  7th  of  July. 
Perhaps  it  was  in  the  prospect  of  excommu- 
nication, which  this  Roman  missive  seemed 
to  forebode,  that  he  ascended  the  pulpit  of 
Wittemberg  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month, 
and  preached  a  discourse  on  that  topic,  which 
made  a  deep  impression  on  his  hearers.  He 
explained  the  distinction  between  inward  and 
outward  excommunications,  the  former  ex- 
cluding from  communion  with  God,  and  the 
latter  from  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Church.  "  No  one,"  said  he,  "can  reconcile 
the  fallen  soul  to  God  but  the  Lord.  No  one 
can  separate  a  man  from  communion  with  God 
but  that  man  himself,  by  his  own  sins.  Bless- 
ed is  that  man  who  dies  under  an  unjust  sen- 
tence of  excommunication!  Whilst,  for 
righteousness'  sake,  he  suffers  a  cruel  judg- 
ment from  men,  he  receives  from  God  the 
crown  of  everlasting  happiness!" 

Some  loudly  commended  this  bold  language ; 
others  were  yet  more  enraged  by  it. 

But  Luther  did  not  now  stand  alone;  and 
though  his  faith  needed  no  other  support  than 
that  of  God  himself,  he  had  called  up  on  all 
sides  a  power  that  protected  him  from  his  ene- 
mies. The  voice  of  this  man  had  been  heard 
by  the  whole  German  nation.  From  his  ser- 
mons and  writings  issued  beams  of  light 
which  awakened  and  illuminated  his  contem- 
poraries. The  energy  of  his  faith  rushed  like 
a  stream  of  fire  upon  the  frozen  hearts  of  men. 
The  life  which  God  had  given  to  this  extra- 
ordinary mind  was  imparted  to  the  dead  body 
of  the  Church.  Christendom,  which  had  re- 
mained motionless  for  so  many  years,  was 
now  alive  with  religious  enthusiasm.  The 
popular  attachment  to  the  superstitions  of 
Romanism  was  daily  lessening ;  those  who 
came  with  money  in  hand  to  purchase  pardon 
were  every  day  fewer;8  and  the  reputation  of 
Luther  was  every  day  extended.  Men's 
thoughts  were  directed  toward  him,  and  he 
was  hailed  with  affection  and  respect,  as  the 
intrepid  defender  of  truth  and  freedom.9  Doubt- 
less all  did  not  penetrate  the  depth  of  the  doc- 
trines he  proclaimed.  It  was  enough  for  the 
greater  number  to  know  that  the  new  doctor 
stood  up  against  the  Pope ;  and  that,  at  his 
powerful  word,  the  dominion  of  the  priests 
and  monks  was  tottering  to  its  fall.  The  at- 
tack of  Luther  was  to  them  like  a  beacon-fire 
on  a  mountain  top,  which  announces  to  a 
whole  people  the  moment  for  bursting  their 
bonds.  Luther  was  not  aware  of  the  influence 
he  had  obtained,  till  all  the  generous  spirits 
among  his  countrymen  had  by  acclamation 
acknowledged  him  their  leader.  But  to  many 
the  appearance  of  Luther  was  much  more  than 
this.  The  word  of  God,  which  he  handled 
with  so  much  power,  penetrated  to  the  souls 
of  men  like  a  two-edged  sword.  In  many 
hearts  an  ardent  desire  was  kindled  to  obtain 
the  assurance  of  pardon  and  everlasting  life. 
Since  the  first  ages  of  the  Church,  there  had 
not  been  witnessed  such  hungering  and  thirst- 
ing after  righteousness.  If  the  preaching  of 
Peter  the  Hermit  and  of  Bernard  had  induced 
multitudes,  during  the  middle  ages,  to  assume 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


103 


outwardly  the  symbol  of  the  cross,  the  preach- 
ing of  Luther  influenced  the  hearts  of  men  to 
take  up  the  true  cross, — the  truth  that  saves 
the  soul.  The  superstructure,  which  then  en- 
cumbered the  Church,  had  smothered  true 
piety :  the  form  had  extinguished  the  spirit. 
The  word  of  power  given  to  Luther  was  as  a 
breath  of  life  to  Christendom.  At  first  sight 
the  writings  of  Luther  carried  with  them  the 
sympathy  both  of  the  faithful  and  of  the  un- 
believer;— of  the  latter,  because  the  positive 
doctrines,  afterwards  to  be  established,  were 
not  yet  fully  opened  ;  of  the  former,  because 
those  doctrines  were  in  principle  comprised  in 
that  living  faith,  which  his  writings  set  forth 
with  so  much  power.  Hence  the  influence  of 
those  writings  was  unbounded.  They  spread 
instantaneously  throughout  Germany,  and  the 
whole  world.  Everywhere  a  persuasion  ex- 
isted that  what  men  now  beheld  was  not 
merely  the  rise  of  a  new  sect,  but  a  new  birth 
of  the  Church  and  of  society.  Those  who 
\vere  then  born  again  by  the  breath  of  God's 
Spirit  rallied  round  him  who  had  been  instru- 
mental in  imparting  to  them  spiritual  life. 
Christendom  was  divided  into  two  opposing 
parties;  the  one  contending  for  the  spirit 
against  form ;  and  the  other  for  form  against 
the  spirit.  On  the  side  of  form  there  was,  it 
is  true,  every  appearance  of  strength  and  mag- 
nificence ;  on  the  side  of  the  spirit  there  was 
weakness  and  littleness.  But  form,  void  of 
the  spirit,  is  as  an  empty  body  which  the  first 
breath  may  overthrow.  Its  resemblance  of 
strength  serves  only  to  exasperate  the  hostility 
and  hasten  its  downfall.  Thus  the  simple 
word  of  truth  had  called  forth  a  whole  host  in 
favour  of  Luther. 

It  could  not  be  otherwise,  for  the  nobles 
•were  beginning  to  bestir  themselves,  and  the 
empire  and  the  Church  were  already  uniting 
their  forces  to  rid  themselves  of  the  trouble- 
some monk.  The  Emperor  Maximilian  was 
then  holding  an  imperial  diet  at  Augsburg. 
Six  Electors  had  repaired  thither  in  person  at 
his  summons.  All  the  Germanic  states  had 
their  representatives  in  this  assembly.  The 
kings  of  France,  of  Hungary,  and  of  Poland, 
had  sent  ambassadors.  All  these  princes  and 
envoys  displayed  great  magnificence.  The 
war  against  the  Turks  was  one  of  the  causes 
for  which  the  diet  was  held.  The  Sultan 
Selirn,  after  having  poisoned  his  father,  and 
put  his  brothers  and  their  children  to  death, 
had  carried  his  victorious  arms  into  Armenia, 
Egypt,  and  Syria.  Serious  apprehensions 
were  entertained  that  he,might  push  forward 
his  armies  into  Italy  and  Hungary.  It  was 
not  long,  however,  before  death  closed  his 
career.  But  Leo  X.  did  not,  on  that  account, 
abandon  tne  project  of  a  new  crusade.  His 
legate  earnestly  exhorted  the  Germanic  states 
to  prepare  for  war.  "  Let  the  clergy,"  said 
he,  "  pay  a  tenth,  the  laity  a  fiftieth  part  of 
their  property ;  let  each  family  furnish  the 
pay  of  one  soldier;  let  the  rich  give  annual 
contributions,  and  all  will  go  well."  The 
states,  bearing  in  mind  the  bad  use  that  had 
been  made  of  former  contributions,  and  in- 


fluenced by  the  prudent  advice  of  the  Elector 
Frederic,  contented  themselves  with  answer- 
ing that  they  would  consider  the  matter,  and 
at  the  same  time  brought  forward  new  griev- 
ances against  Rome.  A  Latin  discourse,  pub- 
lished whilst  the  Diet  was  sitting,  boldly 
pointed  out  to  the  German  princes  the  real 
danger.  "You  wish,"  said  the  author,  "to 
expel  the  Turk.  Your  intention  is  good,  but 
1  fear  you  are  mistaken  as  to  his  person. 
You  must  look  for  him  in  Italy,  and  not  in 
Asia.  Each  of  our  princes  has  power  suffi- 
cient to  defend  his  country  against  the  Turk 
of  Asia;  but  as  to  the  Turk  of  Rome,  the 
whole  of  Christendom  is  not  sufficient  to 
conquer  him.  The  former  has  not  yet  done 
us  any  harm ;  the  latter  walketh  about  every- 
where thirsting  for  the  blood  of  the  poor."10 

Another  affair  no  less  important  was  to  en- 
gage the  attention  of  the  Diet.  Maximilian 
wished  to  have  his  grandson  Charles,  who 
was  already  King  of  Spain  and  Naples,  pro- 
claimed King  of  the  Romans,  and  his  succes- 
sor in  the  Imperial  dignity.  The  Pope  un- 
derstood his  own  interest  too  well  to  wish  to 
see  the  throne  of  the  Empire  filled  by  a  prince 
whose  power  in  Italy  might  make  him  so  for- 
midable to  himself.  The  Emperor  imagined 
that  he  had  gained  over  to  his  side  the  majori- 
ty of  the  Electors  and  of  the  states ;  but  he 
met  with  a  decided  opposition  from  Frederic. 
It  was  in  vain  that  he  solicited  him  ;  in  vain 
did  the  ministers  and  best  friends  of  the  Elec- 
tor join  their  entreaties  to  the  solicitations  of 
the  Emperor ;  the  Prince  was  inexorable,  and 
showed,  as  has  been  observed,  that  he  had 
firmness  of  mind  not  to  depart  from  a  resolu- 
tion of  which  he  had  seen  the  propriety.  The 
Emperor's  design  failed. 

From  that  time  Maximilian  sought  to  in- 
sinuate himself  into  the  good  graces  of  the 
Pope,  in  order  to  win  his  assent  to  his  favour- 
ite plan.  Wishing  to  give  him  a  particular 
proof  of  his  attachment,  he  wrote  to  him  (on 
the  5th  of  August)  the  following  letter :  "  Most 
holy  Father,  we  were  informed  some  days 
since,  that  a  brother  of  the  Augustine  order, 
named  Martin  Luther,  had  taken  himself  to 
maintain  certain  propositions  relative  to  the 
sale  of  indulgences.  What  gives  us  the  more 
concern  is,  that  the  aforesaid  brother  meets 
with  many  protectors,  amongst  whom  are  some 
of  exalted  rank.11  If  your  Holiness  and  the 
most  reverend  Fathers  of  the  Church  (the 
Cardinals)  do  not  promptly  exert  your  author- 
ity to  put  an  end  to  these  scandalous  proceed- 
ings, these  mischievous  teachers  will  not 
only  seduce  the  common  people,  but  will 
involve  great  princes  in  their  destruction. 
We  will  be  careful  to  enforce  throughout  our 
Empire,  whatever  your  Holiness  shall  decree 
on  this  subject,  to  the  glory  of  Almighty 
God." 

This  letter  must  have  been  written  in  con- 
sequence of  some  rather  warm  discussion  that 
Maximilian  had  had  with  Frederic.  The  same 
day  the  Elector  wrote  to  Raphael  de  Rovera. 
He  was  doubtless  apprized  that  the  Emperor 
was  addressing  the  Roman  Pontiff,  and,  ia 
K 


104 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


order  to  parry  the  blow,  he  himself  opened  a 
communication  with  Rome. 

"  It  will  ever  be  my  desire,"  said  he,  "  to 
prove  my  submission  to  the  universal  Church. 

"  Therefore  have  I  never  defended  the  writ- 
ings and  discourses  of  Doctor  Martin  Luther. 
I  hear,  however,  that  he  has  uniformly  express- 
ed his  willingness  to  appear,  under  a  safe-con- 
duct, before  learned,  Christian,  and  impartial 
judges,  to  defend  his  doctrine,  and  to  submit 
to  their  decision,  if  they  should  be  able  by  the 
Scriptures  to  convince  him  of  error."12 

Leo  X.,  who,  until  this  hour,  had  allowed 
the  matter  to  take  its  course,  roused  at  length 
by  the  outcry  of  the  theologians  and  monks, 
now  appointed  an  ecclesiastical  court  in  Rome, 
for  the  purpose  of  judging  Luther,  and  in  which 
the  Reformer's  great  enemy,  Sylvester  Prie- 
rias,  wras  at  once  accuser  and  judge.  The  pre- 
liminaries were  soon  arranged,  and  the  court 
summoned  Luther  to  appear  before  it  in  person 
within  sixty  days. 

Luther  was  at  Wittemberg,  quietly  await- 
ing the  good  effects  which  he  imagined  his 
submissive  letter  to  the  Pope  was  calculated 
to  produce,  when,  on  the  7th  August,  two 
days  only  after  the  letters  from  Frederic  and 
Maximilian  had  been  despatched  to  Rome,  he 
received  the  summons  from  the  papal  tribunal. 
"At  the  moment  that  I  looked  for  benedic- 
tion," said  he, "  I  saw  the  thunderbolt  descend 
upon  me.  I  was  like  the  lamb  that  troubled 
the  stream  at  which  the  wolf  was  drinking. 
Tetzel  escaped,  and  I  was  devoured." 

This  summons  threw  all  Wittemberg  into 
consternation,  for,  whatever  course  Luther 
might  take,  he  could  not  escape  danger.  If  he 
went  to  Rome,  he  would  become  the  victim  of 
his  enemies.  If  he  refused  to  appear,  he  would, 
as  usual,  be  condemned  for  contumacy,  and 
would  not  escape,  for  it  was  known  that  the 
Legate  had  received  from  the  Pope  an  order 
to  strain  every  nerve  to  excite  the  Emperor 
and  the  German  princes  against  Luther.  His 
friends  were  alarmed.  Shall  the  preacher  of 
the  truth  go  and  risk  his  life  "  in  that  great 
city,  drunk  with  the  blood  of  the  saints  and  of 
the  martyrs  of  Jesus'?"  Shall  every  man 
who  ventures  to  lift  his  head  in  the  midst  of 
the  enslaved  nations  of  Christendom  be,  on 
that  account,  struck  down  1  Shall  this  man 
be  trampled  under  foot,  who  seemed  formed  to 
resist  a  power  which  nothing  had  previously 
been  able  to  withstand  1  Luther  himself  could 
see  no  one  but  the  Elector  able  to  save  him ; 
but  he  preferred  death  to  endangering  his 
prince's  safety.  His  friends  at  last  agreed  on 
an  expedient  which  would  not  compromise 
Frederic.  Let  him  refuse  Luther  a  safe-con- 
duct :  the  latter  would  then  have  a  fair  excuse 
for  not  appearing  at  Rome. 

On  the  8th  of  August,  Luther  wrote  to 
Spalatin  to  ask  him  to  use  his  influence  with 
the  Elector,  to  have  his  cause  heard  in  Ger- 
many. "  See,"  said  he  writing  to  Staupitz, 
"  what  snares  they  lay  for  me,  and  how  I  am 
surrounded  by  thorns.  But  Christ  lives  and 
reigns,  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for- 
ever. My  conscience  tells  me  that  I  have 


taught  the  truth,  though  truth  appears  still  more 
odious  because  I  teach  it.  The  Church  is  the 
womb  of  Rebecca.  The  children  must  strug- 
gle together,  even  to  the  endangering  of  the 
mother's  life.13  As  to  the  rest,  pray  to  the  Lord 
that  I  may  not  take  too  much  joy  in  the  trial. 
May  God  not  lay  this  sin  to  their  charge !" 

The  friends  of  Luther  did  not  confine  them- 
selves to  consultations  and  complaints.  Spala- 
tin wrote,  on  the  part  of  the  Elector,  to  Ren- 
ner,  the  Emperor's  secretary :  "  Doctor  Martin 
will  willingly  submit  himself  to  the  judgment 
of  any  of  the  universities  of  Germany,  except 
Erfurth,  Leipzic,  and  Frankfort  on  the  Oder, 
which  have  forfeited  their  claim  to  be  regarded 
as  impartial.  It  is  out  of  his  power  to  appear 
at  Rome  in  person."1* 

The  members  of  the  university  of  Wittem- 
berg addressed  an  intercessory  letter  to  the 
Pope  himself.  "  His  weak  health,"  they  said, 
speaking  of  Luther,  "and  the  dangers  of  the 
journey,  make  it  difficult,  and  even  impossible, 
that  he  should  obey  the  order  of  your  Holiness. 
His  distress  and  his  entreaties  incline  us  to 
compassionate  him.  We  beseech  you  then, 
most  Holy  Father,  as  obedient  children,  to 
look  upon  him  in  the  light  of  one  who  has 
never  been  tainted  by  any  doctrines  opposed 
to  the  tenets  of  the  Romish  Church." 

The  university,  in  its  solicitude,  addressed 
another  letter  the  same  day  to  Charles  von 
Miltitz,  a  Saxon  gentleman,  who  was  cham- 
berlain to  the  Pope,  and  was  much  esteemed 
by  him.  In  this  letter  they  gave  a  more  de- 
cided testimony  in  favour  of  Luther  than  they 
had  dared  to  do  in  the  former.  "  The  reve- 
rend father,  Martin  Luther,  the  Augustine," 
said  they,  "is  the  noblest  and  most  distin- 
guished member  of  our  university.  For  seve- 
ral years,  we  have  been  witnesses  of  his  talent, 
his  learning,  his  intimate  acquaintance  with 
arts  and  literature,  his  irreproachable  morals, 
and  his  truly  Christian  deportment."15-This 
strong  sympathy  of  those  about  him  is  one  of 
the  greatest  proofs  of  Luther's  worth. 

Whilst  the  result  of  this  application  was 
anxiously  awaited,  it  was  settled  with  less 
difficulty  than  might  have  been  expected. 
The  Legate  de  Vio,  mortified  at  his  failure  in 
the  commission  he  had  received  to  excite  a 
general  war  against  the  Turks,  wished  to  give 
importance  to  his  embassy  into  Germany  by 
some  other  distinguished  service.  He  thought 
that  if  he  were  to  extirpate  heresy  he  should 
return  to  Rome  with  honour.  He  therefore 
petitioned  the  Pope  to  put  this  affair  into  his 
hands.  Leo,  on  his  part,  was  well  disposed 
towards  Frederic,  for  having  so  firmly  resisted 
the  election  of  Charles.  He  felt  that  he 
might  again  have  need  of  his  assistance. 
Without  further  reference  to  the  former  sum- 
mons, he  commissioned  his  Legate,  by  a  brief, 
dated  the  23d  of  August,  to  investigate  the 
affair  in  Germany.  The  Pope  conceded  no- 
thing by  consenting  to  this  mode  of  proceed- 
ing, and  in  case  Luther  should  be  prevailed 
on  to  retract,  the  publicity  and  scandal  that 
must  have  attended  his  appearance  at  Rome 
would  be  avoided. 


HISTORY   OF   THE  REFORMATION. 


105 


"We  charge  you,"  said  the  Pope,  "to 
compel  the  aforesaid  Luther  to  appear  before 
you  in  person ;  to  prosecute  and  reduce  him 
to  submission  without  delay,  as  soon  as  you 
shall  have  received  this  our  order ;  he  having 
already  been  declared  a  heretic  by  our  dear 
brother  Jerome,  bishop  of  Asculan."16 

"  For  this  purpose,"  said  he,  "  invoke  the 
power  and  assistance  of  our  very  dear  son  in 
Christ,  Maximilian,  and  the  other  princes  of 
Germany,  and  of  all  the  communities,  uni- 
versities, and  potentates,  whether  ecclesiasti- 
cal or  secular.  And  when  you  have  secured 
his  person,  cause  him  to  be  detained  in  safe 
custody,  that  he  may  be  brought  before  us."17 

We  see  that  this  indulgent  concession  of 
the  Pope  was  little  else  than  an  expedient 
for  dragging  Luther  to  Rome.  Then  follows 
the  milder  alternative. 

"  If  he  should  return  to  a  sense  of  his  duty, 
and  ask  pardon  for  so  great  an  offence,  freely 
and  of  his  own  accord,  we  give  you  power  to 
receive  him  into  the  unity  of  holy  mother 
Church." 

The  Pope  soon  returns  to  his  maledictions. 

"  If  he  should  persist  in  his  stubbornness, 
and  you  fail  to  get  possession  of  his  person, 
we  give  you  power  to  proscribe  him  in  all 
places  in  Germany ;  to  put  away,  curse,  and 
excommunicate  all  those  who  are  attached  to 
him,  and  to  enjoin  all  Christians  to  shun  their 
society." 

Even  this  is  not  enough. 

"  And  to  the  end,"  he  continues,  "  that  this 
pestilence  may  the  more  easily  be  rooted  out, 
you  will  excommunicate  all  the  prelates,  reli- 
gious orders,  universities,  communities,  counts, 
dukes,  and  potentates,  the  Emperor  Maximi- 
lian excepted,  who  shall  neglect  to  seize  the 
said  Martin  Luther,  and  his  adherents,  and 
send  them  to  you  under  proper  and  safe  cus- 
tody. And  if  (which  God  forbid)  the  afore- 
said princes,  communities,  universities,  and 
potentates,  or  any  who  belong  to  them,  shelter 
the  said  Martin  and  his  adherents,  or  give 
them  publicly  or  secretly,  directly  or  indirectly, 
assistance  and  advice,  we  lay  an  interdict  on 
these  princes,  communities,  universities,  and 
potentates,  with  their  towns,  boroughs,  coun- 
tries, and  villages  ;  as  well  as  on'  the  towns, 
boroughs,  countries,  and  villages,  where  the 
said  Martin  shall  take  refuge,  as  long  as  he 
shall  remain  there,  and  three  days  after  he 
shall  have  quitted  the  same." 

This  audacious  power,  which  affects  to  be 
the  earthly  representative  of  him  who  said  : 
"  God  sent  not  his  Son  into  the  world  to  con- 
demn the  world,  but  that  the  world  through 
him  might  be  saved,"  continues  its  anathemas : 
and,  after  having  pronounced  penalties  against 
ecclesiastics  offending,  thus  proceeds: 

"As  to  the  laity,  if  they  do  not  obey  your 
orders,  without  any  delay  or  demur,  we  de- 
clare them  reprobate,  (excepting  always  his 
Imperial    Majesty,)    unable   to   perform  any 
lawful  act,  disentitled  to  Christian  burial,  and 
deprived   of  all   fiefs  which   they  may  hold  \ 
either  from  the  apostolic  see  or  from  any  lord  • 
whatever."18 


Such  was  the  treatment  that  awaited  Lu- 
ther. The  Roman  despot  had  prepared  every 
thing  to  crush  him.  He  had  set  every  engine 
at  work  ;  even  the  quiet  of  the  grave  must  be 
invaded.  His  ruin  seemed  inevitable.  How 
could  he  escape  this  powerful  combination  ? 
But  Rome  had  miscalculated  ;  the  movement 
excited  by  the  Spirit  of  God  could  not  be 
quelled  by  the  decrees  of  its  chancery. 

Even  the  semblance  of  a  just  and  impartial 
inquiry  had  been  disregarded ;  and  Luther 
had  already  been  declared  a  heretic,  not  only 
before  he  had  been  heard,  but  even  long  before 
the  expiration  of  the  time  allowed  for  his  per- 
sonally appearing.  The  passions  (and  never 
are  they  more  strongly  excited  than  in  reli- 
gious discussions)  break  through  all  forms 
of  justice.  Not  only  in  the  Roman  church, 
but  in  those  Protestant  churches  which  have 
departed  from  the  Gospel,  and  in  every  place 
where  truth  has  been  forsaken,  do  we  find  it 
treated  in  this  way.  All  means  seem  good 
against  the  Gospel.  We  frequently  see  men, 
who,  in  any  other  case,  would  shrink  from 
committing  the  least  injustice,  not  hesitating 
to  trample  under  foot  all  rule  and  equity,  when 
Christianity,  or  her  witnesses,  are  concerned. 

When  Luther  eventually  came  to  the  know- 
ledge of  this  brief,  he  gave  free  expression  to 
his  indignation.  "  The  most  remarkable  part 
of  the  transaction  is  this,"  said  he ;  "  the  brief 
was  issued  the  23d  of  August ;  I  was  sum- 
moned the  7th  of  August;  so  that  between 
the  summons  and  the  brief,  sixteen  days  had 
elapsed.  Now,  make  the  calculation,  and 
you  will  find  that  my  Lord  Jerome,  bishop  of 
Asculan,  proceeded  against  me,  pronounced 
judgment,  condemned  me,  and  declared  me  a 
heretic,  before  the  summons  reached  me,  or, 
at  the  most,  within  sixteen  days  after  it  had 
been  forwarded  to  me.  Now,  I  ask  what  be- 
comes of  the  sixty  days  that  are  granted  me 
in  the  summons  itself]  They  began  the  7th 
of  August — they  would  expire  the  7th  of  Oc- 
tober  Is  this  the  style  and  manner  of 

the  Roman  Court,  that  in  the  same  day  she 
summons,  exhorts,  accuses,  judges,  condemns, 
and  declares  guilty,  and  this,  too,  in  the  case 
of  one  who  is  at  such  a  distance  from  Rome, 
and  who  can  have  no  knowledge  of  what  is 
going  on?  What  answer  can  they  make  to 
all  this1?  They  certainly  forgot  to  clear  their 
brains  with  hellebore,  before  they  had  recourse 
to  such  clumsy  artifice."19 

But  at  the  same  time  that  Rome  was  arm- 
ing the  legate  with  her  thunders,  she  was  en- 
deavouring, by  soft  and  flattering  speeches,  to 
detach  from  Luther's  interest  the  prince  whose 
power  she  most  dreaded.  The  same  day, 
(the  23d  of  August,  1518,)  the  Pope  wrote  to 
the  Elector  of  Saxony.  He  had  recourse  to 
the  same  practised  policy  which  we  have 
before  noticed,  and  sought  to  flatter  the 
Prince's  vanity. 

"  Dear  Son,"  said  the  Roman  Pontiff, 
"  when  we  think  of  your  noble  and  worthy 
family;  of  you,  who  are  its  ornament  and 
head ;  when  we  remember  how  you  and  your 
ancestors  have  always  wished  to  uphold  the 


106 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Christian  faith  and  the  honour  and  dignity  of 
the  Holy  See,  we  cannot  believe  that  a  man 
"who  abandons  the  faith  can  rely  on  your 
Highness's  favour,  and  recklessly  give  the 
rein  to  his  wickedness.  And  yet  reports  have 
reached  us  from  all  quarters,  that  a  certain 
brother  Martin  Luther,  a  monk  of  the  order  of 
St.  Augustine,  acting  the  part  of  a  child  of 
iniquity  and  a  despiser  of  God,  has  forgotten 
his  habit  and  his  order,  which  require  humi- 
lity and  obedience,  and  boasts  that  he  fears 
neither  the  authority  nor  the  chastisement  of 
any  man,  assured,  as  he  declares  himself,  of 
your  favour  and  protection. 

"  But,  as  we  are  sure  that  he  is,  in  this, 
deceiving  himself,  we  have  thought  it  good  to 
write  to  your  Highness,  and  to  exhort  you, 
according  to  the  will  of  God,  to  be  jealous  of 
your  honour  as  a  Christian  prince,  the  orna- 
ment, the  glory,  and  the  sweet  savour  of  your 
noble  family, — to  defend  yourself  from  these 
calumnies, — and  to  clear  yourself,  not  only 
from  the  commission  of  so  great  a  crime  as 
that  which  is  imputed  to  you,  but  also  from 
the  very  suspicion  which  the  rash  presumption 
of  this  monk  tends  to  bring  upon  you." 

Leo,  at  the  same  time,  intimated  to  Frederic 
that  he  had  commissioned  the  Cardinal  of  St. 
Sixtus  to  examine  into  the  aifair;  and  he  de- 
sired him  to  deliver  up  Luther  into  the  hands 
of  the  legate,  "lest,"  said  he,  recurring  to  his 
favourite  argument,  "pious  people  of  this  or 
after  times  should  one  day  lament  and  say, 
The  most  dangerous  heresy  that  ever  afflicted 
the  Church  of  God,  arose  through  the  assist- 
ance and  under  the  protection  of  that  noble 
and  worthy  family."20 

Thus  Rome  had  taken  her  measures.  To 
one  party  she  offered  the  intoxicating  incense 
of  flattery ;  for  the  other  she  reserved  her  ven- 
geance and  her  terrors. 

All  earthly  powers — emperor,  pope,  princes, 
and  legates — were  put  in  motion  against  the 
humble  friar  of  Erfurth,  whose  inward  con- 
flicts we  have  already  traced.  "  The  kings 
of  the  earth  stood  up,  and  the  rulers  took 
counsel  against  the  Lord,  and  against  his 
anointed." 

Before  this  letter  and  brief  had  yet  reached 
Germany,  and  while  Luther  was  still  fearing 
that  he  should  be  obliged  to  appear  at  Rome, 
a  fortunate  circumstance  occurred  to  comfort 
his  heart.  He  needed  a  friend  into  whose 
bosom  he  could  pour  out  his  sorrows,  and 
whose  faithful  love  should  comfort  him  in  his 
hours  of  dejection.  God  sent  him  such  a 
friend  in  Melancthon. 

George  Schwarzerd  was  a  skilful  master- 
armourer  of  Bretten,  a  small  town  in  the  Pa- 
latinate. On  the  14th  of  February,  1497,  a 
son  was  born  to  him,  whom  he  named  Philip, 
and  who,  afterwards,  became  celebrated  under 
the  name  of  Melancthon.  George,  who  en- 
joyed the  esteem  of  the  princes  of  the  Palati- 
nate, of  Bavaria,  and  of  Saxony,  was  remark- 
able for  the  perfect  uprightness  of  his  dealings. 
Often  did  he  refuse  to  take  from  purchasers 
the  price  they  offered ;  and,  if  he  knew  that 
they  were  poor,  he  obliged  them  to  take  back 


their  money.  He  regularly  rose  at  midnight, 
and  offered  a  prayer  upon  his  knees.  If  he 
ever  happened  to  omit  this  service,  he  was 
dissatisfied  with  himself  all  day.  Schwarz- 
erd's  wife,  whose  name  was  Barbara,  was  the 
daughter  of  a  respectable  magistrate,  John 
Reuter.  She  was  of  an  affectionate  disposi- 
tion, somewhat  inclined  to  superstition,  but 
very  discreet  and  prudent.  Some  old  and 
well-known  German  rhymes  are  ascribed  to 
her  pen.  We  give  their  sense  as  well  as  we 
are  able. 

•Gifts  to  the  poor  impoverish  none  ; 
To  church  to  pray  will  hinder  none ; 
To  grease  the  wheel  delayeth  nono  , 
Ill-gotten  wealth  enricheth  none  ; 
God's  holy  book  deludeth  none. 

Also  the  following:  j 

He  who  is  a  freer  spender  \ 

Than  his  plough  or  toil  can  render, 
Sure  of  ruin,  slow  or  fast, 
May  perhaps  be  hanged  at  last.21 

Philip  was  not  eleven  years  old  when  his 
father  died.  Two  days  before  his  death, 
George  summoned  his  son  to  his  bedside,  and 
exhorted  him  to  "  set  the  Lord  always  before 
him."  "  I  foresee,"  said  the  dying  man, 
"  that  stormy  times  are  at  hand.  I  have  wit- 
nessed great  things ;  but  there  are  greater  still 
in  preparation.  God  preserve  and  guide  you, 
my  son  !"  After  receiving  his  father's  bless- 
ing, Philip  was  sent  to  Spire,  that  he  might 
not  be  present  at  his  father's  death.  He  wept 
bitterly  on  taking  his  departure. 

Reuter,  the  worthy  bailiff,  Philip's  grand- 
father, who  had  a  young  son  of  his  own,  per- 
formed a  father's  part  towards  the  orphan. 
He  took  both  Philip  and  his  brother  George 
into  his  own  house,  and,  shortly  after,  engaged 
John  Hungarus  as  tutor  to  the  three  boys. 
Hungarus  was  an  excellent  man,  and  after- 
wards preached  the  gospel  with  great  effect, 
continuing  his  labours  to  an  advanced  age. 
He  never  overlooked  any  fault  in  the  young 
man,  but  punished  it  with  discretion :  "  It 
was  thus,"  said  Melancthon,  in  1554,  "that 
he  made  me  a  grammarian.  He  loved  me  as 
if  I  had  been  his  son ;  I  loved  him  as  a  father; 
and  I  trust  that  we  shall  meet  in  heaven."22 

Philip  was  remarkable  for  the  excellence  of 
his  understanding,  his  quickness  in  acquiring, 
and  his  talent  for  communicating  knowledge. 
He  could  never  be  idle,  but  was  always  seek- 
ing for  some  one  with  whom  he  might  discuss 
the  things  he  had  heard.23  It  often  happened 
that  learned  foreigners  passed  through  Bretten, 
and  visited  Reuter.  On  such  occasions,  the 
bailiff's  grandson  immediately  accosted  them, 
engaged  them  in  conversation,  and  pressed 
them  so  closely  on  the  subjects  discussed, 
that  bystanders  were  astonished. 

To  a  powerful  genius  he  united  great  sweet- 
ness of  disposition,  and  thus  gained  the  favour 
of  all  who  knew  him.  He  had  an  impediment 
in  his  speech  ;  but,  following  the  example  of 
the  illustrious  Grecian  orator,  he  laboured  with 
so  much  perseverance  to  overcome  this  defect, 
that  in  after  life  no  traces  of  it  were  perceptible. 

On  the  death  of  his  grandfather,  young  Phi- 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


107 


lip  was  sent  with  his  brother  and  his  uncle 
John  to  the  school  of  Pforzheim.  The  young 
boys  lodged  with  one  of  their  female  relations, 
who  was  sister  to  the  celebrated  Reuchlin. 
Thirsting  for  knowledge,  Philip,  under  the 
tuition  of  George  Simler,  made  rapid  progress 
in  learning,  and  especially  in  the  Greek  lan- 
guage, to  which  he  was  passionately  devoted. 
Reuchlin  often  visited  Pforzheim.  At  his 
sister's  house  he  became  acquainted  with  her 
young  inmates,  and  was  very  much  struck 
with  Philip's  answers.  He  presented  him 
with  a  Greek  grammar  and  a  Bible.  These 
two  books  were,  destined  to  be  the  study  of  his 
whole  life. 

When  Reuchlin  returned  from  his  second 
journey  into  Italy,  his  young  relation,  who 
was  then  twelve  years  old,  ceJebrated  the  day 
of  his  arrival  by  acting  in  his  presence,  with 
some  friends,  a  Latin  comedy  of  his  own  com- 
posing. Reuchlin,  delighted  with  the  young 
man's  talent,  tenderly  embraced  him,  called 
him  his  beloved  son,  and,  smiling,  placed 
upon  his  head  the  red  hat  he  had  received 
when  he  was  made  doctor.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  Reuchlin  changed  his  name  of 
Schwarzerd  for  that  of  Melancthon.  Both 
words  signify  black  earth)  the  one  in  the  Ger- 
man, the  other  in  Greek.  Most  of  the  learned 
men  of  those  times  translated  their  names  into 
Greek  or  Latin. 

At  twelve  years  of  age  Melancthon  went  to 
the  university  of  Heidelberg.  It  was  there 
he  began  to  slake  his  thirst  for  knowledge. 
At  fourteen  he  was  made  bachelor.  In  1512, 
Reuchlin  invited  him  to  Tubingen,  where 
many  eminent  scholars  were  assembled.  He 
attended  the  lectures  of  the  theologians,  the 
physicians,  and  the  jurisconsults.  There  was 
no  kind  of  knowledge  that  he  deemed  unwor- 
thy of  pursuit.  He  sought  not  for  fame,  but, 
for  the  possession  and  advantage  of  learning. 

Holy  Scripture  especially  engaged  his  at- 
tention. Those  who  frequented  the  church  of 
Tubingen  had  remarked  that  he  had  frequently 
a  book  in  his  hand,  which  he  read  between 
the  services.  The  mysterious  volume  seemed 
larger  than  the  ordinary  mass-books;  and  a 
report  was  circulated  that  Philip  on  such  oc- 
casions read  some  profane  author.  But  it 
turned  out  that  the  suspected  book  was  a  copy 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  recently  printed  at 
Bale  by  John  Frobenius.  He  continued  to 
use  this  book  all  his  life,  with  the  most  dili- 
gent attention.  He  always  carried  about  him 
this  precious  volume,  taking  it  with  him  to 
the  various  public  assemblies  which  he  was 
called  on  to  attend. ^Rejecting  the  vain  systems 
of  the  schoolmen,  he  adhered  to  the  plain  word 
of  God.  Erasmus,  writing  at  that  time  to 
CEcolampadius,  thus  expresses  himself.  "I 
have  the  highest  opinion  and  the  most  bril- 
liant expectations  of  Melancthon.  May  our 
Lord  so  order  events,  that  he  may  long  sur- 
vive us!  He  will  altogether  eclipse  Eras- 
mus."25 

Nevertheless,  Melancthon  then  partook  of 
the  errors  of  his  time,  "  I  shudder,"  said  he, 
at  an  advanced  period  of  his  life,  "  when  I 


think  of  the  superstitious  respect  I  paid  to 
images,  while  I  was  yet  a  Papist."26 

In  1514,  he  was  made  Doctor  of  Philoso- 
phy, and  began  to  lecture  publicly.  He  was 
then  seventeen.  The  grace  and  charm  which 
he  communicated  to  his  instructions  formed  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  tasteless  method  then 
followed  by  the  doctors,  and  especially  by  the 
monks.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  con- 
test in  which  Reuchlin  was  engaged  with  the 
ignoramuses  of  his  time.  Agreeable  in  con- 
versation, gentle  and  graceful  in  manners,  and 
beloved  by  all  who  knew  him,  he  soon  ac- 
quired great  authority  and  established  repu- 
tation among  the  learned. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  Elector  Frederic 
formed  the  design  of  inviting  some  man  of 
distinguished  learning  to  become  professor  of 
the  ancient  languages  in  his  university  in 
Wittemberg.  He  applied  to  Reuchlin,  who 
recommended  Melancthon.  Frederic  foresaw 
the  celebrity  that  the  young  Grecian  would 
confer  on  an  institution  so  dear  to  him — and 
Reuchlin,  overjoyed  at  so  favourable  an  open- 
ing for  his  young  friend,  wrote  to  him  in  the 
words  of  the  Lord  to  Abraham ;  "  Get  thee  out 
from  thy  country,  and  from  thy  kindred,  and 
from  thy  father's  house,  and  I  will  make  thy 
name  great,  and  thou  shall  be  a  blessing." 
"  Yes,"  continued  the  old  man, "  I  trust  it  will 
be  thus  with  thee,  my  dear  Philip,  my  disci- 
ple and  my  joy."27Melancthon  acknowledged 
the  voice  of  God  in  this  summons.  All  the 
university  grieved  at  his  departure :  yet  were 
there  some  who  envied  and  hated  him.  He 
bade  farewell  to  his  native  place,  exclaiming, 
"  The  will  of  the  Lord  be  done  !"  He  was 
then  one-and-twenty. 

Melancthon  performed  the  journey  on  horse- 
back in  company  with  some  Saxon  merchants, 
as  in  the  desert  the  traveller  joins  a  caravan: 
for,  as  Reuchlin  says,  "he  knew  neither  the 
roads  nor  the  towns  they  had  to  pass  through."28 
At  Augsburg  he  waited  on  the  Elector,  who 
was  stopping  there.  At  Nuremberg  he  made 
acquaintance  with  the  excellent  Pirckheimer, 
and  at  Leipzig  with  the  learned  Grecian, 
Mosellanus.  The  university  of  this  latter 
city  gave  a  feast  in  his  honour.  The  repast 
was  truly  academical.  A  variety  of  dishes 
were  introduced  in  succession,  and  as  each 
was  put  upon  the  table,  one  of  the  professors 
rose  and  addressed  a  studied  Latin  speech  to 
Melancthon.  The  latter  answered  impromptu. 
At  last,  tired  of  so  much  eloquence,  he  said  : 
"  My  learned  friends,  suffer  me  to  answer  once 
for  all  to  your  orations  ;  for,  being  entirely  un- 
prepared, I  am  unable  to  infuse  into  my  re- 
plies so  much  variety  as  you  have  introduced 
in  your  addresses."  After  this  the  dishes 
were  brought  in  without  the  accompanying 
orations.29 

Melancthon  arrived  at  Wittemberg  on  the 
25th  of  August,  1518,  two  days  after  Leo  X. 
had  signed  the  brief  addressed  to  Cajetan,  and 
the  letter  to  the  Elector. 

The  professors  of  Wittemberg  did  not  re- 
ceive Melancthon  so  graciously  as  those  of 
Leipzig  had  done.     Their  first  impression  of 
2  K 


108 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


him  did  not  answer  the  expectation  they  had 
formed.  They  beheld  a  young  man,  who  look- 
ed even  younger  than  he  really  was,  of  small 
stature,  and  of  a  shy  and  timid  demeanour.  Is 
this  the  famous  Doctor,  thought  they,  that  the 
great  men  of  our  day,  such  as  Erasmus  and 
Reuchlin,  so  highly  extol?  ....  Neither 
Luther,  to  whom  he  first  introduced  himself, 
nor  Luther's  colleagues,  conceived  any  great 
hopes  of  him,  when  they  remarked  his  youth, 
his  diffidence,  and  his  retiring  manners. 

On  the  29th  of  August,  being  four  days 
after  his  arrival,  he  delivered  his  inaugural 
discourse.  The  whole  university  was  con- 
vened on  the  occasion.30  The  lad,  as  Luther 
calls  him,  spoke  such  elegant  Latin,  and 
manifested  so  much  learning,  so  cultivated  an 
understanding,  and  such  sound  judgment,  that 
all  his  auditors  were  astonished. 

When  he  had  concluded  his  speech,  all 
crowded  around  him  to  offer  their  congratula- 
tions; but  no  one  felt  more  delighted  than 
Luther.  He  hastened  to  communicate  to  his 
friends  the  sentiments  of  his  heart.  "  Me- 
lancthon,"  said  he,  writing  to  Spalatin  on  the 
31st  of  August,  "delivered,  only  four  days 
after  his  arrival,  so  beautiful  and  learned  an 
oration  that  it  was  heard  by  all  with  approba- 
tion and  astonishment.  We  soon  got  over  the 
prejudices  we  had  conceived  from  his  personal 
appearance;  we  now  extol  and  admire  his 
eloquence.  We  thank  the  prince  and  yourself 
for  the  service  you  have  done  us.  I  can  wish 
for  no  better  Greek  master.  But  I  fear  that 
our  poor  fare  will  not  suit  his  delicate  frame, 
and  that  we  shall  not  keep  him  long  with  us, 
on  account  of  the  smallness  of  his  allowance. 
I  hear  that  the  people  of  Leipzig  are  already 
bragging  that  they  will  be  able  to  carry  him 
off  from  us.  Beware,  my  dear  Spalatin,  of 
despising  this  youth.  The  young  man  is 
worthy  of  the  highest  honour.31 

Melancthon  began  at  once  to  expound 
Homer  and  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  Titus.  He 
was  full  of  ardour.  "I  will  use  every  en- 
deavour," he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  "  to  win  the 
favour  of  those  at  Wittemberg,  who  love  learn- 
ing and  virtue."  Four  days  after  his  inaugu- 
ration, Luther  again  wrote  to  Spalatin : 

"  I  commend  to  your  special  regard  that 
most  learned  and  very  amiable  Grecian,  Philip. 
His  lecture-room  is  always  crowded.  All  the 
theologians,  especially,  attend  his  lectures. 
He  puts  them  all,  whether  they  be  in  the  up- 
per, the  lower,  or  the  middle  classes,  upon 
learning  Greek."32 

Melancthon,  on  his  part,  felt  he  could  return 
Luther's  affection.  He  soon  discerned  in  him 
a  kindness  of  disposition,  a  strength  of  mind, 
a  courage,  and  a  wisdom,  which  till  then  he 
had  never  found  in  any  man.  He  revered  and 
loved  him.  "  If  there  be  any  one,"  said  he, 
«'  that  I  love  and  embrace  with  my  whole  heart, 
it  is  Martin  Luther."33 

With  such  feelings  did  Luther  and  Melanc- 
thon meet;  and  their  friendship  continued  till 
death.  WTe  cannot  sufficiently  admire  the 
goodness  and  wisdom  of  God,  in  bringing  to- 


saryto  each  other.  Melancthon  was  as  re- 
markable for  calmness,  prudence,  and  gentle- 
ness, as  Luther  was  for  wisdom,  impetuosity, 
and  energy.  Luther  communicated  vigour  to 
Melancthon  : — Melancthon  moderated  Luther. 
They  were  like  positive  and  negative  agents 
in  electricity,  by  whose  reciprocal  action  an 
equilibrium  is  maintained.  If  Melancthon  had 
not  been  at  Luther's  side,  the  torrent  might 
have  overflowed  its  banks : — when  Luther  was 
not  by,  Melancthon  faltered,  and  gave  way 
even  where  he  ought  not.34  Luther  did  much 
by  power.- — Melancthon  did  no  less,  perhaps, 
by  following  a  slower  and  gentler  method. 
Both  were  upright,  open-hearted,  and  gen- 
erous ;  both,  full  of  love  for  the  word  of  eter- 
nal life,  proclaimed  it  with  a  fidelity  and  de- 
votion which  gf  verned  their  whole  lives. 

Melancthon's  appearance  wrought  a  revolu- 
tion, not  merely  in  Wittemberg,  but  through- 
out Germany  and  the  learned  world.  The 
study  he  had  applied  to  the  Greek  and  Latin 
classics  and  to  philosophy  had  given  an  order, 
clearness,  and  precision  to  his  ideas  which 
diffused  on  the  subjects  he  handled  a  new  light 
and  an  indescribable  beauty.  The  sweet  spirit 
of  the  Gospel  fertilized  and  animated  all  his 
reflections ;  and  in  his  lectures  the  driest 
sciences  appeared  clothed  with  a  grace  that 
charmed  all  hearers.  The  sterility  that  the 
scholastic  philosophy  had  spread  over  in- 
struction was  gone,  a  new  method  of  teaching 
and  of  study  was  introduced  by  Melancthon! 
"  Thanks  to  him,"  says  a  distinguished  his- 
torian of  Germany,  Plank,35  "Wittemberg  be- 
came the  school  of  the  nation." 

The  impulse  that  Melancthon  gave  to  Lu- 
ther in  his  work  of  translating  the  Bible,  is 
one  of  the  most  memorable  circumstances  of 
the  friendship  between  these  great  men.  As 
early  as  1517,  Luther  had  made  some  attempts 
towards  that  translation.  He  got  together  as 
many  Greek  and  Latin  books  as  he  could  col- 
lect. With  the  aid  of  his  dear  Philip,  his  la- 
bour now  proceeded  with  fresh  energy.  Lu- 
ther obliged  Melancthon  to  take  part  in  his 
researches,  consulted  him  in  difficult  passages ; 
and  the  work,  which  was  destined  to  be  one 
of  the  grandest  works  of  the  Reformer,  ad- 
vanced more  securely  and  rapidly  to  its  com- 
pletion. 

Doubtless,  the  arrival  of  Melancthon  at  so 
critical  a  moment  brought  with  it  a  sweet  re- 
laxation to  the  mind  of  Luther.  Doubtless, 
in  the  delightful  expansion  of  a  new  friend- 
ship, and  in  the  midst  of  the  Biblical  studies 
to  which  he  applied  himself  with  fresh  zeal, 
he  sometimes  altogether  forgot  Rome,  Prierias, 
Leo,  and  that  ecclesiastical  court  before  which 
he  was  to  appear.  Yet  these  were  brief  mo- 
ments that  soon  passed  away.  His  thoughts 
were  ever  reverting  to  the  awful  tribunal  be- 
fore which  he  was  cited  by  the  influence  of 
his  implacable  enemies.  With  what  terror 
would  not  the  thought  have  filled  a  soul  de- 
siring aught  but  the  triumph  of  truth  !  But 
Luther  did  not  tremble  in  the  prospect  of  it : 
full  of  trust  in  the  faithfulness  and  power  of 


gether  two  men  so  different,  and  yet  so  neces-  j  God,  he  remained  firm ;  and  was  ready  to  ex- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


109 


pose  himself  alone  to  the  wrath  of  enemies 
m  M-e  terrible  than  those  who  had  brought  Huss 
to  the  stake. 

A  few  days  after  the  arrival  of  Melancthon, 
and  before  the  decision  of  the  Pope,  which  re- 
moved the  citation  of  Luther  from  Rome  to 
Augsburg,  could  be  known,  Luther  wrote  thus 
to  Spalatin : — "  I  do  not  ask  our  sovereign  to  do 
the  least  thing  in  defence  of  my  theses, — I  am 
willing  to  be  delivered  up,  and  cast  alone  into 
the  hands  of  all  my  adversaries.  Let  him 
suffer  the  storm  to  exhaust  all  its  rage  on  me. 
What  I  have  undertaken  to  defend,  I  hope  I 
shall,  by  Christ's  help,  be  enabled  to  maintain. 
As  to  force,  we  must  needs  yield  to  that,  but 
without  forsaking  the  truth."36 

Luther's  courage  communicated  itself  to 
others.  The  gentlest  an<i  most  timid,  behold- 
ing the  danger  that  threatened  the  witness  of 
the  truth,  found  language  full  of  energy  and 
indignation.  The  prudent  and  pacific  Stau- 
pitz  wrote  to  Spalatin  on  the  7th  September : 
"  Do  not  cease  to  exhort  the  Prince,  our  mas- 
ter not  to  be  dismayed  by  the  roaring  of  the 
lions.  Let  the  Prince  make  a  stand  for  the 
truth,  without  regarding  Luther  or  Staupitz, 
or  the  order.  Let  there  be  at  least  one  place 
where  we  may  speak  freely  and  fearlessly.  I 
know  that  the  plague  of  Babylon  (I  had  almost 
said,  of  Rome)  is  let  loose  against  all  who 
attack  the  corruptions  of  those  who  betray 
Christ  for  gain.  I,  myself,  have  seen  a  preach- 
er of  the  truth  pulled  out  of  his  pulpit,  and, 
though  on  a  saint's  day,  bound  and  dragged 
to  prison.  Others  have  witnessed  still  great- 
er atrocities.  Therefore,  my  dearly  beloved, 
persuade  his  Highness  to  continue  in  his  pre- 
sent sentiments."87 

The  order  for  his  appearance  at  Augsburg, 
before  the  cardinal  legate,  at  length  arrived. 
It  was  now  with  one  of  the  princes  of  the  Ro- 
man Church  that  Luther  had  to  do.  All  his 
friends  besought  him  not  to  set  out.38  They 
feared  that  a  snare  might  be  laid  for  him  on 
his  journey,  or  a  design  formed  against  his  life. 
Some  set  about  finding  a  place  of  concealment 
for  him.  Staupitz  himself,  the  timid  Stau- 
pitz, was  moved  at  the  thought  of  the  danger 
which  threatened  that  brother  Martin  whom 
he  had  drawn  forth  from  the  obscurity  of  the 
cloister,  and  launched  upon  the  agitated  sea 
where  his  life  was  now  in  peril.  Ah  !  would 
it  not  have  been  better  for  that  poor  brother  to 
have  remained  all  his  life  unknown?  It  is 
too  late  now.  Yet  he  will  do  all  in  his  power 
to  save  him.  Accordingly  he  wrote  to  him 
from  his  convent  at  Salsburg,  on  the  15th 
September,  imploring  him  to  flee  and  take 
refuge  with  him.  "  It  seems  to  me,"  said  he, 
"  that  the  whole  world  is  up  in  arms,  and 
combined  against  the  truth.  Even  so  was 
the  crucified  Jesus  hated !  I  see  not  that  you 
have  any  thing  else  to  expect  than  persecution. 
Ere  long  no  one  without  the  Pope's  permis- 
sion will  be  allowed  to  search  the  Scriptures, 
and  to  learn  Christ  from  them,  which  yet  is 
Christ's  injunction.  Your  fripnds  are  few  in 
number.  God  grant  to  those  few  friends  cou- 
rage to  declare  themselves  in  opposition  to 


your  formidable  enemies!  Yourmostpiudent 
course  is  to  leave  Wittemberg  for  a  time,  and 
come  and  reside  with  me.  Then — let  us  live 
and  die  together.  This  is  also  the  Prince's 
opinion,"  adds  Staupitz.39 

From  different  quarters  Luther  received 
alarming  information.  Count  Albert  of  Mans- 
feldt  sent  him  a  message  to  abstain  from  sett- 
ing out,  because  some  great  nobles  had  bound 
themselves  by  an  oath,  to  seize  and  strangle, 
or  drown  him.40  But  nothing  could  shake  his 
resolution.  He  would  not  listen  to  the  Vicar- 
general's  offer. — He  will  not  go  and  hide  in 
the  convent  of  Salzburg: — he  will  continue 
faithfully  on  that  stormy  stage  where  the 
hand  of  God  has  placed  him.  It  is  by  perse- 
verance in  the  midst  of  opposers,  by  loudly 
proclaiming  the  truth  in  the  midst  of  the  world, 
that  the  kingdom  of  the  truth  is  advanced. 
Why  then  should  he  flee  ?  He  is  not  of  those 
who  draw  back  unto  perdition,  but  of  those 
who  believe  to  the  saving  of  their  souls.  That 
word  of  the  Master,  whom  he  is  resolved  to 
serve  and  love  continually,  resounds  in  his 
heart:  *'  Whosoever  shall  confess  me  before 
men,  him  will  I  confess  before  rny  father  which 
is  in  heaven."  Everywhere,  in  the  history 
of  Luther,  and  of  the  Reformation,  do  we  find 
ourselves  in  presence  of  that  intrepid  spirit, 
that  elevated  morality,  that  boundless  charity, 
which  the  first  establishment  of  Christianity 
had  exhibited  to  the  world.  "  I  am  like  Jere- 
miah," said  Luther,  at  the  moment  we  are 
speaking  of, — "  'a  man  of  strife  and  conten- 
tion;' but  the  more  they  increase  their  threat- 
enings,  the  more  they  multiply  my  joy.  My 
wife  and  children  are  well  provided  for.  My 
lands  and  houses  and  all  my  goods  are  safe/1 
They  have  already  torn  to  pieces  my  honour 
and  my  good  name.  All  1  have  left  is  my 
wretched  body  ; — let  them  have  it ; — they  will 
then  shorten  my  life  by  a  few  hours.  But  as 
to  my  soul, — they  shall  not  have  that.  He, 
who  resolves  to  bear  the  word  of  Christ  to 
the  world,  must  expect  death  at  every  hour; 
— for  our  spouse  is  a  bloody  husband  unto  us"42 

The  Elector  was  then  at  Augsburg.  Short- 
ly before  he  left  that  city  and  the  Diet,  he 
pledged  himself  to  the  Legate,  that  Luther 
should  appear  before  him.  Spalatin  wrote  to 
his  friend,  by  direction  of  the  Prince,  that  the 
Pope  had  named  a  commission  to  hear  him  in 
Germany; — that  the  Elector  would  not  suffer 
him  to  be  carried  to  Rome; — and  desired  him 
to  prepare  to  set  out  for  Augsburg.  Luther 
resolved  to  obey.  The  information  he  had 
received  from  Count  Mansfeldt  induced  him 
to  ask  Frederic  for  a  safe-conduct.  The  latter 
replied,  that  it  was  not  needed,  and  sent  him 
only  letters  of  recommendation  to  several  of 
the  most  distinguished  counsellors  of  Augs- 
burg. He,  at  the  same  time,  forwarded  some 
money  for  his  journey,  and  the  Reformer, 
poor  and  unprotected,  set  forth  on  foot,  to  place 
himself  in  the  power  of  his  adversaries.43 

With  what  feelings  must  he  have  quitted 
Wittemberg,  and  directed  his  steps  towards 
Augsburg,  where  the  Pope's  legate  awaited 
him !  The  object  of  his  journey  was  not  like 


110 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


that  to  Heidelberg, — a  friendly  meeting ; — he 
was  about  to  appear  without  any  safe-conduct, 
before  the  delegate  of  Rome;  perhaps  he  was 
going  to  meet  death.  But  his  faith  was  not 
in  word,  it  was  in  truth.  Therefore  it  was 
that  it  gave  him  peace ;  and  he  advanced 
without  fear,  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts, 
to  bear  his  testimony  to  the  Gospel. 

He  reached  Weimar  on  the  28th  of  Sep- 
tember, and  took  up  his  lodging  in  the  con- 
vent of  the  Cordeliers.  One  of  the  monks 
could  not  take  his  eyes  off  him.  This  was 
Myconius.  It  was  the  first  time  he  had  seen 
Luther.  He  wished  to  approach  him,  and 
whisper  that  he  owed  to  him  the  peace  of  his 
soul,  and  that  all  his  desire  was  to  labour  with 
him.  But  Myconius  was  closely  watched  by 
his  superiors,  and  was  not  permitted  to  speak 
to  Luther.44 

The  Elector  of  Saxony  then  held  his  court 
at  Weimar,  and  it  is  probable  that,  on  that 
account,  the  Cordeliers  received  the  Doctor. 
The  day  after  his  arrival  was  the  festival  of 
St.  Michael : — Luther  said  mass,  and  was 
even  invited  to  preaah  in  the  Castle  Chapel. 
It  was  a  mark  of  favour  that  his  Prince  took 
pleasure  in  conferring  upon  him.  He  preach- 
ed from  an  overflowing  heart,  in  the  presence 
of  the  court,  on  the  text  of  the  day,  which  is 
in  Matthew's  Gospel,  ch.  xviii.  verses  1  to 
11.  He  spoke  strongly  against  hypocrites, 
and  such  as  boast  of  their  own  righteousness. 
But  he  said  not  a  word  of  the  angels,  though 
it  was  the  invariable  custom  to  do  so  on  St. 
Michael's  day. 

The  courage  of  the  Doctor,  who  was  re- 
pairing quietly  on  foot  to  attend  a  summons, 
which,  for  so  many  before  him,  had  been  a 
summons  to  die,  astonished  those  who  beheld 
him.  Interest,  wonder,  and  compassion  suc- 
cessively took  possession  of  their  hearts. 
John  Kestner,  provisor  of  the  Cordeliers, 
struck  with  apprehension  at  the  thought  of 
the  dangers  that  awaited  his  guest,  said  :  "  My 
brother,  you  have  to  meet  Italians  at  Augs- 
burg. They  are  shrewd  people,  subtle  an- 
tagonists, and  will  give  you  enough  to  do.  I 
fear  you  will  not  be  able  to  defend  your  cause 
against  them.  They  will  cast  you  into  the 
fire,  and  the  flames  will  consume  you."45  Lu- 
ther answered  gravely :  "  My  dear  friend, 
pray  to  our  Lord  God,  who  is  in  heaven,  and 
put  up  a  paster  noster  for  me  and  for  his  dear 
child  Jesus,  whose  cause  is  mine, — that  he 
may  be  favourable  to  him.  If  He  maintains 
his  cause,  mine  is  safe;  but  if  He  will  not 
maintain  it,  certainly  it  is  not  in  me  to  main- 
tain it;  and  it  is  He  who  will  bear  the  dis- 
honour." 

Luther  continued  his  journey  on  foot,  and 
arrived  at  Nuremberg.  Being  about  to  pre- 
sent himself  before  a  prince  of  the  church,  he 
wished  to  make  a  suitable  appearance.  The 
dress  he  wore  was  old,  and  much  the  worse 
for  his  journey.  He  therefore  borrowed  a 
monk's  frock  of  his  faithful  friend  Wenceslas 
Link,  the  preacher  at  Nuremberg. 

Doubtless  Luther  did  not  call  on  Link 
alone,  but  visited  his  other  friends  at  Nurem- 


berg, and  among  them  Scheurl,  the  town- 
clerk,  Albert  Durer,  the  celebrated  painter, 
(to  whose  memory  that  town  is  at  this  time 
erecting  a  statue,)  and  others.  He  was  con- 
firmed in  his  resolution  by  his  intercourse 
with  these  excellent  ones  of  the  earth,  whilst 
many  monks  as  well  as  laity  caught  the  alarm 
at  his  journey,  and  besought  him  to  turn  back. 
The  letters  he  wrote  from  this  town  breathe 
the  spirit  which  then  animated  him :  "  I  find," 
said  he,  "men  of  cowardly  spirit,  who  wish 
to  persuade  me  not  to  go  to  Augsburg;  but  I 
am  determined  to  go  on.  May  the  Lord's 
will  be  done!  Even  at  Augsburg,  and  in  the 
midst  of  his  enemies,  Christ  reigns.  Let 
Christ  be  exalted,  and  the  death  of  Luther  or 
any  other  sinner  is  of  little  moment.  As  it 
is  written:  *  May  the  God  of  my  salvation  be 
exalted !'  Farewell !  persevere,  stand  fast, 
for  we  must  be  rejected  either  by  men  or  by 
God  :  but  God  is  true,  and  man  is  a  liar."46 

Link  and  Leonard,  an  Augustine  monk, 
could  not  bear  to  let  Luther  encounter  alone 
the  dangers  that  threatened  him.  They  knew 
his  disposition,  and  that,  overflowing  as  he 
was  with  self-devotion  and  courage,  he  would 
probably  be  wanting  in  prudence.  They 
therefore  accompanied  him.  When  they 
were  within  five  leagues  of  Augsburg,  Lu- 
ther, who  was  no  doubt  suffering  from  the 
fatigue  of  his  journey,  and  the  agitation  of  his 
mind,  was  seized  with  violent  pains  in  the 
stomach.  He  thought  he  should  die.  His 
two  friends,  much  alarmed,  engaged  a  wagon. 
They  arrived  at  Augsburg  in  the  evening  of 
Friday,  the  7th  of  October,  and  alighted  at  the 
convent  of  the  Augustines.  Luther  was  much 
exhausted;  but  he  rapidly  recovered;  and 
doubtless  his  faith  and  the  vivacity  of  his 
mind  greatly  conduced  to  his  restoration  to 
health. 

Immediately  on  his  arrival,  and  before  he 
had  seen  any  one,  Luther,  desiring  to  show 
every  mark  of  respect  to  the  Legate,  begged 
Wenceslas  Link  to  go  to  his  house,  to  an 
nounce  that  he  was  in  Augsburg.  Link  did 
so,  and  respectfully  intimated  to  the  Cardinal, 
on  behalf  of  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg,  that 
the  latter  was  ready  to  appear  before  him 
whenever  he  should  require  his  attendance. 
De  Vio  was  rejoiced  at  this  intelligence.  At 
length,  then,  he  had  the  hot-headed  heretic  in 
his  power;  he  inwardly  resolved  that  he 
should  not  leave  Augsburg  as  he  had  entered 
it.  At  the  same  time  that  Link  waited  upon 
the  Legate,  the  monk  Leonard  went  to  an- 
nounce to  Staupitz  Luther's  arrival  at  Augs- 
burg. The  Vicar-general  had  previouslv 
written  to  the  Doctor,  to  say  he  would  cei- 
tainly  visit  him  as  soon  as  he  arrived.  Lit-  • 
ther  lost  no  time  in  informing  him  of  his  pre- 
sence.47 

The  Diet  was  over.  The  Emperor  and  the 
Electors  had  already  left  the  place.  The 
Emperor,  it  is  true,  had  not  finally  taken  his 
departure,  but  was  hunting  in  the  environs. 
The  representative  of  Rome  alone  remained 
at  Augsburg.  Had  Luther  arrived  whilst 
the  Diet  was  sitting,  he  would  have  met 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


Ill 


powerful  friends  ;  but  every  thing  now  seem- 
ed likely  to  yield  before  the  papal  authority. 

The  judge  before  whom  Luther  was  to  ap- 
pear was  not  of  a  character  to  calm  his  appre- 
hensions. Thomas  de  Vio,  who  was  sur- 
named  Cajetan  from  the  town  of  Gaeta,  in  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  where  he  was  born, 
(1469,)  was  one  of  whom  great  expectations 
had  been  entertained  from  his  youth.  At 
sixteen  he  had  entered  into  the  order  of  the 
Dominicans,  contrary  to  the  express  wish  of 
his  parents.  He  had  afterwards  become 
general  of  his  order,  and  cardinal  of  the 
church  of  Rome.  But  what  boded  ill  to  Lu- 
ther, the  learned  Doctor  was  one  of  the  most 
zealous  advocates  of  that  scholastic  theology 
which  the  Reformer  had  so  severely  handled. 
His  learning,  the  austerity  of  his  disposition, 
and  the  purity  of  his  morals,  insured  to  him 
an  influence  and  authority  in  Germany,  which 
other  Roman  courtiers  would  not  easily  have 
acquired.  It  was  to  his  reputation  for  sanc- 
tity, no  doubt,  that  he  owed  his  appointment. 
Rome  had  calculated  that  this  would  admi- 
rably serve  her  purposes.  Thus  even  the 
good  qualities  of  Cajetan  made  him  still  more 
formidable.  Besides,  the  affair  intrusted  to 
him  was  by  no  means  a  complicated  one. 
Luther  was  already  declared  a  heretic.  If  he 
would  not  retract,  the  Legate's  duty  must  be 
to  send  him  to  prison;  and,  if  he  escaped,  to 
visit  with  excommunication  such  as  should 
dare  to  receive  him.  This  was  the  course 
which  the  dignitary  before  whom  Luther 
was  cited  was  authorized  to  take  on  behalf  of 
Rome.48 

The  Reformer  had  recruited  his  strength  by 
a  night's  rest.  On  the  morning  of  Saturday, 
the  8th  of  October,  he  began  to  reflect  on  his 
strange  situation.  He  was  resigned,  and  was 
patiently  waiting  till  God's  will  should  be 
manifested  by  the  progress  of  events ;  he  did 
not  wait  long.  A  person,  unknown  to  him, 
sent  him  word,  as  if  entirely  devoted  to  his 
service,  that  he  was  coming  to  visit  him,  ad- 
vising him  to  avoid  appearing  before  the 
Legate  till  he  had  seen  him.  The  message 
came  from  an  Italian  courtier,  named  Urban 
de  Serra  Longi,  who  had  often  visited  Ger- 
many as  envoy  from  the  Margrave  of  Mont- 
ferrat.  He  had  known  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
at  whose  court  he  had  been  accredited,  and 
after  the  Margrave's  death,  had  attached  him- 
self to  the  Cardinal  de  Vio. 

The  art  and  address  of  this  courtier  pre- 
sented the  most  striking  contrast  to  the  noble 
frankness  and  generous  integrity  of  Luther. 
The  Italian  soon  arrived  at  the  monastery  of 
the  Augustines.  The  Cardinal  had  sent  him 
to  sound  the  Reformer,  and  to  prepare  him  for 
the  recantation  expected  from  him.  Serra 
Longa  imagined  that  his  long  residence  in 
Germany  gave  him  an  advantage  over  the 
other  courtiers  of  the  Legate's  train ;  he  ex- 
pected to  make  short  work  with  this  German 
monk.  He  arrived,  attended  by  two  servants, 
and  professed  to  have  come  of  his  own  accord, 
from  friendship  for  a  favourite  of  the  Elector 
of  Saxony,  and  out  of  love  to  the  Church. 


After  having  saluted  Luther  with  many  pro- 
fessions, the  diplomatist  added,  in  a  tone  of 
affection : 

"I  am  come  to  offer  you  prudent  and  good 
advice.  Make  your  peace  with  the  church. 
Submit  unreservedly  to  the  Cardinal.  Retract 
your  calumnies.  Recollect  the  abbot  Joachim 
of  Florence  :  he,  as  you  know,  had  put  forth 
heresies,  and  yet  he  was  afterwards  declared 
no  heretic,  because  he  retracted  his  errors." 

Luther  intimated  his  intention  of  standing 
upon  his  defence. 

SERRA  LONGA. — "  Beware  of  that.  Would 
you  presume  to  enter  the  lists  with  the  Legate 
of  his  Holiness]" 

LUTHER. — "  If  they  can  prove  to  me  that  I 
have  taught  any  thing  contrary  to  the  Romish 
Church,  I  will  be  my  own  judge,  and  imme- 
diately retract.  But  the  main  point  is,  to 
ascertain  whether  the 'Legate  relies  more  on. 
the  authority  of  St.  Thomas  than  the  faith  will 
sanction.  If  he  does,  I  shall  certainly  not 
submit  to  him." 

SERRA  LONGA. — "  Oh,  oh  !  you  intend,  then, 
to  offer  him  battle !" 

Upon  this  the  Italian  began  to  use  language 
which  Luther  designates  as  horrible.  He  as- 
serted that  one  might  maintain  false  proposi- 
tions, if  they  only  brought  in  money  and  filled 
the  strong  box ;  that  all  discussion  in  the  univer- 
sities concerning  the  Pope's  authority  was  to 
be  avoided ;  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  it  was 
sound  doctrine  that  the  Pontiff  might,  by  a 
nod,  alter  or  suppress  articles  of  faith  ;49-with 
much  more  in  the  same  strain.  But  the  crafty 
Italian  soon  perceived  that  he  was  forgetting 
himself;  he  resumed  his  former  gentleness, 
and  endeavoured  to  persuade  Luther  to  sub- 
mit to  the  Legate  in  every  thing,  and  to  retract 
his  doctrine,  his  theses,  and  the  oaths  he  had 
taken. 

The  Doctor,  who  at  first  had  given  some 
credit  to  the  fair  professions  of  the  orator  Ur- 
ban, (as  he  calls  him  in  his  narrative,)  began 
to  suspect  that  they  were  very  hollow,  and 
that  he  was  much  more  in  the  interest  of  the 
Legate  than  in  his.  He  therefore  spoke  with 
rather  more  reserve,  and  contented  himself 
with  saying  that  he  was  quite  ready  to  be 
humble  and  obedient,  and  to  give  satisfaction 
in  any  point  in  which  he  might  be  shown  to 
be  in  error.  At  these  words  Serra  Longa  ex- 
claimed, exultingly:  "I  will  go  directly  to 
the  Legate,  and  you  will  follow  me  presently. 
Every  thing  will  go  well,  and  it  will  be  soon 
settled."50 

He  took  his  leave,  and  the  Saxon  monk, 
who  had  more  discernment  than  the  Roman 


Yet  hope  prevailed.  The  visit  of  Serra  Longa, 
whom  he  afterwards  calls  a  foolish  meddler,52 
and  his  strange  assertions,  aroused  his  courage. 
The  different  counsellors,  and  other  respect- 
able inhabitants  of  Augsburg,  to  whom  the 
Elector  recommended  Luther,  were  all  eager 
to  visit  a  man  whose  name  already  resounded 
through  all  Germany.  Peutinger,  the  Impe- 


112 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


rial  counsellor,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  ! 
patricians  in  the  city,  and  who  often  invited 
Luther  to  his  table,  the  counsellor  Langeman- 
tel,  Doctor  Auerbach  of  Leipzig,  and  the  two 
brothers  Adelmann,  both  canons,  with  several 
others  repaired  to  the  convent  of  the  Augustines. 
With  cordial  friendship  they  accosted  this  ex- 
traordinary man  who  had  taken  a  long  journey 
to  deliver  himself  up  to  the  agents  of  Rome. 
"  Have  you  a  safe-conduct  1"  asked  they. 
'*  No,"  replied  the  intrepid  monk.  "  What 
boldness!"  they  exclaimed.  "This,"  said 
Luther,  "  was  a  civil  phrase  to  express  my 
fool-hardiness."  All  joined  in  entreating  him 
not  to  go  to  the  Legate  without  first  obtaining 
a  safe-conduct  from  the  Emperor  himself.  It 
is  probable  that  something  had  already  trans- 
pired concerning  the  papal  brief  of  which  the 
Legate  was  the  bearer. 

"  But  I  came  to  Augsburg  without  a  safe- 
conduct,"  replied  Luther,  "and  I  met  with 
no  harm." 

"  The  Elector,"  resumed  Langemantel, 
with  affectionate  earnestness,  "  commended 
you  to  our  care;  you  ought  therefore  to  follow 
our  directions." 

Doctor  Auerbach  added  his  entreaties  to 
those  of  Langemantel.  "  We  know,"  said 
he,  "  that  the  Cardinal  is,  in  his  heart,  enraged 
against  you  to  the  greatest  degree.53  We  must 
not  trust  these  Italians."54 

The  canon  Adelmann  spoke  to  the  same 
effect:  "They  have  sent  you  without  pro- 
tection," said  he,  "  and  they  have  neglected 
to  provide  you  with  the  very  thing  which  you 
most  need."55 

His  friends  took  upon  themselves  to  obtain 
the  necessary  safe-conduct  from  the  Emperor. 
They  then  proceeded  to  tell  Luther  how  many 
persons  of  consequence  were  favourably  dis- 
posed toward  him.  "  The  French  minister 
himself,  who  left  Augsburg  a  few  days  ago, 
spoke  of  you  most  honourably  ,"56This  remark 
struck  Luther,  and  he  remembered  it  after- 
wards. Thus  some  of  the  most  remarkable  ci- 
tizens of  one  of  the  first  cities  in  the  empire 
were  already  gained  over  to  the  Reformation. 

Their  conversation  had  reached  this  point, 
when  Serra  Longa  returned  : — "  Come,"  said 
he  to  Luther, "  the  Cardinal  is  waiting  for 
you.  I  will  myself  conduct  you  to  him.  But 
first  let  me  tell  you  how  you  'nust  appear  in 
his  presence.  When  you  enter  the  room 
where  he  is  sitting,  you  must  prostrate  your- 
self with  your  face  to  the  ground;  when  he 
tells  you  to  rise,  you  must  kneel  before  him, 
and  you  must  not  stand  erect  till  he  orders  you 
to  do  so.57  Remember  that  it  is  before  a  prince 
of  the  church  you  are  about  to  appear.  As  to 
the  rest,  fear  nothing ;  all  will  soon  be  settled 
without  any  difficulty." 

Luther,  who  had  before  promised  to  accom- 
pany Serra  Longa  whenever  he  should  sum- 
mon him,  was  embarrassed. 

However,  he  did  not  fail  to  repeat  the  ad- 
vice of  his  Augsburg  friends,  and  said  some- 
thing of  a  safe-conduct. 

"  Beware  of  asking  anything  of  the  sort," 
replied  Serra  Longa  quickly,  "you  have  no 


need  of  it  whatever.  The  Legate  is  well  dis- 
posed towards  you,  and  quite  ready  to  end  the 
affair  amicably.  If  you  ask  for  a  safe-conduct, 
you  will  spoil  all/'58 

"  My  gracious  lord,  the  Elector  of  Saxony," 
replied  Luther,  "recommended  me  to  several 
honourable  men  in  this  town.  They  advise 
me  not  to  venture  without  a  safe-conduct:  I 
ought  to  follow  their  advice.  Were  I  to  neglect 
it,  and  any  thing  should  befall  me,  they  would 
write  to  the  Elector,  my  master,  that  I  would 
not  hearken  to  them." 

Luther  persisted  in  his  resolution;  and  Serra 
Longa  was  obliged  to  return  to  his  employer, 
and  report  to  him  the  failure  of  his  mission, 
at  the  very  moment  when  he  fancied  it  would 
be  crowned  with  success. 

Thus  ended  that  day's  conference  with  the 
orator  of  Montferrat. 

Luther  received  another  invitation,  proceed- 
ing from  very  different  motives.  John  Frosch, 
prior  of  the  Carmelites,  was  an  old  friend. 
Two  years  before,  he  had  maintained  some 
theses,  as  a  licentiate  in  theology,  under  the 
superintendence  of  Luther.  He  called  on  him, 
and  pressed  him  to  come  and  stay  with  him. 
He  laid  claim  to  the  honour  of  having  the 
Doctor  of  all  Germany  as  his  guest.  Already 
men  did  not  fear  to  render  him  homage  in  the 
face  of  Rome;  already  the  weak  was  become 
the  stronger.  Luther  accepted  the  invitation, 
and  accordingly  removed  from  the  convent  of 
the  Augustines  to  that  of  the  Carmelites. 

The  day  did  not  close  without  his  seriously 
reflecting  on  his  position.  The  visit  of  Serra 
Longa,  and  the  apprehensions  of  the  counsel- 
lors, concurred  to  convince  him  of  the  difficult 
circumstances  in  which  he  stood.  Neverthe- 
less, he  had  God  in  heaven  for  his  protector, 
and  in  His  keeping  he  could  sleep  in  peace. 

The  next  day  was  Sunday;  he  obtained  a 
little  more  rest.  'However,  he  was  obliged  to 
bear  another  kind  of  fatigue.  Nothing  was 
talked  of  in  the  city  but  Dr.  Luther,  and  all 
desired  to  see  (as  he  wrote  to  Melancthon) 
"  the  new  Erostratus  who  had  kindled  so  vast 
a  conflagration."  They  crowded  about  him  ; 
and  the  good  Doctor,  doubtless,  smiled  at  this 
strange  excitement. 

But  he  had  also  to  support  another  sort  of 
importunity.  If  there  was  a  general  wish  to 
see  him,  there  was  a  still  greater  desire  to  hear 
him.  He  was  asked  on  all  sides  to  preach. 
Luther  had  no  greater  joy  than  to  proclaim  the 
Gospel.  He  would  have  rejoiced  to  preach 
Christ  in  this  great  city,  and  in  the  solemn 
circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed.  But 
on  this,  as  on  many  occasions,  he  manifested 
a  most  proper  feeling  of  decorum,  and  much 
respect  for  his  superiors.  He  declined  to 
preach,  in  the  fear  that  the  Legate  might  think 
he  did  so  to  vex  and  to  brave  him.  This  mo- 
deration and  prudence  were  assuredly  as  valu- 
able instructions  as  a  sermon. 

However,  the  Cardinal's  agents  did  not  let 

him  rest,  but  returned  to  the  charge.     "The 

Cardinal,"  said  they,  "sends  you  assurances 

of  his  grace  and  favour :  why  are  you  afraid  ]" 

!  And  they  endeavoured  by  every  possible  argu- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


113 


ment  to  persuade  him  to  wait  upon  the  Legate. 
"  He  is  so  gracious,  that  he  is  like  a  father," 
said  one  of  these  emissaries.  But  another, 
going  close  up  to  him,  whispered,  "Do  not 
believe  what  they  say.  There  is  no  depend- 
ence to  be  placed  upon  his  words."59  Luther 
persisted  in  his  resolution. 

On  the  morning  of  Monday,  the  10th  of 
October,  Serra  Longa  again  renewed  his  per- 
suasions. The  courtier  had  made  it  a  point 
of  honour  to  succeed  in  his  negotiations.  The 
moment  he  entered, 

"  Why,"  he  asked  in  Latin,  "why  do  you 
not  go  to  the  Cardinal  1  He  is  expecting  you 
in  the  most  indulgent  frame  of  mind.  With 
him  the  whole  question  is  summed  up  in  six 
letters, — REVOCA, — retract.  Come,  then,  with 
me  ;  you  have  nothing  to  fear." 

Luther  thought  within  himself  that  those 
were  six  very  important  letters ;  but,  without 
further  discussion,  he  replied, 

"  As  soon  as  I  have  received  the  safe-con- 
duct, I  will  appear." 

Serra  Longa  lost  his  temper  at  these  words. 
He  persisted — he  brought  forward  additional 
reasons  for  compliance.  But  Luther  was  im- 
movable. The  Italian  courtier,  still  irritated, 
exclaimed, 

"  You  imagine,  no  doubt,  that  the  Elector 
will  take  up  arms  in  your  favour,  and  risk,  for 
your  sake,  the  loss  of  the  dominions  he  inherits 
from  his  ancestors." 

LUTHER.—"  God  forbid !" 

SERRA  LONGA. — "When  all  forsake  you, 
where  will  you  take  refuge1?" 

LUTHER,  smiling  and  looking  upwards  with 
the  eye  of  faith— "  Under  heaven  !"60 

For  an  instant  Serra  Longa  was  struck  dumb 
by  this  sublime  and  unexpected  reply; — he 
then  continued : 

"How  would  you  act,  if  you  had  the  Le- 
gate, the  Pope,  and  all  the  Cardinals  in  your 
power,  as  they  have  you,  at  this  moment,  in 
theirs  ?" 

LUTHER. — "  I  would  pay  them  all  respect 
and  honour.  But  the  word  of  God  is,  with 
me,  above  all." 

SERRA  LONGA,  laughing,  and  moving  one  of 
his  fingers  backward  and  for  ward,  in  a  manner 

Culiar  to  the  Italians. — "  Ha,  ha !  all  proper 
lour !  I  do  not  believe  a  word  of  it." 

He  then  left  the  house,  leaped  into  his  sad- 
dle, and  disappeared. 

Serra  Longa  went  no  more  to  Luther;  but 
he  long  remembered  the  resistance  he  had  met 
with  from  the  Reformer,  and  that  which  his 
master  was  doomed  soon  after  to  experience 
in  person.  We  shall  find  him  again,  at  a  later 
period,  loudly  demanding  the  blood  of  Luther. 

Shortly  after  Serra  Longa  had  left  Luther, 
the  latter  received  the  safe-conduct.  His 
friends  had  procured  it  from  the  Imperial 
counsellors.  It  is  probable  that  they  had  con- 
sulted the  Emperor  on  the  subject,  as  he  was 
not  far  from  Augsburg.  It  would  even  seem, 
from  what  the  Cardinal  afterwards  said,  that, 
from  a  wish  to  avoid  offending  him,  they  had 
asked  his  consent  to  their  application ;  perhaps 
that  may  have  been  the  reason  why  De  Vio 


sounded  Luther  through  Serra  Longa ;  for  to 
oppose  openly  the  giving  him  a  safe-conduct 
would  have  discovered  intentions  that  it  wag 
wished  to  conceal.  It  seemed  a  safer  policy 
to  persuade  Luther  himself  to  desist  from  the 
demand.  But  it  soon  became  evident  that  the 
Saxon  monk  was  not  likely  to  yield. 

Luther  was  about  to  appear  before  the  Le- 
gate. In  requiring  a  safe-conduct,  he  did  not 
lean  upon  an  arm  of  flesh,  for  he  well  remem- 
bered that  the  Emperor's  safe-conduct  had  not 
preserved  John  Huss  from  the  flames.  He 
only  desired  to  do  his  duty,  by  following  the 
advice  of  his  master's  friends.  The  Lord 
would  decide  his  cause.  If  God  required  his 
life,  he  was  ready  joyfully  to  lay  it  down. 
At  this  solemn  moment,  he  felt  the  need  of 
once  more  communicating  with  his  friends, 
and  especially  with  Melancthon,  already  so 
endeared  to  him ;  and  he  availed  himself  of 
an  interval  of  leisure  to  write  to  him. 

"Show  yourself  a  man,"  said  he,  "as  you 
are  ready  to  do.  Instruct  the  youth  of  our 
beloved  country  in  what  is  right  and  agreeable 
to  the  will  of  God.  As  for  me,  I  am  going  to 
offer  up  myself  for  you  and  for  them,  if  it  be 
the  Lord's  will.61  I  prefer  death,  yea,  even 
what  to  me  would  be  the  greatest  misfortune, 
the  loss  of  your  valued  society,  to  retracting 
what  it  was  my  duty  to  teach,  and  perhaps 
ruining  by  my  failure  the  noble  cause  to  which 
we  are  devoted. 

"  Italy  is  involved,  as  Egypt  was  formerly, 
in  thick  darkness,  even  darkness  which  may 
be  felt.  The  whole  nation  knows  nothing  of 
Christ,  nor  of  what  pertains  to  him.  And  yet 
they  are  our  lords  and  masters  in  the  faith  and 
in  morals.  Thus  the  wrath  of  God  is  fulfilled 
amongst  us  ;  as  the  prophet  says,  'I  will  give 
children  to  be  their  princes,  and  babes  shall 
rule  over  them.'  Do  your  duty  to  God,  my 
dear  Philip,  and  avert  his  wrath  by  fervent 
and  holy  prayer." 

The  Legate,  apprized  that  Luther  would 
appear  the  next  day  before  him,  called  together 
those  in  whom  he  had  confidence,  both  Ita- 
lians and  Germans,  that  he  might  concert  with 
them  how  he  ought  to  treat  the  German  monk. 
Opinions  were  divided.  One  said,  "  We  must 
compel  him  to  retract.  Another,  "  We  must 
arrest  him  and  throw  him  into  prison."  A 
third  was  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  better  to 
put  him  out  of  the  way.  A  fourth,  that  it 
would  be  expedient  rather  to  win  him  over  by 
gentleness  and  mildness.  The  Cardinal  seems 
to  have  resolved,  in  the  first  instance,  to  make 
trial  of  this  last  method.62 

At  length  the  day  of  conference  arrived.63 
The  Legate,  knowing  that  Luther  had  declared 
himself  willing  to  retract  whatever  should  be 
proved  contrary  to  the  truth,  was  sanguine  as 
to  the  result :  he  did  not  doubt  that  one  of  his 
rank  and  learning  would,  without  much  diffi- 
culty, reclaim  the  monk  to  obedience  to  the 
Church. 

Luther  repaired  to  the  house  of  the  Legate, 
accompanied  by  the  prior  of  the  Carmelites, 
his  friend  and  host,  by  two  friars  of  the  con- 
vent, by  Doctor  Link,  and  by  an  Augustine, 


114 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


probably  the  same  that  had  accompanied  him 
from  Nuremberg.  Scarcely  had  he  entered 
the  Legate's  palace,  when  all  the  Italians, 
who  composed  the  train  of  this  Prince  of  the 
Church,  flocked  round  him,  desiring  to  see  the 
famous  Doctor,  and  pressed  him  so  closely, 
that  he  could  hardly  proceed.  On  entering- 
the  room  where  the  Cardinal  was  waiting  for 
him,  Luther  found  him  accompanied  by  the 
apostolical  nuncio  and  Serra  Longa.  His  re- 
ception was  cool,  but  civil :  and,  according  to 
Roman  etiquette,  Luther,  following  the  in- 
structions of  Serra  Longa,  prostrated  himself 
before  the  Cardinal ;  when  the  latter  told  him 
to  rise,  he  knelt;  and  when  the  command  was 
repeated,  he  stood  erect.  Several  of  the  most 
distinguished  Italians  of  the  Legate's  house- 
hold entered  the  room,  in  order  to  be  present 
at  the  interview,  impatient  to  see  the  German 
monk  humble  himself  before  the  Pope's  repre- 
sentative. 

The  Legate  was  silent.  He  expected,  says 
a  contemporary,  that  Luther  would  begin  his 
recantation.  But  Luther  waited  reverently 
for  the  Roman  Prince  to  address  him.  Find- 
ing, however,  that  he  did  not  open  his  lips,  he 
understood  his  silence  as  an  invitation  to  open 
the  business,  and  spoke  as  follows : — 

"  Most  worthy  father,  upon  the  summons 
of  his  Holiness  the  Pope,  and  at  the  desire  of 
my  gracious  Lord,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  I 
appear  before  you,  as  a  humble  and  obedient 
son  of  the  Holy  Christian  Church ;  and  I 
acknowledge  that  it  was  I  who  published  the 
propositions  and  theses  that  are  the  subject  of 
inquiry.  I  am  ready  to  listen  with  all  sub- 
mission to  the  charges  brought  against  me, 
and,  if  I  am  in  error,  to  be  instructed  in  the 
truth." 

The  Cardinal,  who  had  determined  to  as- 
sume the  tone  of  a  kind  and  compassionate 
father  towards  an  erring  child,  answered  in 
the  most  friendly  manner,  commended  Lu- 
ther's humility,  and  expressed  the  joy  he  felt 
on  beholding  it,  saying: — "My  dear  son, 
you  have  filled  all  Germany  with  commotion 
by  your  dispute  concerning  indulgences.  I 
hear  that  you  are  a  doctor  well  skilled  in  the 
Scriptures,  and  that  you  have  many  followers. 
If,  therefore,  you  wish  to  be  a  member  of  the 
Church,  and  to  have  in  the  Pope  a  most  gra- 
cious lord,  listen  to  me." 

After  this  exordium,  the  Legate  did  not 
hesitate  to  tell  him  all  that  he  expected  of 
him,  so  confident  was  he  of  his  submission : 
"  Here,"  said  he,  "  are  three  articles  which, 
acting  under  the  direction  of  our  most  holy 
Father,  Pope  Leo  the  Tenth,  I  am  to  propose  I 
to  you : — 

"  First,  you  must  return  to  your  duty;  you 
must  acknowledge  your  faults,  and  retract 
your  errors,  your  propositions,  and  sermons. 
Secondly,  you  must  promise  to  abstain  for  the 
future  from  propagating  your  opinions.  And, 
thirdly,  you  must  engage  to  be  more  discreet, 
and  avoid  every  thing  that  may  grieve  or  dis- 
turb the  church." 

LUTHER. — "  Most  worthy  father,  I  request 
to  be  permitted  to  see  the  Pope's  brief,  by 


virtue  of  which  you  have  received  full  power 
to  negociate  this  affair." 

Serra  Longa  and  the  rest  of  the  Italians  of 
the  Cardinal's  train  were  struck  with  asto- 
nishment at  such  a  demand,  and  although  the 
German  monk  had  already  appeared  to  them 
a  strange  phenomenon,  they  were  completely 
disconcerted  at  so  bold  a  speech.  Christians 
familiar  with  the  principles  of  justice  desire 
to  see  them  adhered  to  in  proceedings  against 
others  or  themselves ;  but  those  who  are  ac- 
customed to  act  according  to  their  own  will 
are  much  surprised  when  required  to  proceed 
regularly  and  agreeably  to  form  and  law. 

DE  Vio — "Your  demand,  my  son,  cannot 
be  complied  with.  You  have  to  acknow- 
ledge your  errors ;  to  be  careful  for  the  future 
what  you  teach ;  not  to  return  to  your  vomit ; 
so  that  you  may  rest  without  care  and  anxiety ; 
and  then,  acting  by  the  command  and  on  the 
authority  of  our  most  holy  father  the  Pope,  I 
will  adjust  the  whole  affair." 

LUTHER.— "  Deign,  then,  to  inform  me 
wherein  I  have  erred." 

At  this  request,  the  Italian  courtiers,  who 
had  expected  to  see  the  poor  German  fall  upon 
his  knees  and  implore  mercy,  were  still  more 
astonished  than  before.  Not  one  of  them 
would  have  condescended  to  answer  so  im- 
pertinent a  question.  But  De  Vio,  who 
thought  it  scarcely  generous  to  crush  this 
feeble  monk  by  the  weight  of  all  his  autho- 
rity, and  trusted,  moreover,  to  his  own  learn- 
ing for  obtaining  an  easy  victory,  consented 
to  tell  Luther  what  he  was  accused  of,  and 
even  to  enter  into  discussion  with  him.  We 
must  do  justice  to  the  general  of  the  Domi- 
nicans. It  must  be  acknowledged,  that  he 
showed  more  equity,  a  greater  sense  of  pro- 
priety, and  less  irritation,  than  have  subse- 
quently been  exhibited  in  a  majority  of  simi- 
lar cases.  He  assumed  a  tone  of  condescen- 
sion, and  said  : 

"  My  beloved  son!  there  are  two  proposi- 
tions put.  forward  by  you,  which  you  must, 
before  all,  retract: — 1st.  'The  treasure  of 
indulgences  does  not  consist  of  the  merits  and 
sufferings  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ; — -2dly. 
'  The  man  who  receives  the  holy  sacrament 
must  have  faith  in  the  grace  offered  to  him.' " 

Both  these  propositions  did  indeed  strike  a 
death-blow  at  the  commerce  of  Rome.  If  the 
Pope  had  not  power  to  dispose  at  will  of  the 
Saviour's  merits, — if,  on  receiving  the  paper 
in  which  the  brokers  of  the  Church  traded, 
men  did  not  acquire  a  portion  of  that  infinite 
righteousness, — this  paper  currency  lost  its 
value,  and  men  would  count  it  no  better  than 
a  mere  rag.  And  thus  also  with  the  sacra- 
ments. The  indulgences  were,  in  some  sense, 
an  extraordinary  branch  of  commerce  with 
Rome;  the  sacraments  made  part  of  her  ordi- 
nary traffic.  The  revenue  they  yielded  was 
by  no  means  small.  But  to  assert  that  faith 
was  necessary  to  make  them  productive  of 
any  real  benefit  to  the  soul  of  the  Christian, 
was  to  rob  them  of  their  attraction  in  the  sight 
of  the  people.  For  faith  is  not  in  the  Pope's 
gift ;  it  is  beyond  his  power,  and  can  come 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


115 


from  God  alone.  To  declare  its  necessity 
was,  therefore,  to  snatch  from  the  hands  of 
Rome  both  the  speculation  and  the  profits  at- 
tached to  it.  In  assailing  these  two  doctrines, 
Luther  had  followed  the  example  of  Christ 
himself.  In  the  very  beginning  of  his  minis- 
try, he  had  overturned  the  tables  of  the  mo- 
ney-changers, and  driven  the  dealers  out  of 
the  temple.  "  Make  not  my  Father's  house  a 
house  of  merchandise." 

Cajetan  continued  :  "  I  will  not  bring  for- 
ward the  authority  of  St.  Thomas,  and  the 
other  scholastic  doctors,  to  confute  these  er- 
rors ;  I  will  rest  entirely  on  the  holy  Scrip- 
tures, and  speak  to  you  in  perfect  friendship." 

Nevertheless,  when  De  Vio  proceeded  to 
bring  forward  his  proofs,  he  departed  from  the 
rule  he  had  laid  down.6*  He  combated  Lu- 
ther's first  proposition  by  an  Extravagance  or 
Constitution*  of  Pope  Clement ;  and  the  se- 
cond, by  all  sorts  of  opinions  from  the  scho- 
lastic divines.  The  discussion  turned  at  its 
outset  upon  this  constitution  of  the  Pope  in 
favour  of  indulgences.  Luther,  indignant  at 
hearing  what  authority  the  Legate  attributed 
to  a  decree  of  Rome,  exclaimed  : 

"  I  cannot  receive  such  constitutions  as 
sufficient  proofs  on  subjects  so  important. 
For  they  wrest  the  holy  Scriptures,  and  never 
quote  them  to  the  purpose." 

DE  Vio.— "  The  Pope  has  authority  and 
power  over  all  things." 

LUTHER,  (warmly.} — "Save  the  Scrip- 
tures."65 

DE  Vio,  (in  derision.)—*"  Save  the  Scrip- 
tures !  ...  Do  not  you  know  that  the  Pope 
is  higher  than  the  Councils,  for  he  has  re- 
cently condemned  and  punished  the  council 
of  Bale." 

LUTHER. — "  But  the  university  of  Paris  has 
appealed  against  his  decision." 

DE  Vio. — "Those  gentlemen  of  Paris  will 
receive  their  desert." 

The  Cardinal  and  Luther  then  proceeded 
to  discuss  the  second  article,  namely  the  faith 
that  Luther  declared  to  be  necessary  to  render 
the  sacraments  efficacious.  Luther  pursuing 
his  usual  method,  quoted,  in  favour  of  the 
opinion  that  he  maintained,  several  passages 
of  Scripture.  But  the  Legate  received  them 
with  derision.  "  It  is  of  faith  in  general  that 
you  are  speaking  now,"  said  he.  "  Not  so," 
replied  Luther.  One  of  the  Italians,  the  Le- 
gate's master  of  the  ceremonies,  provoked  at 
Luther's  resistance  and  answers,  was  burning 
with  desire  to  speak.  He  often  attempted  to 
interrupt  the  conversation;  but  the  Legate 
commanded  silence.  At  last  he  was  obliged 
to  reprove  him  in  so  authoritative  a  tone,  that 
the  master  of  ceremonies  left  the  room  in  con- 
fusion.66 

"  As  to  indulgences,"  said  Luther  to  the 
Legate,  "  if  you  can  prove  to  me  that  I  am  mis- 
taken, I  am  ready  to  receive  instruction.  We 
may  leave  that  subject  open,  without  com- 


*  This  name  is  given  to  certain  Constitutions  of 
the  Popes,  collected  and  appended  to  the  Canon 
Law. 


promising  our  faith  as  Christians.  But  as  to 
that  other  article  concerning  faith,  if  I  yielded 
any  thing  there,  I  should  be  denying  Christ.  1 
cannot,  therefore,  and  I  will  not  yield  that 
point,  and  by  God's  hel-p  I  will  hold  it  to  the 
end." 

DE  Vio,  (beginning  to  lose  temper.}— 
"  Whether  you  will  or  will  not,  you  must  this 
very  day  retract  that  article,  or  else  for  that 
article  alone,  I  will  proceed  to  reject  and  con- 
demn all  your  doctrine." 

LUTHER. — "  I  have  no  will  but  the  Lord's. 
He  will  do  with  me  whatseemeth  good  in  his 
sight.  But  had  I  a  hundred  heads,  I  would 
rather  lose  them  all  than  retract  the  testimony 
I  have  borne  to  the  holy  Christian  faith." 

DE  Vio. — "  I  am  not  come  here  to  argue 
with  you.  Retract  or  prepare  to  endure  the 
punishment  you  have  deserved."67 

Luther  clearly  perceived  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  end  the  affair  by  a  conference.  His 
adversary  was  seated  before  him  as  though  he 
himself  were  Pope,  and  required  an  humble 
submission  to  all  that  he  said  to  him,  whilst 
he  received  Luther's  answers,  even  when 
grounded  on  the  holy  Scriptures,  with  shrugs, 
and  every  kind  of  irony  and  contempt.  He 
thought  the  most  prudent  plan  would  be  to  an- 
swer the  Cardinal  in  writing.  This  means, 
thought  he,  offered  at  least  one  consolation  to 
the  oppressed.  Others  might  then  give  their 
judgment  of  the  affair;  and  the  unjust  adver- 
sary, who,  by  clamour,  remained  master  of  the 
field,  might  be  overawed  by  the  public  voice.68 

Having,  therefore,  shown  a  disposition  to 
withdraw:  "Do  you  wish,"  said  the  Legate 
to  him,  "that  I  should  give  you  a  safe-con- 
duct to  repair  to  Rome?" 

Nothing  would  have  pleased  Catejan  better 
than  the  acceptance  of  this  offer.  He  would 
thus  have  got  rid  of  an  affair  of  which  he  began 
to  perceive  the  difficulties,  and  Luther  and  his 
heresy  would  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
those  who  would  have  known  how  to  deal 
with  them.  But  the  Reformer,  who  was  sen- 
sible of  the  dangers  that  surrounded  him  even 
at  Augsburg,  took  care  to  refuse  an  offer  that 
would  have  delivered  him  up,  bound  hand  and 
foot,  to  the  vengeance  of  his  enemies.  He  re- 
jected the  proposal  as  often  as  De  Vio  chose 
to  repeat  it:  which  he  did  several  times.  The 
Legate  concealed  the  chagrin  he  felt  at  Lu- 
ther's refusal ;  he  assumed  an  air  of  dignity, 
and  dismissed  the  'monk  with  a  compassionate 
smile,  under  which  he  endeavoured  to  hide 
his  disappointment,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
with  the  politeness  of  one  who  hopes  to  have 
better  success  another  time. 

Hardly  had  Luther  reached  the  court-yard 
of  the  palace,  when  the  loquacious  Italian,  the 
master  of  the  ceremonies,  whom  the  Cardi- 
nal's reprimands  had  obliged  to  leave  the  hall 
of  audience,  delighted  at  being  able  to  speak  to 
him  out  of  the  hearing  of  Cajetan,  and  eager 
to  confound  the  abominable  heretic  by  his 
overpowering  arguments,  ran  after  him,  and, 
before  he  came  up  with  him,  began  to  deal 
out  his  sophisms.  But  Luther,  disgusted  with 
the  man's  folly,  answered  him  with  one  of 
L 


116 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


those  sarcastic  rebukes  which  he  always  had  j 
at  command,  and  the  master  of  the  ceremo- 
nies, quite  confounded,  turned  back  and  slunk 
abashed  to  the  Cardinal's  palace. 

Luther  had  not  been  impressed  with  a  very 
high  opinion  of  his  dignified  adversary.  He 
had  heard  from  him,  as  he  afterwards  wrote 
to  Spalatin,  assertions  which  were  quite  con- 
trary to  sound  theology,  and  which,  in  the 
mouth  of  another,  would  have  been  considered 
arch-heresies.  And  yet  De  Vio  was  looked 
upon  as  the  most  learned  of  the  Dominicans. 
Next  to  him  stood  Prierias.  "  We  may  judge 
from  this,"  said  Luther,  "what  those  must 
be  who  fill  the  tenth  or  the  hundreth  rank."69 

On  the  other  hand,  the  noble  firmness  of 
the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg  had  greatly  sur- 
prised the  Cardinal  and  all  his  courtiers.  In- 
stead of  a  poor  monk,  sueing  abjectly  for  par- 
don, they  beheld  a  man  of  independent  spirit, 
an  undaunted  Christian,  an  enlightened  Doc- 
tor, who  required  them  to  bring  proofs  to  sup- 
port their  unjust  accusations,  and  courageous- 
ly defended  his  own  doctrine.  The  inmates 
of  Cajetan's  palace  exclaimed  with  one  voice 
against  the  pride,  obstinacy,  and  effrontery  of 
the  heretic.  Luther  and  De  Vio  had  learned 
to  know  one  another,  and  both  were  preparing 
themselves  for  a  second  interview. 

A  joyful  surprise  awaited  Luther  on  his  re- 
turn to  the  convent  of  the  Carmelites.  The 
Vicar-general  of  the  order  of  the  Augustines, 
his  friend,  his  father,  Staupitz,  had  arrived 
there.  Not  having  been  able  to  prevent  Lu- 
ther from  going  to  Augsburg,  Staupitz  gave 
his  friend  a  new  and  affecting  proof  of  his  at- 
tachment, by  joining  him  in  that  city,  with 
the  hope  of  rendering  him  some  service.  This 
excellent  man  foresaw  that  the  conference  with 
the  Legate  would  have  momentous  results.  His 
fears  and  his  friendship  for  Luther  combined 
to  disturb  him.  It  was  a  balm  to  the  Reformer's 
heart,  after  that  trying  conference,  to  embrace 
so  precious  a  friend.  He  related  to  him  how 
he  had  found  it  impossible  to  obtain  a  satis- 
factory answer,  and  how  he  had  been  required 
to  recant  without  even  an  attempt  to  convict 
him  of  error.  "  You  must  absolutely,"  said 
Staupitz,  "  answer  the  Legate  in  writing." 

Alter  what  he  had  heard  of  this  first  inter- 
view, Staupitz  expected  no  good  result  from 
any  succeeding  one.  He  therefore  determined 
upon  a  step  which  he  thought  the  present  cir- 
cumstances made  necessary  ;  he  decided  to  re- 
lease Luther  from  the  obligation  of  obedience 
to  his  order.  Staupitz  proposed  by  this  means 
to  attain  two  objects ;  if,  as  he  could  not  but 
forbode,  Luther  should  fail  in  his  undertaking, 
this  proceeding  would  prevent  the  disgrace  of 
his  condemnation  from  being  reflected  on  his 
whole  order;  and  if  the  Cardinal  should  en- 
join him  to  oblige  Luther  to  silence  or  to  a 
recantation,  he  would  have  an  excuse  for  non- 
eompliance.70This  ceremony  was  gone  through 
in  the  usual  forms.  Luther  clearly  perceived 
all  that  it  foreboded.  His  mind  was  deeply 
affected  by  the  breaking  of  ties  that  he  had 
formed  in  the  enthusiasm  of  youth.  The  order 
he  had  chosen  now  rejected  him.  His  natural 


protectors  forsook  him.  Already  he  was  be 
come  a  stranger  to  his  brethren.  But  though 
his  heart  was  oppressed  with  sorrow  at  the 
thought,  he  recovered  his  serenity  by  looking 
to  the  promises  of  a  faithful  God,  who  has 
said:  "I  will  never  leave  thee ;  I  will  nevei 
forsake  thee." 

The  Imperial  counsellors,  having  intimated 
to  the  Legate  through  the  Bishop  of  Trent, 
that  Luther  was  provided  with  the  Emperor's 
safe-conduct,  at  the  same  time  cautioning  him 
against  taking  any  steps  against  the  Re- 
former's person,  De  Vio  in  a  violent  passion 
abruptly  answered  in  the  true  Romish  style, 
"Be  it  so;  but  I  shall  do  what  the  Pope  en- 
joins me."71  We  know  what  the  Pope's  in- 
junctions were. 

The  next  day*  both  parties  prepared  for  a 
second  interview,  which  seemed  likely  to  be 
decisive.  Luther's  friends,  intending  to  ac- 
company him  to  the  Legate's  palace,  repaired 
to  the  convent  of  the  Carmelites.  The  Dean 
of  Trent  and  Peutinger,  both  Imperial  coun- 
sellors, and  Staupitz,  arrived  one  after  the 
other.  Besides  these,  Luther  soon  had  the 
pleasure  of  welcoming  the  knight  Philip  von 
Feilitzsch,  and  Doctor  Ruhel,  counsellors  of 
the  Elector,  who  had  received  orders  from  their 
master  to  be  present  at  the  conferences,  and 
to  watch  over  Luther's  personal  safety.  They 
had  arrived  at  Augsburg  on  the  previous  even 
ing.  They  were  commissioned  to  keep  close 
to  him,  says  Mathesius,  as  the  knight  Chlum 
stood  by  John  Huss,  at  Constance.  The 
Doctor  also  took  a  notary  with  him,  and,  ac- 
companied by  all  his  friends,  repaired  to  the 
Legate's  palace. 

As  they  set  out,  Staupitz  drew  close  to  Lu- 
ther; he  felt  all  that  his  friend  would  have 
to  endure;  he  knew  that  if  his  eye  were  not 
directed  towards  the  Lord,  who  is  the  deliver- 
er of  his  people,  he  must  sink  under  his  trial: 
"  My  dear  brother,"  said  he,  solemnly,  "  ever 
bear  in  mind  that  you  entered  on  these  strug- 
gles in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.72It 
was  thus  that  God  encompassed  his  humble 
servant  with  consolations  and  encouragement. 

Luther,  on  arriving  at  the  Cardinal's,  found 
there  a  new  opponent:  this  was  the  prior  of 
the  Dominicans  of  Augsburg,  who  was  seated 
beside  his  superior.  Luther,  in  conformity 
with  his  resolution,  had  put  his  answer  in 
writing.  The  customary  salutations  being 
gone  through,  he  read,  with  a  firm  voice,  the 
following  declaration  : 

"  I  declare  that  I  honour  the  holy  Roman 
Church,  and,  moreover,  that  I  will  continue  to 
do  so.  I  have  sought  after  truth  in  my  public 
disputations,  and  what  I  have  taught,  I,  to 
this  hour,  regard  as  right,  true,  and  Christian. 
Nevertheless  I  am  but  a  man,  and  I  may  be 
mistaken.  I  am  therefore  willing  to  be  in- 
structed and  corrected  wherever  I  may  have 
erred.  I  declare  myself  ready  to  answer  by 
word  of  mouth  or  in  writing,  all  objections 
and  all  charges  that  the  illustrious  Legate 
may  bring  against  me.  I  declare  myself  will- 


Wednesday,  12th  Oct. 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


117 


ing  to  submit  my  theses  to  the  decision  of  the  j 
four  universities  of  Bale,  Fribourg  in  Brisgau,  J 
Louvain,  and  Paris,  and  to  retract  whatever  j 
they  shall  declare  to  be  erroneous.     In  a  word, 
I  am  ready  to  do  all  that  can  be  required  of 
a  Christian  man.       But  I  solemnly  protest 
against  the  method  that  has  been  pursued  in 
this  affair,  and  against  that  strange  assump- 
tion which  would  oblige  me  to  retract,  with- 
out having  convicted  me  of  error."73 

Undoubtedly  nothing  could  be  more  conso- 
nant with  reason  than  these  proposals  of  Lu- 
ther, and  they  must  have  greatly  embarrassed 
a  judge  who  had  been  previously  instructed 
what  judgment  he  was  to  pronounce.  The 
Legate,  who  was  quite  unprepared  for  this 
protest,  endeavoured  to  hide  his  confusion,  by 
affecting  a  laugh,  and  putting  on  the  sem- 
blance of  mildness. 

"  This  protest,"  he  said  to  Luther  with  a 
smile,  "is  quite  unnecessary;  I  will  not  dis- 
pute with  you  in  public  or  in  private,  but  my 
wish  is  to  settle  the  whole  affair  with  paternal 
tenderness."7'4 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  Cardinal  to  lay 
aside  the  strict  forms  of  justice,  which  afford 
protection  to  the  accused,  and  to  treat  the 
matter  as  an  affair  of  administration  between 
a  superior  and  his  inferior; — a  convenient 
method,  as  it  leaves  the  fullest  scope  to  the 
exercise  of  arbitrary  power. 

Continuing  in  the  most  affectionate  tone  : 
— "  My  dear  friend,"  said  De  Vio,  "  I  beseech 
you  to  abandon  this  useless  design ;  but  ra- 
ther return  to  a  sense  of  duty,  acknowledge 
the  truth,  and  behold  me  ready  to  reconcile 
you  to  the  Church,  and  to  the  supreme  bishop. 
.  .  .  Retract,  my  friend,  retract;  such  is  the 
Pope's  will.  Whether  it  be  your  will  or  not, 
matters  little ;  you  would  find  it  hard  to  kick 
against  the  pricks.  .  .  ." 

Luther,  who  saw  himself  already  treated  as 
a  rebellious  child,  rejected  by  the  Church,  ex- 
claimed :  "I  cannot  retract!  but  I  offer  to 
answer,  and  in  writing.  We  had  enough  of 
contention — yesterday." 

De  Vio  was  provoked  at  this  expression, 
which  reminded  him  that  he  had  not  acted 
with  sufficient  discretion;  but  he  recovered 
himself,  and  said,  smiling : 

" Contention !  my  dear  son;  I  did  not  con- 
tend with  you.  I  am  as  little  inclined  as 
yourself  to  contention ;  but  to  gratify  his  High- 
ness the  Elector  Frederic,  I  am  ready  to  hear 
you  and  exhort  you  as  a  friend  and  a  father." 
Luther  did  not  understand  why  the  Legate 
should  have  taken  umbrage  at  the  phrase  he 
had  made  use  of;  for,  thought  he  to  himself, 
if  I  had  not  wished  to  be  courteous,  I  should 
not  have  said  "  contend,"  but  "  dispute"  and 
**  quarrel,"  for  that  was  what  we  really  did 
yesterday. 

However,  De  Vio,  who  felt  that,  oefore  the 
respectable  witnesses  present  at  the  confer- 
ence, he  must  at  least  appear  to  convince 
Luther,  and  endeavour  to  crush  him  by  argu- 
ment, reverted  to  the  two  propositions  which 
he  had  pointed  out  as  fundamental  errors,  fully 
resolved  to  allow  the  Reformer  the  fewest 


possible  opportunities  of  reply.  Relying  on 
Italian  volubility,  he  overwhelmed  him  with 
objections,  without  waiting  for  an  answer. 
Sometimes  he  sneered,  sometimes  he  chided  ; 
he  declaimed  with  passionate  energy :  he 
jumbled  together  the  most  incongruous  things; 
quoted  St.  Thomas  and  Aristotle ;  exclaimed 
and  raved  against  all  who  differed  from  them; 
and  broke  out  in  invective  against  Luther. 
Again  and  again  the  latter  attempted  to  reply ; 
but  the  Legate  instantly  interrupted  him  and 
overwhelmed  him  with  threats.  "Recant! 
recant !"  was  the  burden  of  his  harangue ;  he 
stormed,  enacted  the  dictator,  and  put  down 
all  effort  to  reply.75  Staupitz  undertook  to  stop 
the  Legate.  "  Deign  to  allow  Doctor  Martin 
time  to  answer,"  said  he.  But  the  Legate  re- 
sumed his  harangue :  he  quoted  the  eocirava- 
fances  and  the  opinions  of  St.  Thomas :  he 
ad  resolved  to  have  all  the  talk  to  himself. 
Unable  to  convince,  and  fearing  to  strike,  he 
would  at  least  stun  by  his  violence. 

Luther  and  Staupitz  clearly  perceived  that 
they  must  not  only  forego  all  hope  of  enlight- 
ening De  Vio  by  discussion,  but  also  of 
making  any  useful  confession  of  the  faith. 
Luther,  therefore,  renewed  the  request  he  had 
made  at  the  beginning  of  the  interview,  and 
which  the  Cardinal  had  then  eluded.  And 
not  being  permitted  to  speak,  he  requested 
that  he  might  be  allowed  at  least  to  put  his 
answer  in  writing  and  send  it  to  the  Legate. 
Staupitz  seconded  his  request;  several  of  the 
company  present  joined  in  his  solicitations ; 
and  Cajetan,  in  spite  of  his  dislike  to  written 
documents, — for  he  remembered  that  such  do- 
cuments are  lasting, — at  length  consented. 
They  separated.  The  hope  which  had  been 
conceived  that  the  affair  might  be  terminated 
at  this  interview  was  thus  adjourned,  and  it 
was  necessary  to  await  the  result  of  the  en- 
suing conference. 

The  permission  granted  to  Luther  by  the 
general  of  the  Dominicans  to  take  time  for 
reflection,  and  to  write  his  answer  to  the  two 
distinct  allegations  brought  against  him  re- 
lating to  the  indulgences — and  to  faith, — was 
undoubtedly  no  more  than  strict  justice;  and 
yet  we  must  give  De  Vio  credit  for  it,  as  a 
mark  of  moderation  and  impartiality. 

Luther  left  the  Cardinal's  palace  rejoicing 
that  his  just  request  had  been  granted.  In 
his  way  to  and  from  the  palace,  he  was  the 
object  of  general  attention.  Enlightened  men 
were  interested  in  his  cause,  as  if  they  them- 
selves were  about  to  stand  upon  their  trial. 
It  was  felt  that  it  was  the  cause  of  the  gospel, 
of  justice,  and  of  liberty,  which  was  then  to 
be  pleaded  at  Augsburg.  The  lower  orders 
alone  sided  with  Cajetan,  and  they,  doubtless, 
gave  the  Reformer  significant  proofs  of  theij\ 
disposition,  for  he  took  notice  of  it.76 

It  daily  become  more  evident  that  the  Le- 
gate would  hear  nothing  from  him  save  the 
words,  "  I  retract;"  and  those  words  Luther 
was  determined  not  to  utter.  What  issue 
could  be  looked  for  in  so  unequal  a  struggle? 
How  could  it  for  a  moment  be  thought  that 
the  whole  power  of  Rome,  arrayed  against 


118 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


one  man,  could  fail  in  the  end  to  crush  him  1  '  Scripture,  which  teach  us  that  the  saints  have 
Luther  saw  all  this :  he  felt  the  pressure  of  j  not  merit  enough,  ought  to  be  more  regarded 
that  heavy  hand  under  which  he  had  dared  to  '  than  those  words  of  men,  which  affirm  that 
place  himself;  he  despaired  of  ever  returning  they  have  merits  in  superabundance.  For  the 


to  Wittemberg,  of  seeing  his  dear  Philip 
again,  and  once  more  finding  himself  encir- 
cled by  those  noble  youths  in  whose  hearts  he 
so  delighted  to  sow  the  seeds  of  everlasting 
life.  He  saw  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion suspended  over  his  head,  and  did  not 
doubt  that  it  would  shortly  fall  upon  him.77 
These  forebodings  distressed  him,  but  did  not 
cast  him  down.  His  trust  in  God  was  not 
shaken.  God  may,  indeed,  destroy  the  instru- 
ment he  has  hitherto  made  use  of;  but  he 
will  maintain  the  truth.  Whatever  may  hap- 
pen, Luther  must  defend  it  to  the  last.  With 
these  feelings,  therefore,  he  began  to  prepare 
the  protest  he  intended  to  present  to  the  Le- 
gate. It  seems  he  devoted  to  that  purpose  a 
part  of  the  13th  of  October. 

On  the  following  day,  Luther  returned  to 
the  Cardinal's  palace,  attended  by  the  coun- 
sellors of  the  Elector.  The  Italians  crowded 
round  him  as  usual,  and  a  number  of  them 
were  present  at  the  conference.  Luther  step- 
ped forward  and  presented  his  protest  to  the 
Legate.  The  Cardinal's  attendants  gazed 
intently  on  his  writing,  in  their  eyes  so  daring 
and  presumptuous.  The  following  is  the 
declaration  which  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg 
handed  to  their  master: — 78 

"  You  charge  me  upon  two  points.  And 
first  you  bring  against  me  the  constitution  of 
Pope  Clement  VI.,  in  which  it  is  asserted 
that  the  treasure  of  indulgences  is  the  merit 
of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  the  saints; 
an  assertion  which  I  deny  in  my  theses. 

44  Panormitanus,"  continues  he,  (applying 
that  designation  to  Ives,  Bishop  of  Chartres, 
toward  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century,  and 
author  of  the  famous  collection  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal law  called  Panormia) — "  Panormitanus 
in  his  first  book  declares,  that,  in  what  per- 
tains to  our  holy  faith,  not  only  a  General 
Council,  but  even  a  private  Christian,  is  above 
the  Pope,  if  he  can  adduce  clearer  testimony 
from  the  Scriptures,  and  better  reasons.79  The 
voice  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  is  far  above 
the  voice  of  all  men,  by  whatever  names  they 
may  be  called. 

44  What  most  disturbs  me  and  excites  my 
most  painful  reflections  is,  that  this  constitu- 
tion contains  in  it  many  things  altogether  con- 
trary to  the  truth.  First,  it  asserts  that  the 
merits  of  the  saints  form  a  treasury ; — whilst 
the  whole  volume  of  Scriptures  testifies  that 
God  rewards  us  far  more  richly  than  we  have 
deserved.  The  prophet  exclaims :  4  Enter  not 
into  judgment  with  thy  servant,  O  Lord,  for 
in  thy  sight  shall  no  man  livingbejustified.'80 
4  Wo  to  man,'  says  St.  Augustine,  4  however 
honourable  and  praiseworthy  his  life  may  be, 
if  God  were  to  pronounce  a  judgment  upon 
him  from  which  mercy  should  be  excluded.'81 

44  Thus,  then,  the  saints  are  not  saved  by 
their  merits,  but  solely  by  the  mercy  of  God, 
as  I  have  declared.  I  maintain  this,  and  I 
take  my  stand  upon  it.  The  words  of  holy 


Pope  is  not  above,  but  under  the  authority  of 
the  word  of  God." 

Luther  did  not  stop  there :  he  showed  that 
if  the  indulgences  could  not  consist  in  the 
merits  of  the  saints,  neither  could  they  con- 
sist in  the  merits  of  Christ.  He  proved  that 
the  indulgences  were  barren  and  unprofitable, 
since  they  had  no  other  effect  than  to  excuse 
men  from  good  works,  such  as  prayer,  alms, 
&c.  44  No,"  he  exclaimed,  t4  the  righteous- 
ness of  Christ  Jesus  is  not  a  treasure  of  in- 
dulgences, excusing  us  from  good  works,  but 
a  treasure  of  grace  quickening  us  to  perform 
them.  The  righteousness  of  Christ  is  applied 
to  the  faithful,  not  by  indulgences,  not  by  the 
keys,  but  by  the  Holy  Ghost  alone,  and  not 
by  the  Pope.  If  any  one  holds  an  opinion 
resting  on  better  foundations  than  mine," 
added  he,  in  concluding  what  referred  to  this 
first  point,  44  let  him  make  it  known,  and  then 
will  I  retract." 

44 1  have  affirmed,"  said  he,  adverting  to 
the  second  charge,  44  that  no  man  can  be  jus- 
tified before  God  except  by  Faith ;  so  that  it 
is  necessary  that  a  man  should  believe  with 
a  perfect  confidence  that  he  has  received  par- 
don. To  doubt  of  this  grace  is  to  reject  it. 
The  faith  of  the  just  is  his  righteousness  and 
his  life.  "*2 

Luther  supported  his  proposition  by  manv 
texts  from  Scripture. 

44  Deign,  then,  to  intercede  in  my  behalf 
with  our  most  holy  lord  the  Pope  Leo  X., 
that  he  may  not  treat  me  with  so  much 
severity.  My  soul  seeks  the  light  of  truth. 
I  am  not  so  proud,  not  so  set  upon  vainglory, 
that  I  should  be  ashamed  to  retract,  if  I  had 
taught  what  is  not  agreeable  to  the  truth. 
My  greatest  joy  will  be  to  see  the  triumph  of 
that  doctrine  which  is  according  to  the  mind 
of  God.  Only  let  me  not  be  forced  to  do  any 
thing  that  is  against  my  conscience." 

The  Legate  took  the  declaration  which  Lu- 
ther presented,  and,  after  looking  it  over,  said 
oolly  :  44  You  have  wasted  many  words,  and 
written  what  is  little  to  the  purpose :  you  have 
replied  very  foolishly  to  the  two  charges 
brought  against  you,  and  you  have  covered 
your  paper  with  numerous  passages  from  the 
holy  Scriptures  that  have  no  reference  what- 
ever to  the  subject."  De  Vio  then  with  a 
contemptuous  gesture  threw  down  Luther's 
protest,  as  if  unworthy  of  his  regard;  and, 
resuming  the  tone  which  had  in  some  degree 
Deen  successful  in  the  last  interview,  he  re- 
newed the  cry  that  Luther  must  retract.  The 
alter  was  inflexible.  44  Brother !  brother  !" 
;ried  De  Vio  in  Italian,  "  when  you  were  last 
lere  you  were  very  docile,  but  to-day  you  are 
altogether  intractable."  Then  the  Cardinal 
jegan  a  long  speech,  borrowed  from  the  writ- 
ngs  of  St.  Thomas ;  he  again  extolled  with 
all  his  might  the  constitution  of  Clement  VI.; 
he  persisted  in  maintaining  that,  in  virtue  of 
that  constitution,  the  very  merits  of  Chris! 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


119 


are  distributed  to  the  faithful  by  means  of  the 
indulgences:  he  thought  he  had  silenced  Lu- 
ther. The  latter  at  times  attempted  to  speak  ; 
but  De  Vio  scolded  and  thundered  on  without 
intermission,  and,  as  on  the  previous  occasion, 
claimed  the  sole  right  to  be  heard. 

This  manner  of  proceeding  had  on  the  first 
occasion  been  .in  some,  measure  successful ; — 
but  Luther  was  not  a  man  to  bear  with  it  a 
second  time.  His  indignation  at  length  broke 
forth,  and  it  was  now  his  turn  to  astonish  the 
bystanders,  who  thought  him  already  conquer- 
ed by  the  prelate's  volubility.  He  raised  his 
sonorous  voice  :  he  took  up  the  Cardinal's  fa- 
vourite objection,  and  made  him  pay  dearly  for 
his  temerity  in  entering  the  lists  against  him. 
"  Retract !  retract !"  repeated  De  Vio,  showing 
him  the  constitution  of  the  Pope.  "  Well !" 
said  Luther,  "  only  prove  to  me,  by  this  con- 
stitution, that  the  treasure  of  indulgences  is 
the  very  merit  of  Christ,  and  I  consent  to  re- 
tract, according  to  the  will  and  pleasure  of 
your  eminence.  .  ." 

The  Italians,  who  had  not  expected  this, 
exulted  at  his  words,  and  could  not  repress 
their  joy  at  seeing  the  adversary  at  length 
taken  in  the  toils.  As  to  the  Cardinal, he  was 
like  one  beside  himself;  he  laughed  aloud — 
but  it  was  an  indignant  and  angry  laugh;  he 
stepped  forward,  took  up  the  volume  contain- 
ing the  famous  constitution,  turned  over  the 
leaves,  found  the  passage,  and  elated,  with  the 
advantage  he  thought  he  had  secured,  read  it 
aloud  with  breathless  eagerness.83The  Italians 
were  now  triumphant ;  the  counsellors  of  the 
Elector  were  anxious  and  embarrassed ;  Lu- 
ther waited  the  right  moment.  At  last,  when 
the  Cardinal  came  to  these  words,  "  The  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  acquired  this  treasure  by  his 
sufferings,"  Luther  interrupted  him  ;  "Most 
worthy  father,"  said  he,  "deign  to  consider 
this  passage  well,  and  to  meditate  upon  it 
carefully  :  '  He  has  acquired.'84  Christ  has 
acquired  a  treasure  by  his  merits  ,•  the  merits 
then  are  not  the  treasure  ;  for,  to  speak  with 
philosophic  precision,  the  cause  is  a  different 
thing  from  that  which  flows  from  it.  The 
merits  of  Christ  have  acquired  for  the  Pope 
the  power  of  giving  such  indulgences  to  the 
people ;  but  they  are  not  the  very  merits  of 
the  Lord  which  the  Pope  distributes.  Thus, 
then,  my  conclusion  is  true,  and  this  constitu- 
tion, which  you  so  loudly  appeal  to,  testifies 
with  me  to  the  truth  which  I  declare." 

De  Vio  still  held  the  book  in  his  hand ;  his 
eyes  still  rested  on  the  fatal  passage  :  the  in- 
ference was  unanswerable.  Behold  him  taken 
in  the  very  net  he  had  spread  for  another;  and 
Luther,  with  a  strong  hand,  held  him  fast,  to 
the  utter  astonishment  of  the  Italian  courtiers 
who  surrounded  him.  The  Legate  would  have 
eluded  the  difficulty ;  but  all  retreat  was  closed. 
From  an  early  stage  of  the  discussion  he  had 
given  up  the  testimony  of  the  Scriptures,  and 
that  of  the  Fathers ;  and  had  sheltered  himself 
under  this  extravagance  of  Clement  VI.,  and 
now  he  was  taken  in  his  stronghold.  Still  he 
was  too  artful  to  betray  his  embarrassment.  In 
order  to  conceal  his  confusion,  the  Cardinal 


abruptly  changed  the  subject,  and  vehemently 
attacked  Luther  on  other  points  of  difference. 
Luther,  who  detected  this  skilful  manoeuvre, 
drew  tighter  on  every  side  the  net  in  which  he 
had  taken  his  opponent,  making  it  impossible 
for  him  to  escape:  "Most  reverend  father," 
said  he,  in  a  tone  of  irony,  veiled  under  the 
semblance  of  respect,  "  your  Eminence  must 
not  suppose  that  we  Germans  are  altogether 
ignorant  of  grammar :  to  be  a  treasure,  and  to 
purchase  a  treasure,  are  two  very  different 
things." 

"  Retract !"  exclaimed  De  Vio,  "  retract !  or 
I  will  send  you  to  Rome,  there  to  appear  be- 
fore the  judges  commissioned  to  take  cogni- 
sance of  your  cause.  I  will  excommunicate 
you,  and  all  your  partisans,  and  all  who  shall 
at  any  time  countenance  you ;  and  will  cast 
them  out  of  the  Church.  Full  power  has  been 
given  to  me  for  this  purpose  by  the  holy  apos- 
tolic see.85  Think  you,  that  your  protectors 
will  stop  me  1  Do  you  imagine  that  the  Pope 
can  fear  Germany  !  The  Pope's  little  finger 
is  stronger  than  all  the  princes  of  Germany 
put  together."86 

«*  Condescend,"  replied  Luther,  "  to  forward 
the  written  answer  I  have  given  you  to  Pope 
Leo  X.,  with  my  most  humble  prayers." 

The  Legate,  at  these  words,  glad  to  have  a 
momentary  respite,  again  assumed  an  air  of 
dignity,  and  turning  to  Luther,  said,  in  a 
haughty  and  angry  tone  : 

"  Retract,  or  return  no  more!"87 

The  expression  struck  Luther.  He  must 
now  answer  in  another  manner  than  by  words. 
He  made  an  obeisance  and  withdrew.  The 
counsellors  of  the  Elector  followed,  and  the 
Cardinal  and  his  Italians,  left  alone,  looked 
at  each  other,  utterly  confounded  at  such  a  re- 
sult of  the  discussion. 

Luther  and  De  Vio  never  met  again :  but 
the  Reformer  had  made  a  powerful  impression 
on  the  Legate,  which  was  never  entirely  ef- 
faced. What  Luther  had  said  concerning 
faith,  what  De  Vio  read  in  the  subsequent 
writings  of  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg,  consi- 
derably changed  the  Cardinal's  sentiments. 
The  theologians  of  Rome  saw  with  surprise 
and  dissatisfaction  the  opinions  touching  jus- 
tification which  he  brought  forward  in  his 
commentary  upon  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans. 
The  Reformation  did  not  recede,  nor  did  the 
Reformer  retract;  but  his  judge,  who  had  so 
repeatedly  commanded  him  to  retract,  changed 
his  views, — and  himself,  indirectly,  retracted 
his  errors.  Thus  the  unshaken  fidelity  of  the 
Reformer  was  crowned  with  reward. 

Luther  returned  to  the  monastery  where  he 
had  been  a  guest.  He  had  stood  firm :  he  had 
borne  witness  to  the  truth;  he  had  done  what 
it  was  his  duty  to  do ;  God  would  do  the  rest. 
His  heart  overflowed  with  joy  and  peace. 

However,  the  tidings  that  were  brought  him 
were  not  encouraging ;  a  rumour  prevailed 
throughout  the  city  that,  if  he  did  not  retract, 
he  was  to  be  seized  and  thrown  into  a  dun- 
geon. The  Vicar-general  of  the  order,  Stau- 
pitz  himself,  it  was  asserted,  had  given  his 
consent  to  this.88  Luther  could  not  believe 
L2 


1-20 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


that  his  friend  would  act  in  this  manner.  No!  j 
Staupitz  could  not.  betray  him  !  As  to  the  de- 
signs of  the  Cardinal,  his  own  words  had 
thrown  sufficient  light  upon  them.  Yet  Luther 
would  not  flee  from  the  danger;  his  life,  as 
•well  as  the  truth  itself,  was  in  powerful  keep- 
ing, and,  in  spite  of  all  these  threatenings,  he 
determined  not  to  leave  Augsburg. 

The  Legate  soon  repented  of  his  violence; 
he  felt  that  he  had  forgotten  the  part  it  was 
his  policy  to  play,  and  wished  to  resume  it. 
Hardly  had  Staupitz  dined,  (for  the  interview 
had  taken  place  in  the  morning, — and  dinner 
was  served  at  noon,)  when  he  received  a  mes- 
sage from  the  Cardinal,  inviting  him  to  his 
house.  Staupitz  repaired  thither,  accompanied 
by  Wenceslaus  Link.89 TheVicar-general  found 
the  Legate  alone  with  Serra  Longa.  De  Vio 
immediately  advanced  towards  Staupitz,  and 
addressed  him  in  the  gentlest  manner: — 
"Try  now,"  said  he,  "  to  prevail  upon  your 
monk  and  induce  him  to  retract.  Really,  I  am 
pleased  with  him  on  the  whole,  and  he  has  no 
better  friend  than  myself."90 

STAUPITZ. — "  I  have  already  done  my  en- 
deavours, and  I  will  now  again  advise  him 
humbly  to  submit  to  the  church." 

DE  Vio. — "You  must  give  him  proper  an- 
swers to  the  arguments  that  he  adduces  from 
the  Scriptures." 

STAUPITZ. — "I  must  confess,  my  lord,  that 
that  is  beyond  my  power ;  for  Doctor  Martin  is 
more  than  a  match  for  me,  both  in  acuteness 
and  in  knowledge  of  the  Scriptures." 

The  Cardinal  smiled,  we  may  imagine,  at 
the  Vicar-general's  frank  confession.  His 
owrn  experience,  moreover,  had  taught  him 
the  difficulty  of  convicting  Luther  of  error. 
He  continued,  addressing  himself  to  Link  as 
well  as  to  Staupitz : 

"  Are  you  aware  that,  as  favourers  of  here- 
tical doctrine,  you  are  yourselves  exposed  to 
the  penalties  of  the  church?" 

STAUPITZ. — "  Deign  to  resume  the  confer- 
ence with  Luther,  and  open  a  public  disputa- 
tion on  the  controverted  points." 

DE  Vio,  alarmed  at  the  thought  of  such  a 
measure,  exclaimed, — "I  will  argue  no  more 
with  the  beast.  Those  eyes  of  his  are  too 
deeply  set  in  his  head,  and  his  looks  have  too 
much  meaning  in  them."91 

Staupitz  finally  obtained  the  Cardinal's 
promise  that  he  would  state  in  writing  what 
he  required  Luther  to  retract.92 

The  Vicar-general  then  returned  to  Luther. 
In  some  degree  shaken  by  the  representations 
of  the  Cardinal,  he  endeavoured  to  lead  him 
to  some  concession.  "  Refute  then,"  said  Lu- 
ther, "  the  Scriptures  I  have  brought  forward." 
— "  That  is  beyond  my  power,"  said  Staupitz. 
— "Very  well,"  replied  Luther,  "my  con- 
science will  not  allow  me  to  retract  until  those 
passages  of  Scripture  can  be  shown  to  have 
another  meaning.  And  so,"  continued  he, 
"  the  Cardinal  professes  his  willingness  to  set- 
tle the  affair  in  this  way,  without  subjecting 
me  to  disgrace  or  detriment.  Ah!  these  are 
fine  Italian  words,  but,  in  plain  German,  they 
mean  nothing  less  than  my  everlasting  shame 


and  ruin.  What  better  can  he  look  for  who, 
from  fear  of  man  and  against  his  own  con- 
science, denies  the  truth]" 

Staupitz  desisted;  he  merely  informed  Lu- 
ther that  the  Cardinal  had  consented  to  send 
him  in  writing  the  points  on  which  he  required 
his  recantation.  He  then,  doubtless,  acquaint- 
ed him  with  his  intention  of  leaving  Augs- 
burg, where  he  had  now  nothing  more  to  do. 
Luther  communicated  to  him  a  purpose  he 
had  formed  for  comforting  and  strengthening 
their  souls.  Staupitz  promised  to  return,  and 
they  separated  for  a  short  time. 

Left  alone  in  his  cell,  Luther's  thoughts 
turned  towards  the  friends  most  dear  to  his 
heart.  His  thoughts  wandered  to  Weimar 
and  to  Wittemberg.  He  wished  to  tell  the 
Elector  what  was  passing,  and  thinking  there 
might  be  impropriety  in  addressing  the  Prince 
in  person,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  and  begged 
the  chaplain  to  let  his  masier  know  the  state 
of  his  affairs.  He  related  to  him  all  that  had 
passed,  even  to  the  promise  the  Legate  had 
just  made  to  send  a  statement  of  the  contro- 
verted points  in  writing.  He  concluded  by 
saying :  "  Thus  the  matter  stands ;  but  I  have 
neither  hope  nor  confidence  in  the  Legate.  I 
am  resolved  not  to  retract  a  single  syllable.  I 
shall  publish  the  answer  that  I  have  put  into 
his  hands,  in  order  that,  if  he  proceed  to  vio- 
lence, he  may  be  covered  with  shame  in  the 
sight  of  all  Christendom."93 

The  Doctor  next  availed  himself  of  the  few 
moments  that  were  still  remaining,  to  send 
tidings  of  himself  to  his  friends  at  Wittem- 
berg. 

"  Peace  and  happiness  !"  he  wrote  to  Doc- 
tor Carlstadt.  "Accept  these  few  words  in 
place  of  a  long  letter:  for  time  and  events 
are  pressing.  Another  time  I  hope  to  write 
to  you  and  others  more  fully.  For  three  days 
my  affair  has  been  in  hand,  and  things  are  at 
such  a  point  that  I  have  no  longer  a  hope  of 
seeing  you  again,  and  have  nothing  to  expect 
but  excommunication.  The  Legate  will  not 
allow  me  to  defend  myself,  either  publicly  or 
in  private.  His  wish,  he  tells  me,  is  to  act  the 
part  of  a  father,  not  of  a  judge;  and  yet  he 
will  hear  nothing  from  me  but  the  words : 
'  I  retract,  and  acknowledge  that  I  have  been 
in  error.'  And  those  are  words  I  will  not 
utter !  The  peril  in  which  my  cause  is  placed 
is  so  much  the  greater,  because  it  is  judged 
not  only  by  implacable  enemies,  but  even  by 
men  incapable  of  understanding  its  merits. 
However,  the  Lord  God  lives  and  reigns :  to 
His  keeping  I  commend  myself;  and  I  doubt 
not  that  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  pious 
souls,  He  will  send  me  deliverance :  /  seem 
to  feel  that  prayer  is  being  made  for  me  ! 

"Either  I  shall  return  to  you  unhurt;  or 
else,  under  a  sentence  of  excommunication,  I 
must  seek  shelter  elsewhere. 

"  Whatever  may  happen  to  me,  quit  your- 
self manfully ;  stand  fast,  and  glorify  Christ 
joyfully  and  without  fear.  .  .  . 

"The  Cardinal  always  styles  me  'his  dear 
son.'  I  know  how  little  that  means.  Still  I 
am  persuaded  I  should  be  to  him  one  of  the 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


121 


dearest  and  most  acceptable  of  men,  if  I  would 
but  pronounce  the  single  word:  '  RevocoS  But 
1  will  not  become  a  heretic,  by  renouncing  the 
faith  that  has  made  me  a  Christian.  Better 
far  would  it  be — to  be  cast  out  and  accursed, 
and  perish  at  the  stake. 

"  Farewell,  my  dear  Doctor!  sbow  this  let- 
ter to  our  theologians, — to  Amsdorff,  to  Philip, 
to  Otten,  and  to  others,  in  order  that  you  may 
pray  for  me,  and  also  for  yourselves ;  for  it  is 
your  cause  also  that  is  now  trying.  It  is  the 
cause  of  the  faith  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  the 
grace  of  God."94 

Sweet  thought !  which  ever  fills  with  con- 
solation and  peace  the  hearts  of  those  who 
have  borne  witness  to  Jesus  Christ,  to  his  di- 
vinity and  grace,  when  the  world  rains  upon 
them  from  all  sides  its  censures,  its  inter- 
dicts, and  its  scorn !  "  Our  cause  is  the  cause 
of  faith  in  the  Lord."  And  what  sweetness 
also  in  the  conviction  expressed  by  the  Re- 
former :  "  I  seem  to  feel  that  lam  prayed  for" 
The  Reformation  was  a  work  of  prayer  and 
of  piety  toward  God.  The  struggle  between 
Luther  and  De  Vio  was,  in  truth,  one  of  a  re- 
ligious principle,  then  reappearing  in  full 
vigour,  with  the  expiring  strength  of  the  dis- 
putatious dialectics  of  the  middle  age. 

Thus  did  Luther  converse  with  his  absent 
friends.  Staupitz  soon  returned;  Doctor 
Ruhel  and  the  knight  Feilitzsch,  both  of  them 
sent  by  the  Elector,  also  visited  him  after 
taking  leave  of  the  Cardinal.  Some  other 
friends  of  the  Gospel  joined  them;  and  Luther, 
seeing  thus  assembled  together  these  noble- 
minded  men,  who  were  soon  to  be  parted  from 
each  other,  and  from  whom  he  himself  was 
about,  perhaps,  to  be  forever  separated,  pro- 
posed that  they  should  join  in  celebrating  the 
Lord's  Supper.  The  proposal  was  agreed  to ; 
and  this  little  assembly  of  the  faithful  partook 
of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ.  What  must 
have  been  the  feelings  of  the  Reformer's 
friends  at  the  moment  when,  as  they  celebrated 
with  him  the  Lord's  Supper,  they  reflected 
that  this  was  perhaps  the  last  time  that  this 
privilege  would  be  allowed  him.  What  joy 
and  love  must  have  filled  the  heart  of  Luther 
in  the  consciousness  of  being  so  graciously 
accepted  by  his  Master  at,  the  very  moment 
when  men  were  rejecting  him.  How  solemn 
must  have  been  that  supper!  How  sacred 
that  evening  !95 

The  next  day,  (Sunday,  15th  October,) 
Luther  expected  to  receive  the  instructions 
which  the  Legate  was  to  send  to  him. 

But,  not  receiving  any  message  from  him, 
he  requested  his  friend  Doctor  Wenceslaus 
Link  to  wait  upon  the  Cardinal.  De  Vio  re- 
ceived Link  most  affably,  and  assured  him 
that  he  wished  to  take  the  most  friendly 
course.  "  I  no  longer  consider  Doctor  Martin 
Luther  a  heretic,"  added  he  ;  "I  will  not,  at 
this  time,  excommunicate  him,  unless  I  re- 
ceive further  instructions  from  Rome :  for  I 
have  sent  his  answer  to  the  Pope  by  an  ex- 
press." Then,  to  give  a  proof  of  his  good  in- 
tentions towards  him,  he  added  :  "  If  Doctor 
Luther  would  only  retract  on  the  subject  of 


indulgences,  the  business  would  soon  be  con- 
cluded ;  for  as  to  faith  in  the  sacraments,  that 
is  an  article  that  every  one  may  interpret  and 
understand  in  his  own  way."  Spalatin,  who 
relates  this,  adds  this  sarcastic  but  just  obser- 
vation: "Whence  it  is  evident,  that  Rome 
attaches  more  importance  to  money  than  to 
our  holy  faith  and  the  salvation  of  souls."86 

Link  returned  to  Luther.  He  found  Stau- 
pitz there,  and  gave  an  account  of  his  visit. 
When  he  mentioned  the.  unexpected  conces- 
sion of  the  Legate:  "It  would  have  been 
well,"  said  Staupitz,  "if  Doctor  Wenceslaus 
had  had  a  notary  and  witnesses  with  him,  to 
have  taken  down  that  speech  in  writing;  for, 
if  such  a  proposal  were  made  public,  it  would 
do  no  small  prejudice  to  the  cause  of  these 
Romans." 

However,  the  more  the  Roman  prelate  soft- 
ened his  tone,  the  more  confirmed  the  honest 
Germans  were  in  their  distrust  of  him.  Se- 
veral of  those  trustworthy  persons  to  whom 
Luther  had  been  recommended  held  a  council 
together.  "  The  Legate,"  said  they,  "  is  pre- 
paring some  mischief,  through  this  courier  he 
speaks  of,  and  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that  you 
will  all  be  seized  and  cast  into  prison." 

Staupitz  and  Wenceslaus,  therefore,  deter- 
mined to  leave  the  town ;  they  embraced  Lu- 
ther, who  persisted  in  remaining  at  Augsburg, 
and  directed  their  course  by  two  different  roads 
to  Nuremberg,  not  without  many  misgivings 
as  to  the  fate  of  the  magnanimous  witness 
whom  they  were  leaving  behind  them. 

Sunday  passed  very  quietly.  Luther  waited 
in  vain  for  a  message  from  the  Legate :  the 
latter  sent  none.  He  then  determined  to  write 
to  him.  Staupitz  and  Link,  before  they  set 
out,  had  begged  him  to  treat  the  Cardinal  with 
all  possible  respect.  Luther  had  not  yet  made 
trial  of  Rome  and  her  envoys;  it  was  his  first 
experience.  If  his  humble  deference  did  not 
succeed,  he  would  know  what  to  expect  in 
future.  But  now,  at  least,  he  must  make  trial 
of  it.  As  to  his  own  share  in  the  matter,  not 
a  day  passed  in  which  he  did  not  condemn 
himself,  and  mourn  over  his  proneness  to  use 
expressions  stronger  than  the  occasion  re- 
quired ;  why  should  he  not  confess  to  the  Car- 
dinal what  he  every  day  confessed  to  God  ? 
Besides,  Luther's  heart  was  easily  affected 
by  kindness,  and  he  suspected  no  evil.  He 
therefore  look  up  his  pen,  and,  with  a  feeling 
of  respectful  good  will,  wrote  to  the  Cardinal 
as  follows;* 

"  My  very  worthy  father  in  God,  I  approach 
you  once  more,  not  personally,  but  by  letter, 
entreating  thy  fatherly  kindness  graciously  to 
listen  to  rne. 

"The  reverend  Doctor  Staupitz,  my  very 
dear  father  in  Christ,  has  advised  me  to  humble 
myself,  to  mistrust  my  own  judgment,  and  to 
submit  my  opinion  to  the  judgment  of  pious 
and  impartial  men.  He  also  commended  your 
fatherly  kindness,  and  has  fully  convinced  me 
of  your  friendly  disposition  towards  me.  This 
intelligence  has  filled  me  with  joy. 


*  This  letter  bears  date  the  17th  October. 


122 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


"Now,  therefore,  most  worthy  father,  I 
confess,  as  1  have  already  done  before,  that  as 
I  have  not  shown  (as  they  tell  me)  sufficient 
diffidence,  gentleness,  and  respect  for  the  name 
of  the  sovereign  pontiff;  and  though  my  oppo- 
nents have  given  me  great  provocation,  I  now 
see  that  it  would  have  been  better  to  have  con- 
ducted my  cause  more  meekly,  courteously, 
and  reverently,  and  not  to  have  answered  a 
fool  according  to  his  folly,  lest  I  should  be 
like  unto  him. 

"This  grieves  me  very  much,  and  1  ask 
pardon.  1  will  publicly  acknowledge  it  from 
the  pulpit,  as  indeed  I  have  often  done  before. 
I  will  endeavour,  by  the  grace  of  God,  to  speak 
differently.  I  will  do  more :  I  am  ready  to 
promise,  of  rny  own  accord,  not  again  to  say 
a  single  word  on  the  subject  of  indulgences, 
if  this  business  is  arranged.  But,  then,  let 
those  also  who  led  me  to  begin  it  be  compel- 
led, on  their  part,  to  moderate  their  discourses, 
or  to  be  silent. 

"  So  far  as  the  truth  of  what  I  have  taught 
is  concerned,  the  authority  of  St.  Thomas  and 
of  the  other  doctors  cannot  satisfy  me.  I  must 
hear  (if  I  am  worthy  to  do  so)  the  voice  of  the 
spouse,  which  is  the  Church.  For  it  is  certain 
she  hears  the  voice  of  the  bridegroom,  Christ. 

"  I,  therefore,  in  all  humility  and  submis- 
sion, entreat  you  to  refer  this  matter,  hitherto 
so  unsettled,  to  our  most  holy  lord,  Leo  X., 
in  order  that  the  Church  may  decide,  pro- 
nounce, and  ordain,  and  that  those  who  shall 
be  called  on  to  retract,  may  do  so  with  a  good 
conscience,  or  believe  in  all  sincerity."97 

In  reading  this  letter,  another  reflection 
occurs  to  us.  We  see  that  Luther  did  not  act 
upon  a  preconceived  plan,  but  solely  in  obe- 
dience to  convictions  successively  impressed 
upon  his  rnind  and  heart.  Far  removed  from 
any  settled  scheme  or  preconcerted  opposition, 
he  was  sometimes,  without  suspecting  it,  in 
contradiction  with  himself;  earlier  convictions 
were  still  standing  in  his  mind,  although  their 
opposttes  had  already  found  a  place  there. 
And  yet  it  is  in  these  characters  of  truth  and 
sincerity  that  some  have  sought  for  objections 
to  the  Reformation;  it  is  because  it  followed 
that  necessary  law  of  progression,  imposed  in 
every  thing  on  the  human  mind,  that  some 
have  written  the  history  of  its  variations ,-  it  is 
in  those  very  features  that  mark  its  sincerity, 
and  make  it  honourable,  that  one  of  eminent 
genius  has  seen  the  most  powerful  objections 
against  it.98 .  Strange  perverseness  of  the  mind 
of  man ! 

Luther  received  no  answer  to  his  letter. 
Cajetan,  and  all  his  courtiers,  after  being  so 
violently  agitated,  had  suddenly  become  mo- 
tionless. What  could  be  the  reason  of  this  1 
Might  it  not  be  that  calm  which  precedes  a 
storm  1  Some  viewed  the  delay  in  the  light 
in  which  Pallavicini  has  represented  it.  "  The 
Cardinal  was  wailing,"  says  he,  "till  the 
proud  monk,  like  an  inflated  bellows,  should 
gradually  lose  the  wind  which  filled  him,  and 
become  humble."99  Those  who  thought  they 
better  understood  the  ways  of  Rome,  felt  sure 
that  the  Legate  intended  to  arrest  Luther,  but 


that,  not  daring  to  proceed  to  such  extremities 
on  his  own  authority,  on  account  of  the  Impe- 
rial safe-conduct,  he  was  awaiting  an  answer 
from  Rome  to  his  message.  Others  could  not 
believe  that  the  Cardinal  would  wait  so  long. 
"The  Emperor  Maximilian,"  they  said,  (and 
in  this  they  might  speak  the  truth,)  "will  no 
more  scruple  to  give  up  Luther  for  trial  by  the 
Church,  notwithstanding  his  safe-conduct, 
than  Sigismund  did  to  surrender  Huss  to  the 
council  of  Constance.  The  Legate  is  perhaps 
now  in  communication  with  the  Emperor. 
The  sanction  of  Maximilian  may  every  hour 
be  expected.  The  more  opposed  he  was  before 
to  the  Pope,  the  more  does  he  seem  to  seek 
to  please  him;  and  so  it  will  be  till  the  crown 
of  the  empire  encircles  his  grandson's  brows." 

Not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost.  "  Draw  up 
an  appeal  to  the  Pope,"  said  the  kind-hearted 
men  who  surrounded  Luther; — "draw  up  an 
appeal  to  the  Pope,  and  leave  Augsburg  with- 
out delay." 

Luther,  whose  presence  in  that  city  had  for 
the  last  four  days  been  utterly  useless,  and 
who  had  sufficiently  proved,  by  remaining 
after  the  departure  of  the  Saxon  counsellors 
sent  by  the  Elector  to  watch  over  his  safety, 
that  he  feared  nothing,  and  was  ready  to  an- 
swer for  himself,  yielded  at  last  to  the  wishes 
of  his  friends.  But  first  he  resolved  to  inform 
De  Vio  of  his  intention :  he  wrote  to  him  on 
the  Tuesday,  the  eve  of  his  departure.  This 
letter  was  in  a  bolder  strain  than  the  former. 
Seeing  his  advances  were  unavailing,  Luther 
seems  to  erect  himself  in  the  consciousness 
of  his  right,  and  of  the  injustice  of  his  ene- 
mies. 

"  Most  worthy  father  in  God,"  he  wrote  to 
De  Vio,  "your  paternal  kindness  has  witness- 
ed, yea,  witnessed  and  sufficiently  acknow- 
ledged my  obedience.  I  have  undertaken  a 
long  journey,  in  the  midst  of  dangers,  in  great 
weakness  of  body,  and  notwithstanding  my 
extreme  poverty,  at  the  command  of  our  most 
holy  lord,  Leo  X. ;  I  have  personally  appeared 
before  your  eminence;  and,  lastly,  I  have 
thrown  myself  at  the  feet  of  his  Holiness,  and 
now  wait  his  good  pleasure,  ready  to  submit 
to  his  judgment,  whether  he  condemn  or  acquit 
me.  I  therefore  feel  that  I  have  left  nothing 
undone  that  becomes  an  obedient  son  of  the 
Church. 

"  It  is  my  intention,  therefore,  not  uselessly 
to  prolong  my  stay  here ;  it  is  indeed  impos- 
sible I  should  do  so,  as  I  want  the  means; 
and  you  have  positively  forbidden  my  again 
appearing  before  you  unless  I  would  retract. 

"  Thus  I  again  set  out  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord,  desiring,  if  possible,  to  find  some  place 
where  I  may  live  in  peace.  Several  persons 
of  more  importance  than  myself  have  persuaded 
me  to  appeal  from  your  paternal  kindness,  and 
even  from  our  most  holy  lord,  Leo  X.,  ill-in- 
formed, to  himself  when  he  shall  be  better 
informed  on  the  matter.  Though  I  know  that 
such  an  appeal  will  be  more  agreeable  to  his 
highness  the  Elector  than  a  recantation,  yet, 
if  it  had  been  my  duty  only  to  consult  my  own 
feelings,  I  would  not  have  made  it. ...  1  have 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


123 


committed  no  crime; — I  ought  therefore  to 
have  nothing  to  fear." 

Luther,  having  written  this  letter,  (which 
\vas  not  delivered  to  the  Legate  until  after  his 
departure,)  prepared  to  leave  Augsburg.  God 
had  preserved  him  hitherto,  and  with  all  his 
heart  he  praised  the  Lord  for  his  protection. 
But  it  was  his  duty  not  to  tempt  God.  He 
embraced  his  friends,  Peutinger,  Langemantel, 
the  Adelmanns,  Auerbach,  and  the  Prior  of 
the  Carmelites,  'who  had  afforded  him  such 
Christian  hospitality.  On  Wednesday,  before 
daybreak,  he  was  up  and  ready  to  set  out. 
His  friends  had  advised  him  to  take  every 
possible  precaution,  fearing,  that  if  his  depart- 
ure were  known,  it  might  be  opposed.  He 
followed  their  advice  as  well  as  he  could.  A 
horse,  that  Staupitz  had  left  at  his  disposal, 
was  brought  to  the  door  of  the  convent.  Once 
more  he  bids  adieu  to  his  brethren :  he  then 
mounts  and  sets  out,  without  a  bridle  for  his 
horse,  without  boots  or  spurs,  and  unarmed. 
The  magistrate  of  the  city  had  sent  him  as  a 
guide  a  horseman,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  the.  roads.  This  man  conducts  him  in 
the  dark  through  the  silent  streets  of  Augs- 
burg. They  directed  their  course  to  a  little 
gate  in  the  wall  of  the  city.  One  of  the  coun- 
sellors, Langemantel,  had  ordered  that  it 
should  be  opened  to  him.  He  is  still  in  the 
Legate's  power.  The  hand  of  Rome  is  still 
over  him  ;  doubtless,  if  the  Italians  knew  that 
their  prey  was  escaping,  the  cry  of  pursuit 
would  be  raised : — who  knows  whether  the 
intrepid  adversary  of  Rome  may  not  still  be 
seized  and  thrown  into  prison  1  ....  At  last 
Luther  and  his  guide  arrive  at  the  little  gate : 
— they  pass  through.  They  are  out  of  Augs- 
burg; and  putting  their  horses  into  a  gallop, 
they  soon  leave  the  city  far  behind  them. 

Luther,  on  leaving,  had  deposited  his  ap- 
peal to  the  Pope  in  the  hands  of  the  Prior  of 
Pomesaw.  His  friends  advised  him  not  fo 
send  it  to  the  Legate.  The  Prior  was  com- 
missioned to  have  it  posted,  two  or  three  days 
after  the  Doctor's  departure,  on  the  door  of  a 
cathedral,  in  the  presence  of  a  notary  and  of 
witnesses.  This  was  done. 

In  this  writing  Luther  declared  that  he  ap- 
pealed from  the  most  holy  Father  the  Pope, 
ill-informed  in  this  business,  to  the  most  holy 
Lord  and  Father,  in  Christ,  Leo  X.  by  name, 
by  the  grace  of  God,  when  better  informed, 
&c.  &c.100The  appeal  had  been  drawn  up  in 
the  regular  form,  by  the  assistance  of  the  Im- 
perial notary,  Gall  de  Herbrachtigen,  in  the 
presence  of  two  Augustine  monks,  Bartholo- 
mew Utzmair  and  Wengel  Steinbies.  It  was 
dated  the  16th  of  October. 

When  the  Cardinal  heard  of  Luther's  de- 
parture, he  was  struck  with  surprise,  and,  as 
he  affirmed  in  a  letter  to  the  Elector,  even 
with  alarm  and  apprehension.  He  had,  in- 
deed, some  reason  to  be  vexed.  This  depart- 
ure, which  so  abruptly  terminated  his  nego- 
tiations, disconcerted  all  the  hopes  which  his 
pride  had  so  long  cherished.  He  had  been 
ambitious  of  the  honour  of  healing  the  wounds 
of  the  Church,  and  re-establishing  the  de- 
17 


clining  influence  of  the  Pope  in  Germany; 
and  not  only  had  the  heretic  escaped  with 
impunity,  but  without  his  having  so  much  as 
humbled  him.  The  conference  had  served 
only  to  exhibit  in  a  strong  light,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  simplicity,  uprightness,  and  firm- 
ness of  Luther,  and,  on  the  other,  the  imperi- 
ous and  unreasonable  procedure  of  the  Pope 
and  his  representative.  Inasmuch  as  Rome 
had  gained  nothing,  she  had  lost ; — and  her 
authority,  not  having  been  reinforced,  had  in 
reality  sustained  a  fresh  check.  What  will 
be  said  of  all  this  at  the  Vatican1?  what  will 
be  the  next  despatches  received  from  Rome  1 
The  difficulties  of  the  Legate's  situation  will 
be  forgotten,  the  untoward  issue  of  the  affair 
will  be  ascribed  to  his  want  of  skill.  Serra 
Longa  and  the  rest  of  the  Italians  were  furi- 
ous on  seeing  themselves,  dexterous  as  they 
were,  outwitted  by  a  German  monk.  DeVio 
could  hardly  conceal  his  vexation.  Such  an 
insult  appeared  to  call  for  vengeance,  and  we 
shall  soon  see  him  give  utterance  to  his  anger 
in  a  letter  to  the  Elector. 

Meanwhile  Luther,  accompanied  by  the 
horseman,  continued  his  journey  from  Augs- 
burg. He  urged  his  horse  and  kept  the  poor 
animal  at  full  speed.  He  called  to  mind  the 
real  or  supposed  flight  of  John  Huss,  the 
manner  in  which  he  was  overtaken,  and  the 
assertion  of  his  adversaries,  who  affirmed  that 
Huss  having,  by  his  flight,  annulled  the  Empe- 
ror's safe-conduct,  they  had  a  right  to  condemn 
him  to  the  flames.101  However,  these  uneasy 
feelings  did  not  long  occupy  Luther's  mind. 
Having  got  clear  from  the  city  where  he  had 
spent  ten  days  under  that  terrible  hand  of 
Rome  which  had  already  crushed  so  many 
thousand  witnesses  for  the  truth,  and  shed  so 
much  blood, — at  large,  breathing  the  open 
air,  traversing  the  villages  and  plains,  and 
wonderfully  delivered  by  the  arm  of  the  Lord, 
his  whole  soul  overflowed  with  praise.  He 
might  well  say:  "Our  soul  is  escaped  as  a 
bird  out  of  the  snare  of  the  fowlers ;  the  snare 
is  broken,  and  we  are  delivered.  Our  help  is 
in  the  name  of  God,  who  made  heaven  and 
earth."102  Thus  was  the  heart  of  Luther  filled 
with  joy.  But  his  thoughts  again  reverted  to 
De  V'io :  "  The  Cardinal,"  thought  he, "  would 
have  been  well  pleased  to  get  me  into  his 
power  and  send  me  to  Rome.  He  is,  no  doubt, 
mortified  that  I  have  escaped  from  him.  He 
thought  he  had  me  in  his  clutches  at  Augs- 
burg. He  thought  he  held  me  fast;  but  he 
was  holding  an  eel  by  the  tail.  Shame  that 
these  people  should  set  so  high  a  price  upon 
me !  They  would  give  many  crowns  to  have 
me  in  their  power,  whilst  our  Saviour  Christ 
was  sold  for  thirty  pieces  of  silver."103 

Luther  travelled  fourteen  leagues  the  first 
day.  In  the  evening,  when  he  arrived  at  the 
inn  where  he  was  to  spend  the  night,  he  was 
so  fatigued — (his  horse,  says  one  of  his  bio- 
graphers, had  a  very  rough  trot) — that,  on 
alighting,  he  was  unable  to  stand,  and  dropped 
motionless  upon  the  straw.  He,  however, 
enjoyed  some  rest.  The  next  day  he  con 
tinued  his  journey.  At  Nuremberg  he  found 


124 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Staupitz,  who  was  engaged  in  visiting  the 
convents  §f  his  order.  It  was  in  this  city  that 
he  first  saw  the  brief  that  the  Pope  had  sent 
to  Cajetan  concerning  him.  He  was  indig- 
nant at  it,  and  had  he  read  it  before  he  left 
Wittemberg,  it  is  very  probable  he  would 
never  have  appeared  before  the  Cardinal.  "  It 
is  impossible  to  believe,"  said  he,  "  that  any 
thing  so  monstrous  can  have  emanated  from  a 
Sovereign  Pontiff."104 

Everywhere  on  his  journey  Luther  was  an 
object  of  general  interest.  He  was  returning 
without  having  given  up  any  thing.  Such  a 
victory  gained  by  a  mendicant  friar  over  the 
representatives  of  Rome,  filled  every  heart 
with  astonishment.  It  seemed  as  if  Germany 
had  now  its  revenge  for  the  Italian  contempt 
of  Ul  tramontanes.  God's  word  had  obtained 
more  honour  than  the  word  of  the  Pope.  That 
power,  which  for  ages  had  borne  rule,  had 
just  received  a  formidable  check.  The  jour- 
ney of  Luther  was  a  triumph.  Men  rejoiced 
at,  the  obstinacy  of  Rome,  because  it  was  like- 
ly to  hasten  her  ruin.  If  she  had  not  insisted 
on  retaining  her  shameful  gains, — if  she  had 
been  prudent  enough  not  to  despise  the  Ger- 
mans,— if  she  had  reformed  flagrant  abuses, — 
perhaps,  according  to  human  calculations, 
things  would  have  returned  to  the  death-like 
state  from  which  Luther  had  awakened.  But 
the  Papacy  would  not  yield ;  and  the  Doctor 
was  to'be  constrained  to  bring  many  other  er- 
rors to  light,  and  to  advance  in  the  knowledge 
and  manifestation  of  the  truth.  On  the  26th 
of  October,  Luther  arrived  at  Graefenthal,  at 
the  extremity  of  the  woods  of  Thuringia.  He 
there  met  Count  Albert  of  Mansfeldt,  the 
same  person  who  had  so  strongly  dissuaded 
him  from  going  to  Augsburg.  The  Count 
laughed  heartily  at  his  strange  equipment. 
He  compelled  him  to  stop,  and  obliged  him  to 
become  his  guest:  Luther  soon  afterwards 
continued  his  journey. 

He  hastened  on,  desiring  to  be  at  Wittem- 
berg on  the  31st  of  October,  in  the  expecta- 
tion that  the  Elector  would  be  there  at  the 
feast  of  All  Saints,  and  that  he  might  have  an 
interview  with  him.  The  brief  which  he  had 
read  at  Nuremberg  had  revealed  to  him  all  the 
danger  of  his  situation.  In  fact,  being  already 
condemned  at  Rome,  he  could  not  hope  either 
to  continue  at  Wittemberg,  or  to  find  an  asy- 
lum in  a  convent,  or  to  dwell  anywhere  in 
peace  and  safety.  The  protection  of  the 
Elector  might,  perhaps,  avail  him ;  but  he 
was  far  from  being  sure  of  it.  He  had  no- 
thing more  to  hope  from  the  true  friends  he 
had  hitherto  possessed  at  this  prince's  court. 
Staupitz,  having  lost  the  favour  he  had  long 
enjoyed,  was  then  leaving  Saxony.  Spalatin, 
though  beloved  by  Frederic,  had  not  much 
influence  over  him.  The  Elector  himself  was 
not  sufficiently  instructed  in  the  doctrine  of 
the  Gospel  to  expose  himself  for  the  sake  of 
it  to  manifest  dangers.  However,  Luther 
thought  he  could  not  do  better  than  return 
to  Wittemberg,  and  there  wait  to  see  what  the 
eternal  and  merciful  God  would  do  with  him. 
If,  as  some  expected,  he  were  unmolested,  he 


resolved  to  devote  himself  entirely  to  the  study 
and  to  the  instruction  of  youth.105 

Luther  got  back  to  Wittemberg  on  the  30th 
of  October.  His  haste  had  been  in  vain. 
Neither  the  Elector  nor  Spalatin  had  come  to 
the  feast.  His  friends  were  delighted  to  see 
him  again  amongst  them.  He  hastened  to  in- 
form Spalatin  of  his  arrival.  "  I  have  arrived 
to-day  at  Wittemberg,  safe  and  sound,  through 
God's  mercy, "said  he;  "but  how  long  I  shall 
stay  here  I  know  not.  ...  'I  am  filled  with 
joy  and  peace ;  and  find  it  hard  to  conceive 
how  the  trial  I  am  enduring  can  appear  so 
grievous  to  so  many  distinguished  men." 

De  Vio  had  not  waited  long,  after  the  de- 
parture of  Luther,  to  pour  forth  all  his  indio-- 
nation  to  the  Elector.  His  letter  breathed 
vengeance^ 

He  gave  Frederick  an  account  of  the  con- 
ference, with  an  air  of  self-satisfaction  :— 
"  Since  brother  Martin,"  said  he  in  conclusion, 
"  cannot  be  brought  by  paternal  measures  to  ac- 
knowledge his  error  and  to  continue  faithful  to 
the  Catholic  Church,  I  request  your  Highness 
to  send  him  to  Rome,  or  to  banish  him  from 
your  territories.  Be  assured  that  this  compli- 
cated, evil-intentioned,  and  mischievous  affair 
cannot  be  long  protracted ;  for  as  soon  as  I 
shall  have  informed  our  most  holy  lord  of  all 
this  artifice  and  malice,  he  will  bring  it  to  a 
speedy  end."  In  a  postscript,  written  with  his 
own  hand,  the  Cardinal  entreated  the  Elector 
not  to  tarnish  with  shame  his  own  honour  and 
that  of  his  illustrious  ancestors,  for  he  cause 
of  a  contemptible  monk.106 

Never  was  the  soul  of  Luthe*  roused  to 
higher  indignation  than  when  he  read  the  copy 
of  this  letter  which  the  Elector  sent  him.  The 
sense  of  the  sufferings  he  was  destined  to  en- 
dure, the  value  of  the  truth  for  which  he  con- 
tended, contempt  for  the  conduct  of  the  Roman 
Legate,  together  swelled  his  heart.  His  an- 
swer, written  at  the  moment  when  his  whole 
soul  was  thus  agitated,  is  distinguished  by  that 
courage,  elevation,  and  faith,  which  he  ever 
displayed  in  the  most  trying  circumstances  of 
his  life.  He  gave,  in  his  turn,  an  account  of 
the  conference  at  Augsburg.  He  described  the 
deportment  of  the  Cardinal :  and  thus  pro- 
ceeded : 

"  I  would  like  to  answer  the  Legate,  put- 
ting myself  in  the  place  of  the  Elector. 

"  *  Prove  to  me  that  you  understand  what 
you  talk  about,'  I  would  say  to  him ;  '  let  the 
whole  discussion  be  carried  on  in  writing.  I 
will  then  send  brother  Martin  to  Rome,  or 
:lse  I  will  apprehend  him  and  have  him  put 
to  death.  I  will  take  care  of  my  own  con- 
science and  honour,  and  I  will  not  allow  my 
lory  to  be  sullied.  But  as  long  as  your  ab- 
solute knowledge  shuns  the  light,  and  only 
discovers  itself  by  clamour,  I  cannot  put  faith 
in  darkness.' 

'  This,  most  excellent  Prince,  is  the  answer 
I  would  make  him. 

•'  Let  the  reverend  Legate,  or  the  Pope  him- 
self, specify  my  errors  in  writing:  let  them 
bring  forward  their  reasons ;  let  them  instruct 
me,  who  desire  to  be  instructed,  who  ask  to 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


125 


be  so,  who  intend  what  I  say,  and  long  for  { haps  he  might  have  persuaded  Luther  to  con- 
instruction,  so  that  even  a  Turk  would  not  ceal  himself  for  some  time.     But  he  resolved 


refuse  to  satisfy  me.  If  I  do  not  retract  and 
condemn  myself,  when  they  have  proved  to 
me  that  the  passages  of  Scripture  that  I  have 
quoted  ought  to  be  understood  in  a  different 
sense  from  that  in  which  I  have  understood 
them, — then,  O  most  excellent  Elector!  let 
your  Highness  be  the  first  to  prosecute  and 
expel  me,  let  the  university  reject  rne  and 
overwhelm  rne  with  indignation.  I  will  go 
further,  and  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness, 
let  the  Lord  Christ  Jesus  himself  reject  and 
condemn  me !  These  are  not  words  of  vain 
presumption,  but  of  firm  conviction.  Let  the 
Lord  deprive  me  of  his  grace,  and  every  crea- 
ture of  God  refuse  to  countenance  me,  if,  when 
I  have  been  shown  a  better  doctrine,  I  do  not 
embrace  it. 

"  But  if,  on  account  of  my  low  estate,  and 
because  I  am  but  a  poor  mendicant  brother, 
they  despise  me,  and  so  refuse  to  instruct  me 
in  the  way  of  truth,  let  your  Highness  beg  the 
Legate  to  inform  you  in  writing  wherein  I 
have  erred  ;  and  if  they  refuse  this  favour  to 
your  Highness  yourself,  let  them  write  their 
own  views,  either  to  his  Imperial  Majesty,  or 
to  some  German  Archbishop.  What  ought  1 
to  do — what  can  I  do — more  ? 

"  Let  your  Highness  listen  to  the  voice  of 
your  conscience  and  of  your  honour,  and  not 
send  me  to  Rome.  No  man  has  the  right  to 
require  this  of  you  ;  for  it  is  impossible  that  1 
should  be  safe  in  Rome.  The  Pope  himself 
is  not  safe  there.  It  would  be  enjoining  you 
to  betray  Christian  blood.  They  have  there 
paper,  pens,  and  ink  ;  they  have  also  number- 
less notaries.  It  is  easy  for  them  to  write 
wherein  and  wherefore  I  have  erred.  It  will 
cost  them  less  trouble  to  instruct  me  at  a  dis- 
tance by  writing,  than,  having  me  among 
them,  to  put  me  to  death  by  stratagem. 

"  I  resign  myself  to  banishment.  My  ad- 
versaries lay  snares  for  me  on  all  sides ;  so 
that  I  can  nowhere  live  in  safety.  That  no 
harm  may  happen  to  you  on  my  account,  I 
leave  your  territories,  in  God's  name.  I  will 
go  wherever  the  eternal  and  merciful  God 
will  have  me.  Let  him  do  with  me  what 
seemeth  him  good. 

"  Th  us,  then,  most  serene  Elector,  I  reverent- 
ly bid  you  farewell.  I  commend  you  to  Al- 
mighty God,  and  I  give  you  endless  thanks  for 
all  your  kindness  to  me.  Whatever  he  the  peo- 
ple among  whom  I  may  hereafter  live,  wher- 
ever rny  future  lot  may  be  cast,  1  shall  ever 
remember  you,  and  shall  gratefully  pray,  with- 
out ceasing,  for  the  happiness  of  you  and  yours.107 

"  I  am  still,  thanks  to  God,  full  of  joy,  and 
praise  him  that  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  counts 
me  worthy  to  suffer  in  so  holy  a  cause.  May 
He  forever  preserve  your  illustrious  High- 
ness. Amen." 

This  letter,  so  overflowing  with  the  accents 
of  truth  and  justice,  made  a  deep  impression 
on  the  Elector.  "  He  was  shaken  by  a  very 
eloquent  letter,"  says  Mairnbourg.  Never 
could  he  have  had  the  thought  of  giving  up 
an  innocent  man  to  the  power  of  Rome.  Per- 


not  even  in  appearance  to  yield  in  any  way  to 
the  Legate's  threats.  He  wrote  to  his  coun- 
sellor, Pfeffinger,  who  was  then  at  the  court 
of  the  Emperor,  to  represent  to  his  Majesty 
the  real  state  of  affairs,  and  to  beg  him  to 
write  to  Rome,  so  that  the  matter  might  be 
brought  to  a  conclusion,  or  at  least  be  deter- 
mined in  Germany  by  impartial  judges.108 

Some  days  after,  the  Elector  wrote  to  the 
Legate  in  reply :  "  Since  Doctor  Martin  has 
appeared  before  you  at  Augsburg,  you  ought 
to  be  satisfied.  We  did  not  expect  that, 
without  convincing  him  of  error,  you  would 
claim  to  oblige  him  to  retract.  Not  one  of 
the  learned  men  in  our  states  has  intimated  to 
us  an  opinion  that  Martin's  doctrine  is  im- 
pious, anti-christian,  or  heretical."  The 
Prince,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  letter,  declined 
sending  Luther  to  Rome,  or  expelling  him, 
from  his  territories. 

This  letter,  which  was  communicated  to 
Luther,  rejoiced  his  heart.  "  Gracious  God !" 
he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  "  with  what  joy  I  read 
and  re-read  it ;  for  I  know  what  confidence  I 
may  repose  in  these  words,  at  once  so  forcible 
and  so  discreet.  I  fear  the  Italians  will  not 
understand  their  full  import.  But  they  will 
at  least  comprehend  that  what  they  believed 
already  finished  is  scarcely  yet  begun.  Be 
pleased  to  present  my  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments to  the  Prince.  It  is  strange  that  he 
(De  Vio)  who,  a  little  while  ago,  was  a  mendi- 
cant friar  like  myself,  is  not  afraid  to  address 
the  most  powerful  princes  with  disrespect,  to 
call  them  to  account,  to  threaten  and  command 
them,  and  treat  them  with  such  preposterous 
haughtiness.  Let  him  learn  that  the  tempo- 
ral power  is  ordained  of  God,  and  that  none 
are  permitted  to  trample  its  glory  under  foot."109 

One  thing  that  had  undouotedly  encouraged 
Frederic  to  answer  the  Legate  in  a  tone  which 
the  latter  did  not  expect,  was  a  letter  addressed 
to  him  by  the  university  of  Wittemberg.  It 
was  not  without  reason  that  they  declared 
themselves  in  the  Doctor's  favour.  The  uni- 
versity was  increasing  in  reputation,  and  sur- 
passed all  the  other  schools.  A  crowd  of 
students  flocked  thither  from  all  parts  of  Ger- 
many, to  listen  to  this  extraordinary  man, 
whose  instructions  seemed  to  open  a  new  era 
to  religion  and  learning.  These  young  men, 
who  arrived  from  the  different  provinces,  would 
often  stop  when  they  discovered  in  the  distance 
the  steeples  of  Wittemberg ;  and,  raising  their 
hands  toward  heaven,  bless  God  for  having 
caused  the  light  of  truth  to  shine  forth  from 
Wittemberg,  as  in  former  ages  from  Mount 
Sion,  that  it  might  penetrate  to  the  most  dis- 
tant lands.110  A  life  and  activity,  hitherto  un- 
known, was  infused  into  the  university  studies. 
"  Our  young  men  are  as  diligent  here  as  ants 
upon  an  ant-hill,"  wrote  Luther.111 

Thinking  that  he  might  soon  be  driven  out 

of  Germany,  Luther  busied  himself  in  publisti- 

ing  a  report  of  the  conference  at  Augehurg. 

He  resolved  that  it  should  be  preserved  as  a 

i  memorial  of  the  struggle  between  Rome  and 


126 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


himself.  He  saw  the  storm  ready  to  burst, 
but  he  did  not  fear  it.  He  was  in  daily  ex- 
pectation of  the  maledictions  of  Rome.  He 
arranged  and  regulated  every  thing,  that  he 
might  be  ready  when  they  arrived.  "  Having 
tucked  up  my  gown  and  girded  my  loins,"  said 
he,  "  I  am  ready  to  depart,  like  Abraham,  not 
knowing  whither  I  go ;  or,  rather,  well  know- 
ing whither,  since  God  is  everywhere."112  He 
intended  to  leave  behind  him  a  farewell  letter. 
"  Take  courage,  then,"  he  wrote  to  Spalatin, 
"  to  read  the  letter  of  a  man  accursed  and  ex- 
communicated." 

His  friends  were  full  of  fears  and  anxiety 
on  his  account.  They  entreated  him  to  deliver 
himself  up  as  a  prisoner  into  the  Elector's 
hands,  that  that  prince  might  keep  him  some- 
where in  safety.113 

His  enemies  could  not  comprehend  the 
grounds  of  his  confidence.  One  day,  at  the 
court  of  the  Bishop  of  Brandenburg,  the  con- 
versation turned  on  the  Reformer,  and  it  was 
asked  on  what  support  he  could  be  depending. 
Some  said,  "  It  is  on  Erasmus  and  Capito  and 
other  learned  men  that  he  reckons  for  protec- 
tion." "No,  no,"  replied  the  Bishop;  "the 
Pope  would  care  very  little  for  those  gentry. 
It  is  to  the  University  of  Wittemberg  and  the 
Duke  of  Saxony  that  he  looks  for  support.".  . . 
Thus  both  parties  were  ignorant  of  that  strong 
tower  in  which  the  Reformer  had  sought 
refuge. 

Thoughts  of  taking  his  departure  were  pass- 
ing through  Luther's  mind.  It  was  not  the 
fear  of  danger  that  gave  rise  to  them,  but  the 
presentiment  of  the  incessantly  renewed  oppo- 
sition he  should  find  in  Germany  to  the  open 
profession  of  the  truth.  "  If  I  stay  here,"  said 
he,  "  I  shall  be  denied  the  liberty  of  speaking 
and  writing  many  things.  If  I  depart,  I  will 
pour  forth  freely  the  thoughts  of  my  heart,  and 
devote  my  life  to  Christ."114 

France  was  the  country  where  Luther  hoped 
he  mightwithout  hinderance  proclaim  the  truth. 
The  liberty  enjoyed  by  the  doctors  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Paris  appeared  to  him  worthy  of 
envy.  Besides,  he,  on  many  points,  agreed 
in  the  opinions  that  prevailed  there.  What 
might  have  ensued,  if  Luther  had  been  re- 
moved from  Wittemberg  to  France?  Would 
the  Reformation  have  established  itself  there 
as  it  did  in  Germany  ?  Would  the  power  of 
Rome  have  been  dethroned  there ;  and  France, 
which  was  destined  to  endure  a  long  struggle 
between  the  hierarchical  principles  of  Rome 
and  the  ruinous  principles  of  an  irreligious 
philosophy,  have  become  the  great  dispenser 
of  evangelical  light?  It  is  useless  to  indulge 
in  vain  conjectures.  But,  certainly,  Luther  at 
Paris  would  have  made  a  great  difference  in 
the  fortunes  of  the  Church  and  of  France. 

The  soul  of  Luther  was  deeply  moved.  He 
often  preached  in  the  church  of  the  city,  sup- 
plying the  place  of  Sirnon  Heyns  Pontanus, 
the  pastor  of  WTittemberg,  who  was  frequently 
indisposed.  He  thought  it  right,  at  all  ha- 
zards, to  take  leave  of  the  congregation  to 
whom  he  had  so  often  preached  the  doctrine 
of  salvation.  "  I  am  a  very  unstable  preach- 


[  er,"  said  he  one  day  in  the  pulpit,  "and  very 
|  uncertain  in  rny  position.  How  often  have  I 
I  left  you  suddenly  without  taking  leave  of  you  ! 
If  this  should  happen  again,  and  I  should 
never  return,  receive  my  last  farewell !"  Then, 
having  added  a  few  words,  he  concluded  by 
saying,  with  moderation  and  gentleness,  "  Fi- 
nally, I  warn  you  not  to  be  terrified,  if  the 
Papal  censures  should  be  discharged  against 
me  in  all  their  fury.  Do  not  blame  the  Pope, 
nor  bear  any  ill-will  to  him,  or  to  any  man 
living,  but  leave  the  whole  matter  to  God."115 
At  length,  the  moment  of  his  departure 
se.emed  at  hand.  The  Prince  gave  him  to 
understand  that  he  wished  him  to  leave  Wit- 
temberg. The  wishes  of  the  Elector  were  too 
sacred  with  Luther  for  him  not  to  hasten  to 
comply  with  them.  The  Reformer  prepared 
to  depart,  without  knowing  well  to  what  quar- 
ter to  direct  his  steps.  Resolving,  however, 
once  more  to  see  his  friends  about  him,  he  in- 
vited them  to  a  farewell  repast.  Seated  with 
them  at  table,  he  once  more  enjoyed  their  con- 
versation and  their  affectionate  and  anxious 
friendship.  A  letter  was  brought  to  him.  It 
came  from  the  court.  He  opened  and  read  it. 
His  heart  sank  within  him.  It  enclosed  an 
order  for  his  departure.  The  Prince  inquired, 
"Why  he  delayed  so  long?"  His  soul  was 
overwhelmed  with  dejection.  However,  he 
resumed  courage  ;  and,  raising  his  head,  said, 
firmly  and  joyfully,  turning  to  those  about 
him,  "  Father  and  mother  forsake  me,  but  the 
Lord  will  take  me  up."116Depart  then  he  must. 
His  friends  were  much  affected.  What  would 
become  of  him  ?  If  Luther's  protector  rejects 
him,  who  will  receive  him'?  And  this  Gos- 
pel, this  word  of  truth,  and  this  admirable 
work  he  had  taken  in  hand,  will,  doubtless, 
perish  with  the  faithful  witness.  The  fate  of 
the  Reformation  seemed  suspended  by  a  single 
thread  ;  and  would  not  the  moment  in  which 
Luther  left  the  walls  of  Wittemberg  break 
that  thread  1  Luther  and  his  friends  said  little. 
Sympathizing  in  his  feelings,  they  gave  vent 
to  their  tears.  However,  but  a  short  time  had 
elapsed,  when  a  second  messenger  arrived. 
Luther  opened  this  letter,  expecting  to  find  a 
reiterated  order  for  his  departure.  But,  lo! 
the  mighty  power  of  the  Lord  !  for  the  present 
he  is  saved.  Every  thing  is  changed.  "As 
the  Pope's  new  envoy,"  said  the  letter,  "  hopes 
that  every  thing  may  be  settled  by  a  confer- 
ence, remain  for  the  present. "117How  important 
was  this  hour !  and  what  might  have  happened 
if  Luther,  ever  anxious  to  obey  the  Prince's 
pleasure,  had  left  Wittemberg  immediately  on 
the  receipt  of  the  first  letter!  Never  had  Lu- 
ther and  the  cause  of  the  Reformation  been 
brought  lower  than  at  this  moment.  It  might 
have  been  thought  that  their  fate  was  decided : 
in  an  instant  it  was  changed.  Having  reached 
the  lowest  step  in  his  career,  the  Reformer 
rapidly  arose,  and  from  that  time  his  influence 
continued  to  ascend.  "At  the  word  of  the 
Lord,"  in  the  language  of  the  prophet,  "his 
servants  go  down  to  the  depths,  and  mount 
up  again  to  heaven." 
Spalatin,  by  Frederic's  orders,  sent  for  Lu- 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


127 


ther  to  Lichtemberg,  to  have  an  interview  with 
him.  They  had  a  long  conversation  on  the 
state  of  affairs.  "  If  the  Pope's  sentence  of 
condemnation  come,  I  certainly  cannot  remain 
at  Wittemberg,"  said  Luther.  "Beware," 
replied  Spalatin,  "  of  being  in  too  great  a  hurry 
to  go  to  France."118  He  left  him,  telling  him 
to  wait  further  tidings  from  him.  "  Only 
commend  my  soul  to  Christ,"  said  Luther  to 
his  friends.  "I  see  that  my  adversaries  are 
more  and  more  determined  on  my  destruction. 
But  Christ  is  meanwhile  strengthening  me  in 
my  determination  not  to  give  way."11 

Luther  at  that  time  published  his  report  of 
the  conference  at  Augsburg.  Spalatin  had 
written  to  him  from  the  Elector  to  abstain 
from  doing  so;  but  it  was  too  late.  When 
the  publication  had  taken  place,  the  Prince 
gave  his  sanction.  "  Great  God  !"  said  Lu- 
ther in  his  preface,  "what  a  new,  what  an 
amazing  crime,  to  seek  after  light  and  truth, 
and  above  all  in  the  Church,  that  is  to  say,  in 
the  kingdom  of  truth  !"  "  I  send  you  this 
document,"  said  he,  writing  to  Link:  "it 
cuts  too  deep, no  doubt,  to  please  the  Legate; 
but  my  pen  is  ready  to  give  out  much  greater 
things.  I  myself  know  not  whence  these 
thoughts  come  to  me.120  As  far  as  I  can  see, 
the  work  is  not  yet  begun ;  so  little  reason  is 
there  for  the  great  men  of  Rome  hoping  to  see 
an  end  of  it.  I  shall  send  you  what  I  have 
written,  in  order  that  you  may  judge  if  I  am 
right  in  believing  that  the  Antichrist  of  whom 
St.  Paul  speaks,  now  reigns  in  the  court  of 
Rome.  I  think  I  can  prove  that  now-a-days 
the  power  that  presides  there  is  worse  than 
the  Turks  themselves." 

On  all  sides,  sinister  reports  reached  Lu- 
ther. One  of  his  friends  wrote  him  word  that 
the  new  envoy  from  Rome  had  received  orders 
to  apprehend  him  and  deliver  him  to  the  Pope. 
Another  reported  that,  as  he  was  travelling, 
he  had  met  with  a  courtier,  and  that,  the  con- 
versation having  turned  upon  the  affairs  which 
were  then  the  general  topic  in  Germany,  the 
latter  confided  to  him  that  he  had  undertaken 
to  seize  and  deliver  Luther  into  the  hands  of 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  "  But  the  more  their 
fury  and  violence  increase,"  wrote  Luther, 
44  the  less  do  I  fear  them."121 

Cajetan's  ill  success  had  occasioned  much 
dissatisfaction  at  Rome.  The  vexation  felt 
at  the  failure  of  the  affair,  fell  in  the  first  in- 
stance upon  him.  All  the  Roman  courtiers 
thought  they  had  cause  to  reproach  him  for 
having  been  deficient  in  the  prudence  and  ad- 
dress which,  in  their  account,  were  the  most 
indispensable  qualifications  in  a  legate,  and 
for  not  having  relaxed  the  strictness  of  his 
scholastic  theology  on  so  important  an  occa- 
sion. "  The  failure  is  entirely  owing  to  him," 
said  they.  "  His  awkward  pedantry  has 
spoiled  all.  Why  did  he  provoke  Luther  by 
insults  and  threats,  instead  of  alluring  him  by 
the  promise  of  a  bishopric,  or  even,  if  neces- 
sary, a  cardinal's  hat]"122 These  mercenaries 
judged  of  the  Reformer  by  themselves.  The 
failure,  however,  must  be  retrieved.  On  the 
one  hand,  it  was  requisite  that  Rome  should 


declare  herself;  on  the  other,  she  must  not 
offend  the  Elector,  who  might  be  very  ser- 
viceable to  her  in  the  anticipated  event  of  the 
election  of  an  Emperor.  As  it  was  impos- 
sible for  Roman  ecclesiastics  to  form  a  notion 
of  the  true  source  whence  Luther  derived  his 
strength  and  courage,  they  imagined  that  the 
Elector  was  much  more  deeply  implicated  in 
the  matter  than  he  really  was.  The  Pope  re- 
solved, therefore,  to  pursue  a  different  line  of 
policy.  He  caused  to  be  published  in  Ger- 
many, by  his  Legate,  a  bull,  wherein  he  con- 
firmed the  doctrine  of  indulgences  precisely 
in  those  points  which  had  been  questioned, 
but  making  no  mention  either  of  the  Elector 
or  of  Luther.  As  the  Reformer  had  always 
declared,  that  he  would  submit  to  the  decision 
of  the  Romish  Church,  he  must  now,  as  the 
Pope  thought,  either  keep  his  word,  or  openly 
show  himself  to  be  a  disturber  of  the  peace 
of  the  Church,  and  a  despiser  of  the  apostolic 
see.  In  either  case,  the  Pope,  it  was  thought, 
must  be  a  gainer.  But  nothing  is  ever  gained 
by  so  obstinate  a  resistance  against  the  truth. 
In  vain  had  the  Pope  threatened  with  excom- 
munication whosoever  should  teach  otherwise 
than  he  ordained  ;  the  light  is  not  arrested  by 
such  orders.  It  would  have  been  wiser  to 
moderate,  by  certain  restrictions,  the  preten- 
sions of  the  sellers  of  indulgences.  Appa- 
rently, this  decree  of  Rome  was  a  further  act 
of  impolicy.  By  legalizing  the  most  flagrant 
abuses,  it  irritated  all  sensible  men,  and  ren- 
dered impossible  the  return  of  Luther  to  his 
allegiance  to  the  Church.  "  It  was  commonly 
thought,"  says  a  Catholic  historian,  and  a 
great  enemy  to  the  Reformation,  (Maimbourg,) 
"  that  this  bull  had  been  framed  only  for  the 
gain  of  the  Pope  and  of  the  mendicant  friars, 
who  began  to  find  that  no  one  would  give  any 
thing  for  their  indulgences." 

The  Cardinal  De  Vio  published  this  decree 
at  Lintz,  in  Austria,  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1518  ;  but  Luther  had  already  taken  his  stand 
in  a  position  of  security.  On  the  28th  of 
November  he  had  appealed,  in  the  chapel  of 
Corpus  Christi  at  Wittemberg,  from  the  Pope 
to  a  General  Council  of  the  Church.  He 
foresaw  the  storm  that  was  about  to  burst 
upon  him,  and  he  knew  that  God  only  could 
avert  it.  But  there  was  something  he  him- 
self was  called  to  do; — and  he  did  it.  He 
must,  no  doubt,  leave  Wittemberg,  if  it  were 
only  for  the  sake  of  the  Elector,  as  soon  as  the 
maledictions  of  Rome  should  arrive  there ; 
yet  he  resolved  not  to  quit  Saxony  and  Ger- 
many without  a  public  protest.  He,  there- 
fore, drew  up  his  appeal ;  "  and  that  it  might 
be  ready  to  be  distributed  as  soon  as  the  furies 
of  Rome  should  overtake  him,"  as  he  says, 
he  had  it  printed,  under  the  express  condition 
that  the  bookseller  should  deposit  with  him 
all  the  copies.  But  this  man,  from  desire  of 
gain,  sold  almost  the  whole  impression,  whilst 
Luther  was  quietly  expecting  to  receive  them. 
He  was  much  annoyed,  but  the  thing  was 
done.  This  bold  appeal  was  dispersed  far 
and  wide.  In  it  Luther  again  protested  that 
he  had  no  intention  of  saying  any  thing  against 
M 


128 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


the  holy  Church,  or  the  authority  of  the  apos- 
tolic see,  and  the  Pope  duly  informed.  "  But," 
continued  he,  "seeing  that  the  Pope,  who  is 
God's  vicar  upon  earth,  may,  like  any  other 
man,  fall  into  error,  commit  sin,  and  utter 
falsehood,  and  that  the  appeal  to  a  General 
Council  is  the  only  safeguard  against  acts  of 
injustice  which  it  is  impossible  to  resist, — on 
these  grounds  I  find  myself  obliged  to  have 
recourse  to  it."123 

Behold,  then,  the  Reformation  launched 
upon  a  new  career.     It  is  no  longer  to  depend 


upon  the  Pope  and  his  decrees,  but  upon  a 
General  Council.  Luther  speaks  to  the 
Church  at  large,  and  the  voice  which  pro- 
ceeds from  the  chapel  of  Corpus  Christi  is  to 
make  itself  heard  in  all  the  gatherings  of  the 
Lord's  flock.  It  is  not  in  courage  that  the 
Reformer  is  wanting.  Behold  him  giving 
new  proof  of  it.  Will  God  be  wanting  to 
him?  The  answer  will  be  read  in  the  dif- 
ferent phases  of  the  Reformation  which  are 
still  to  pass  before  us. 


BOOK   V. 


THE     LEIPSIC    DISCUSSION. 
1519. 

The  Pope's  Chamberlain — Luther  in  Danger — Favourable  Circumstances — Tetzel's  Fears — Mil 
titz's  Caresses — Retractation — Luther  proposes  Silence — The  Legate's  Kiss — Tetzel  rebuked — 
Luther's  Letter — Opposed  to  Separation — De  Vioand  Miltitz  at  Treves — The  Reformed  Opinions 
spread— Luther's  Writings— Contest  seems  to  flag— Eck— The  Pope's  Authority  — Luther 
Answers — Alarm  of  Luther's  Friends — Truth  secure  of  Victory — The  Bishop's  Remonstrance — 
Mosellanus — Arrival  of  Eck — An  ill  Omen — Eck  and  Luther — The  Pleissenburg — Judges 
proposed  —  The  Procession — Luther — Carlstadt-— Eck — Carlstadt's  Books  —  Merit  of  Con- 

fruity — Scholastic  Distinction — Grace  gives  Liberty — Melancthon — Eck  claims  Victory — 
mther  preaches — Quarrel  of  Students  and  Doctors — Eck  and  Luther — The  Roman  Primacy — 
Equality  of  Bishops — Christ  the  Foundation— Insinuation — The  Hussites — Commotion  in  the 
Audience — Monkish  Horror — The  Indulgences — Attention  of  the  Laity — Eck's  Report — George 
of  Anhalt — The  Students  of  Leipsic — Results  of  the  Disputation — More  Liberty — Activity  of 
Eck — Melancthon's  Defence — Firmness  of  Luther — Staupitz's  Coolness — Christ  given  for  us — 
Infatuation  of  the  Adversaries — The  Lord's  Supper — Is  Faith  necessary — God's  Word  a  Sword — 
Luther's  Calmness. 


THE  clouds  were  gathering  over  Luther  and 
the  Reformation.  The  appeal  to  a  General 
Council  was  a  new  attack  on  Papal  authority. 
A  bull  of  Pius  II.  had  pronounced  the  greater 
excommunication  against  any  one,  even  though 
he  should  be  the  Emperor  himself,  who  should 
be  guilty  of  such  a  rejection  of  the  Holy 
Father's  authority.  Frederic  of  Saxony, 
scarcely  yet  v/ell  established  in  the  evangelic 
doctrine,  was  on  the  point  of  banishing  Lu- 
ther from  his  states.1  A  second  message  from 
Leo  X.  would,  in  that  case,  have  thrown  the 
Reformer  among  strangers,  who  might  fear  to 
compromise  their  own  security  by  harbouring 
a  monk  whom  Rome  had  anathematized.  And 
even  if  one  of  the  German  nobles  had  taken  up 
arms  in  his  defence,  such  poor  knights,  look- 
ed down  upon  with  contempt  by  the  powerful 
sovereigns  of  Germany,  must  ere  long  have 
sunk  in  their  hazardous  enterprise. 

But  at  the  moment  when  all  his  courtiers 
were  urging  Leo  to  rigorous  measures,  when 
another  blow  would  have  laid  his  enemy  at  his 
feet,  that  Pope  suddenly  changed  his  course, 
and  made  overtures  of  conciliation.2  Doubtless 
it  may  be  said,  he  mistook  the  disposition  of 
the  Elector,  and  thought  him  much  more  fa- 
vourable to  Luther  than  he  really  was.  We 
may  allow  that  public  opinion,  and  the  spirit 
of  the  age — powers  then  comparatively  new — 
might  seem  to  Leo  to  surround  the  Reformer 
with  an  insurmountable  rampart  of  defence. 


We  may  suppose,  as  one  historian*  has  done, 
that  Leo  did  but  follow  the  impulse  of  his 
judgment  and  his  heart,  which  inclined  him  to 
gentleness  and  moderation.  But  this  method, 
so  nnlike  Rome,  at  such  a  juncture,  is  so 
strange,  that  it  is  impossible  not  to  acknow- 
ledge in  it  a  more  powerful  intervention. 

A  noble  Saxon,  chamberlain  to*  the  Pope, 
and  canon  of  Mentz,  of  Treves,  and  of  Meis- 
sen, was  then  at  the  court  of  Rome.  He  had 
worked  his  way  into  favour.  He  boasted  of 
his  connection,  by  family  relationships,  with 
the  princes  of  Saxony — so  that  the  Roman 
courtiers  sometimes  called  him  Duke  of 
Saxony.  In  Italy  he  paraded  his  German  no- 
bility. In  Germany  he  affected  awkwardly 
the  manners  and  refinement  of  Italy.  He  was 
addicted  to  wine,  and  this  vice  had  gained 
strength  from  his  residence  at  Rome.3  Never- 
theless the  Roman  courtiers  built  great  hopes 
on  him.  His  German  origin,  his  insinuating 
manner,  and  his  skill  in  negotiation,  altogether 
persuaded  them  that  Charles  Miltitz  would, 
by  his  prudence,  succeed  in  arresting  the  re- 
volution that  threatened  the  world. 

It  was  important  to  hide  the  real  object  of 
the  Roman  chamberlain's  mission — this  was 
not  difficult.  Four  years  before,  the  pious  Elec- 
tor had  petitioned  the  Pope  for  the  golden  rose. 
This  rose  was  deemed  to  represent  the  body  of 


*  Roscoe,  vol.  iv.  p.  2. 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


Jesus  Christ.  It  was  consecrated  every  year  by 
the  sovereign  Pontiff,  and  presented  to  one  of 
the  leading1  princes  of  Europe.  It  was  decided 
to  present  it  this  year  to  the  Elector.  Miltitz 
set  out,  with  instructions  to  inquire  into  the 
state  of  affairs,  and  to  gain  over  Spalatin  and 
Pfeffinger,  the  Elector's  counsellors.  He  was 
intrusted  with  private  letters  for  them.  By 
thus  conciliating  the  co-operation  of  those  who 
surrounded  the  Elector,  Rome  expected  quickly 
to  become  the  mistress  of  her  now  formidable 
adversary. 

The  new  Legate  arrived  in  Germany,  in 
December,  1518,  and  endeavoured  in  the  course 
of  his  journey  to  sound  the  general  opinion. 
To  his  extreme  astonishment,  he  noticed, 
wherever  he  stopped,  that  the  majority  of  the 
inhabitants  were  favourable  to  the  Reforma- 
tion. Men  spoke  of  Luther  with  enthusiasm.4 
For  one  who  declared  himself  on  the  Pope's 
side,  he  found  three  against  him.5  Luther  has 
preserved  an  incident  that  occurred.  "  What 
is  your  opinion  of  the  See  (seclia)  of  Rome  ?" 
often  inquired  the  Legate,  of  the  mistresses 
and  domestics  of  the  inns.  One  day,  one  of 
these  poor  women  answered  with  naivete : 
u  What  can  we  know  of  the  sort  of  chairs 
{sedia}  you  have  at  Rome,  whether  of  stone 
or  wood?"6 

The  mere  report  of  the  arrival  of  the  new 
Legate  spread  suspicion  and  distrust  in  the 
Elector's  court,  the  university,  the  city  of 
Wittemberg,  and  throughout  Saxony.  "  Thank 
God,  Martin  is  still  alive !"  wrote  Melancthon 
in  alarm.7  It  was  whispered  that  the  Roman 
chamberlain  had  orders  to  get  Luther  into  his 
power  by  stratagem  or  violence.  On  all  sides 
the  Doctor  was  advised  to  be  on  his  guard 
against  the  snares  of  Miltitz.  "  He  is  sent," 
said  they,  "  to  seize  and  deliver  you  to  the 
Pope.  Persons  deserving  of  credit  have  seen 
the  brief  with  which  he  is  furnished." — "I 
await  the  will  of  God,"  replied  Luther.8 

Miltitz  had  indeed  arrived,  bearing  letters 
addressed  to  the  Elector,  his  counsellors,  the 
bishops,  and  the  burgomasier  of  Wittemberg. 
He  brought  with  him  seventy  apostolic  briefs. 
If  the  flattery  and  favours  of  Rome  were  suc- 
cessful, and  Frederic  should  deliver  up  Lu- 
ther, these  briefs  were  to  be  used  as  passports. 
It  was  his  plan  to  post  up  one  of  them  in  each 
of  the  towns  on  his  route,  and  in  this  way  to 
convey  his  prisoner  to  Rome,  without  opposi- 
tion.9 

The  Pope  seemed  to  have  taken  all  his 
measures.  In  the  Elector's  court  they  scarce 
knew  what  course  to  pursue.  Violence  they 
might  have  resisted,  but  what  to  oppose  to  the 
head  of  Christendom,  uttering  the  language 
of  mildness  and  reason?  would  it  not  be  well- 
timed  if  Luther  could  lie  concealed  till  the 
storrn  should  have  passed  by?  An  unforeseen 
event  came  to  the  deliverance  of  Luther,  the 
Elector  and  the  Reformation  from  this  per- 
plexing position.  The  aspect  of  the  world 
was  suddenly  changed. 

On  the  12th  of  January,  1519,  died  Maxi- 
milian, the  Emperor  of  Germany.  Frederic 
of  Saxony,  agreeably  to  the  Germanic  Con- 


stitution, became  administrator  of  the  Empire. 
From  that  moment  the  Elector  was  relieved 
from  the  fear  of  nuncios  and  their  projects. 
New  interests  were  set  to  work  in  the  Roman 
Court,  which  compelled  it  to  temporize  in  its 
negotiations  with  Frederic,  and  arrested  the 
blow  which  it  cannot  be  doubted  Miltitz  and 
De  Vio  had  meditated. 

The  Pope  had  an  earnest  desire  to  exclude 
from  the  imperial  throne  Charles  of  Austria, 
then  the  reigning  king  of  Naples — a  neighbour 
on  a  throne  was  in  his  judgment  more  to  be 
feared  than  a  monk  of  Germany.  Desiring  to 
secure  the  co-operation  of  the  Elector — who  in 
this  matter  might  be  of  so  great  service,  he 
resolved  to  afford  some  respite  to  the  monk 
that  he  might  the  better  counterwork  the  king. 
In  spite  of  this  policy,  both  made  progress.  It 
formed,  however,  the  motive  for  the  change  in 
Leo  X.'s  proceedings. 

Another  circumstance  contributed  to  avert 
the  storm  that  impended  over  the  Reformation. 
Political  troubles  broke  out  immediately  after 
the  Emperor's  demise.  In  the  south  the 
Suabian  Confederation  sought  to  avenge  itself 
on  Ulric  of  W:iirtemberg,  who  had  broken  his 
allegiance.  In  the  north  the  Bishop  of  Hildes- 
heim  invaded,  with  an  armed  force,  the  Bish- 
opric of  Minden  and  the  states  of  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick.  Amidst  these  confusions,  how 
could  the  great  ones  of  the  age  attach  import- 
ance to  a  dispute  concerning  the  remission  of 
sins !  But  God  made  above  all  conducive  to 
the  progress  of  the  Reformation  the  reputation 
of  the  Elector,  now  Vicar  of  the  Empire,  for 
prudence,  and  the  protection  he  afforded  to  the 
new  teachers. — "The  tempest  was  hushed," 
says  Luther,  "the  Papal  excommunication 
began  to  be  thought  light  of."  Under  shelter 
of  the  Elector,  the  Gospel  spread  itself  abroad, 
and  hence  no  small  damage  to  the  cause  of 
the  Papacy.10 

We  may  add  that  during  an  interregnum 
the  severest  prohibitions  naturally  lost  much 
of  their  authority.  Communication  became 
more  open  and  easy.  The  ray  of  liberty  that 
beamed  upon  those  first  beginnings  of  the  Re- 
formation, helped  materially  to  develope  the 
yet  tender  plant ;  and  a  thoughtful  observer 
might  even  then  have  discerned  how  favourable 
political  liberty  would  one  day  be  to  the  pro- 
gress of  evangelic  Christianity. 

Miltitz,  who  had  reached  Saxony  before  the 
death  of  Maximilian,  had  lost  no  time  in  vi- 
siting his  former  friend  Spalatin ;  but  scarcely 
did  he  begin  to  open  his  charges  against  Lu- 
ther— before  the  chaplain  broke  out  in  com- 
plaint against  Tetzel.  He  acquainted  the 
Nuncio  with  the  falsehoods  and  blasphemies 
of  the  vender  of  indulgences,  and  declared 
that  all  Germany  ascribed  to  the  Dominican's 
proceedings  the  dissensions  that  distracted 
the  Church. 

Miltitz  was  astonished.  Instead  of  accuser, 
he  found  himself  in  the  place  of  one  accused. 
His  wrath  was  instantly  turned  against  Tet- 
zel, and  he  summoned  him  to  appear  before 
him  at  Altenburg,  and  account  for  his  con- 
duct. 


130 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


The  Dominican,  as  cowardly  as  he  was 
boastful,  dreading  the  people  whose  indigna- 
tion had  been  roused  by  his  impostures,  had 
discontinued  his  progresses  through  the  towns 
and  provinces,  and  was  then  living  in  retire- 
ment in  the  college  of  St.  Paul.  He  turned 
pale  on  the  receipt  of  Miltitz's  letter.  Rome 
herself  seemed  to  abandon  him — to  condemn 
him — and  to  tempt  him  to  quit  the  only  asylum 
in  which  he  reckoned  himself  safe — as  if  to 
expose  him  to  the  anger  of  his  enemies.  Tet- 
zel  refused  to  obey  the  Nuncio's  summons. 
He  wrote  to  Miltitz  on  the  31st  December, 
1518 — "  Certainly  I  would  not  shrink  from 
the  fatigue  of  the  journey  if  I  could  leave 
Leipsic  without  risking  my  life;  but  Martin 
Luthei  has  so  roused  and  excited  powerful 
chiefs  against  me,  that  I  am  nowhere  safe. 
A  great  number  of  his  partisans  have  bound 
themselves  by  oath  to  put  me  to  death  ;  there- 
fore I  cannot  come  to  you."11  A  striking  con- 
trast between  the  two  men  then  dwelling,  one 
in  the  college  of  St.  Paul  at  Leipsic,  and  the 
other  in  the  cloister  of  St.  Augustine  at  Wit- 
temberg.  The  servant  of  God  manifested  an 
intrepid  courage  in  the  face  of  danger; — the 
servant  of  mei  betrayed  a  contemptible  cow- 
ardice. 

Miltitz  had  been  directed  in  the  first  in- 
stance to  try  the  effect  of  persuasion ;  and  it 
was  only  on  the  failure  of  this,  that  he  was  to 
produce  his  seventy  briefs,  and  play  off  the 
favours  of  Rome  so  as  to  induce  the  Elector 
to  restrain  Luther.  He  therefore  expressed 
a  wish  for  an  interview  with  the  Reformer. 
Spalatin,  their  common  friend,  offered  his 
house  for  the  purpose,  and  Luther  left  Wit- 
temberg  for  Altenburg  on  the  2d  or  3d  of 
January. 

In  this  interview  Miltitz  exhausted  all  the 
stratagems  of  a  diplomatist  and  Roman  cour- 
tier. At  the  instant  of  Luther's  arrival,  the 
Nuncio  approached  him  with  great  show  of 
friendship — "  Oh,"  thought  Luther,  "  how  is 
his  former  violence  changed  to  gentleness. 
The  second  Saul  came  to  Germany  the  bearer 
of  seventy  briefs,  authorizing  him  to  drag  me 
in  chains  to  that  homicide  Rome,  but  the 
Lord  has  thrown  him  to  the  earth  in  the  way."12 
"  Dear  Martin,"  said  the  Pope's  chamberlain, 
in  a  persuasive  tone,  "  I  thought  you  were  an 
old  theologian,  who,  quietly  seated  at  his  fire- 
side, had  certain  theological  crotchets,  but  I 
see  you  are  yet  young  and  in  the  prime  of  life".13 
"  Do  you  know,"  continued  he,  assuming  a 
graver  tone,  "that  you  have  drawn  away  all 
the  world  from  the  Pope1?"14  Miltitz  well 
knew  that  it  is  by  flattering  the  pride  of  men 
that  they  are  most  readily  deluded;  but  he 
did  not  know  the  man  he  had  to  deal  with. 

"  Even  if  I  were  backed  by  an  army  of 
twenty-five  thousand  men,"  continued  he,  "  I 
truly  would  not  undertake  to  kidnap  and  carry 
you  to  Rome."13  Thus,  notwithstanding  her 
power,  Rome  felt  weak  when  opposed  to  a  ! 
poor  monk,  and  the  monk  was  conscious  of 
strength  in  his  opposition  to  Rome.  "God 
arrests  the  billows  on  the  shore,"  said  Luther, 
"  and  he  does  so  with  the  sand  !"16 


The  Nuncio,  thinking  he  had  by  these  flat- 
teries prepared  the  mind  of  Luther,  thus  con- 
tinued :  «*  Be  persuaded,  and  yourself  stanch 
the  wound  you  have  inflicted  on  the  Church, 
and  which  none  but  yourself  can  heal.  Be- 
ware, I  beseech  you,"  he  added,  "of  raising 
a  storm  in  which  the  best  interests  of  man- 
kind would  be  wrecked."17  And  then  he  gra- 
dually proceeded  to  hint  that  a  retractation 
was  the  only  way  of  remedying  the  evil,  but 
instantly  softened  the  objectionable  word  by 
expressions  of  high  esteem  for  Luther  and 
indignation  against  Tetzel.  The  net  was 
spread  by  a  skilful  hand, — what  hope  of  escape 
from  its  meshes  1 

"  If  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz  had  acted 
thus  with  me  from  the  first,"  said  Luther,  at 
a  later  period,  "  this  matter  had  not  made  the 
noise  it  has  done."18 

Luther  spoke  out:  enumerated,  with  calm- 
ness, yet  with  earnestness  and  energy,  the 
just  complaints  of  the  Church;  he  gave  free 
expression  to  his  indignation  against  the 
Archbishop  of  Mentz,  and  boldly  complained 
of  the  unworthy  manner  in  which  the  Roman 
Court  had  treated  him,  notwithstanding  the 
purity  of  his  intentions. 

Miltitz,  who  had  not  expected  so  decided  a 
tone,  nevertheless  suppressed  his  anger.  "  I 
offer,"  said  Luther,  "  from  this  time  forth  to 
keep  silence  on  these  things,  and  to  let  the 
matter  die  away,  provided  my  enemies  are  re- 
duced to  silence;  but  if  they  continue  their 
attacks,  we  shall  very  soon  see  a  partial  dis- 
pute give  rise  to  a  serious  struggle.  My 
weapons  are  ready  prepared."19  After  a  mo- 
ment's pause,  he  continued,  "  I  will  even  go 
a  step  further.  I  will  write  to  his  Holiness, 
acknowledging  that  I  have  been  a  little  too 
violent;  and  declare  that  it  is  as  a  faithful 
son  of  the  Church  that  I  have  opposed  a  style 
of  preaching  which  drew  upon  it  the  mock- 
eries and  insults  of  the  people.  I  even  con- 
sent to  put  forth  a  writing,  wherein  I  will 
desire  all  who  shall  read  my  works,  not  to  see 
in  them  any  attack  on  the  Church  of  Rome, 
and  to  continue  in  submission  to  its  authority. 
Yes,  I  am  willing  to  do  every  thing  and  bear 
every  thing :  but  as  to  a  retractation,  don't 
expect  it  from  me." 

Miltitz  saw  by  Luther's  resolute  manner 
that  the  wisest  course  was  to  seem  satisfied 
with  what  the  Reformer  was  willing  to  pro- 
mise. He  merely  proposed  that  they  should 
name  an  Archbishop  as  arbitrator  on  some  of 
the  points  they  would  have  to  discuss.  "  Be 
"t  so,"  said  Luther — "  but  1  much  fear  that 
;he  Pope  will  not  accept  of  any  judge;  if  so, 
[  will  not  abide  by  the  Pope's  decision,  and 
then  the  dispute  will  begin  again.  The  Pope 
will  give  us  the  text,  and  I  will  make  my  own 
commentary  on  it." 

Thus  ended  the  first  interview  of  Luther 
with  Miltitz.  They  met  once  again,  and  at 
this  meeting  the  truce,  or  rather  the  peace, 
was  signed.  Luther  immediately  gave  in- 
formation to  the  Elector  of  all  that  had  passed. 

"  Most  serene  Prince  and  gracious  Lord," 
wrote  he,  "  I  hasten  humbly  to  inform  your 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION 


Electoral  Highness  that  Charles  Miltitz  and 
myself  are  at  last  agreed,  and  have  terminated 
our  differences  by  the  following  articles  : — 

"  1.  Both  sides  are  forbidden  to  write  or 
act,  henceforward,  in  the  question  that  has 
been  raised. 

"  Miltitz  will,  without  delay,  communi- 
cate to  his  Holiness  the  state  of  affairs.  His 
Holiness  will  commission  an  enlightened 
bishop  to  inquire  into  the  affair,  and  to  point 
out  the  erroneous  articles  which  I  am  to  retract. 
If  proof  is  afforded  me  that  I  am  in  error,  I 
will  gladly  retract,  and  never  more  do  any 
thing  that  can  lessen  the  honour  or  authority 
of  the  holy  Roman  Church."20 

The  agreement  thus  effected,  Miltitz's  joy 
broke  forth.  "For  a  century,"  said  he,  "  no 
question  has  caused  more  anxiety  to  the  Car- 
dinals and  court  of  Rome.  They  would  have 
given  ten  thousand  ducats  rather  than  see  it 
prolonged."21 

The  Pope's  chamberlain  spared  no  marks 
of  attention  to  the  monk  of  Wittemberg;  one 
moment  he  expressed  his  satisfaction,  the 
next  he  shed  tears.  These  demonstrations  of 
sensibility  but  little  moved  the  Reformer,  yet 
he  avoided  betraying  what  he  thought  of  them. 
"I  feigned  not  to  understand  the  meaning  of 
those  crocodile  tears,"  said  he. — The  croco- 
dile is  said  to  weep  when  it  is  unable  to  seize 
on  its  prey.22 

Miltitz  invited  Luther  to  supper.  The 
doctor  accepted  the  invitation.  His  host  laid 
aside  the  dignity  of  his  function,  and  Luther 
gave  free  vent  to  the  cheerfulness  of  his  natu- 
ral temper.  The  repast  was  joyous  ;23and  the 
moment  of  adieu  arriving,  the  Legate  opened 
his  arms  to  the  heretic  doctor,  and  saluted 
him.24  "A  Judas  kiss,"  thought  Luther.  "I 
affected  not  to  understand  these  Italian  man- 
ners," wrote  he  to  Staupitz.25 

Would  that  salute  indeed  make  reconcilia- 
tion between  Rome  and  the  dawning  Reforma- 
tion ?  Miltitz  hoped  it  might,  and  rejoiced 
in  the  hope  ;  for  he  had  a  nearer  view  than 
the  Roman  Court  could  take  of  the  terrible  ef- 
fect the  Reformation  was  likely  to  produce 
on  the  Papacy.  If  Luther  and  his  oppo- 
nents are  silenced,  said  he  to  himself,  the 
dispute  will  be  terminated;  and  Rome,  by 
skilfully  calling  up  new  circumstances,  will 
regain  her  former  influence.  To  all  appear- 
ance, therefore,  the  struggle  was  nearly  pass- 
ed— Rome  had  opened  her  arms  and  the  Re- 
former had  cast  himself  into  them.  But  this 
work  was  not  of  man,  but  of  God.  It  was 
the  mistake  of  Rome  to  see  only  a  contro- 
versy with  a  monk,  in  what  was  in  reality  a 
revival  of  the  Church.  The  kisses  of  a  papal 
chamberlain  could  not  arrest  the  renewal  of 
Christianity. 

Miltitz,  acting  on  the  agreement  that  he 
had  just  concluded,  repaired  from  Altenburg 
to  Leipsic,  where  Tetzel  was  then  residing. 
There  was  no  need  to  enjoin  silence  on  the 
Dominican,  for  he  would  gladly  have  sought, 
if  possible,  to  hide  himself  in  the  bowels  of 
the  earth  ;  but  the  Nuncio  resolved  to  vent  his 
wrath  upon  him.  On  arriving  at  Leipsic,  he 
18 


cited  him  before  him.  He  overwhelmed  him 
with  reproaches,  accused  him  of  being  the 
cause  of  all  the  evil,  and  threatened  him  with 
the  Pope's  anger.26  He  went  further:  the- 
agent  of  the  house  of  Fugger,  who  was  then 
at  Leipsic,  was  confronted  with  him.  Miltitz 
exhibited  to  the  Dominican  the  accounts  of 
that  house,  papers  that  bore  his  own  signature ! 
and  demonstrated  that  he  had  squandered  or 
appropriated  to  his  own  use  considerable  sums. 
The  unhappy  man,  whom,  in  the  day  of  his 
triumph,  nothing  could  abash,  was  struck 
motionless  by  these  well-founded  charges. 
He  shrunk  despairingly — his  health  gave  way 
— and  he  knew  not  where  to  hide  his  shame. 
Luther  received  intelligence  of  the  miserable 
fate  of  his  former  adversary,  and  seems  to 
have  been  the  only  person  concerned  for  him. 
"I  pity  Tetzel,"  wrote  he  to  Spalatin.27  He 
did  not  stop  there.  It  was  not  the  man,  but 
his  actions,  that  he  had  hated.  At  the  very 
time  when  Rome  was  pouring  wrath  upon  him, 
Luther  wrote  to  him  a  letter  of  consolation. 
But  all  was  in  vain  !  Tetzel,  haunted  by  the 
remorse  of  conscience,  alarmed  by  the  re- 
proaches of  his  dearest  friends,  and  dreading 
the  anger  of  the  Pope,  died  miserably,  shortly 
afterwards.  It  was  commonly  believed  that 
grief  had  hastened  his  end.28 

Luther,  in  fulfilment  of  the  promises  that 
he  had  made  to  Miltitz,  wrote  to  the  Pope,  on 
the  3d  of  March  as  follows : — "  Most  holy 
Father, — May  your  Holiness  condescend  to 
incline  your  paternal  ear,  which  is  that  of 
Christ  himself,  toward  your  poor  sheep,  and 
listen  with  kindness  to  his  bleating.  What 
shall  I  do,  most  holy  Father!  I  cannot  stand 
against  the  torrent  of  your  anger,  and  I  know 
no  way  of  escape.  They  require  of  me  that  I 
should  retract.  I  would  be  prompt  to  do  so, 
if  that  could  lead  to  the  result  they  desire.  But 
the  persecutions  of  my  enemies  have  spread 
my  writings  far  and  wide,  and  they  are  too 
deeply  engraven  on  the  hearts  of  men  to  be  by 
possibility  erased.  A  retractation  would  only 
still  more  dishonour  the  Church  of  Rome,  and 
call  forth  from  all  a  cry  of  accusation  against 
her.  Most  holy  Father,  I  declare  it  in  the 
presence  of  God,  and  of  all  the  world,  I  never 
have  sought,  nor  will  I  ever  seek,  to  weaken, 
by  force  or  artifice,  the  power  of  the  Roman 
Church  or  of  your  Holiness.  I  confess  that 
there  is  nothing  in  heaven  or  earth  that  should 
be  preferred  above  that  Church,  save  only 
Jesus  Christ  the  Lord  of  all."29 

These  words  might  appear  strange,  and 
even  reprehensible  in  Luther,  if  we  failed  to 
bear  in  mind  that  the  light  broke  in  upon  him 
not  suddenly,  but  by  slow  and  progressive 
degrees.  They  are  evidence  of  the  important 
truth,  that  the  Reformation  was  not  a  mere  oppo- 
sition to  the  Papacy.  It  was  not  a  war  waged 
against  a  certain  form  or  condition  of  things, 
neither  was  it  the  result  of  any  negative  tend- 
ency. Opposition  to  the  Pope  was  its  second- 
ary sign.  A  new  life,  a  positive  doctrine, 
was  its  generating  principle — "Jesus  Christ 
the  Lord  of  all,  and  who  should  be  preferred 
before  all,"  and  above  Rome  herself,  as  Lu- 
M  2 


132 


HiSTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


ther  intimates  in  the  latter  words  of  his  letter. 
Such  was  essentially  the  cause  of  the  Revo- 
lution of  the  sixteenth  century. 

It  is  probable  that  a  short  time  previous  to 
the  period  we  are  recording,  the  Pope  would 
not  have  passed  over  unnoticed  a  letter  in 
which  the  monk  of  Wittemberg  flatly  refused 
any  retractation.  But  Maximilian  was  no 
more ; — it  was  a  question  who  was  to  succeed 
him,  and  Luther's  letter  was  disregarded  in  the 
midst  of  the  political  intrigues  which  then 
agitated  the  city  of  the  pontiffs. 

The  Reformer  turned  his  time  to  better  ac- 
count than  his  potent  enemy.  Whilst  Leo  the 
Tenth,  absorbed  in  his  interests  as  a  temporal 
prince,  was  straining  every  nerve  to  exclude  a 
formidable  neighbour  from  the  throne,  Luther 
daily  grew  in  knowledge  and  in  faith.  He 
studied  the  decretals  of  the  Popes,  and  the  dis- 
coveries he  had  made  materially  modified  his 
ideas.  He  wrote  to  Spalatin — "  I  am  read- 
ing the  decretals  of  the  Pontiffs,  and,  let  me 
whisper  it  in  your  ear,  I  know  not  whether 
the  Pope  is  Antichrist  himself,  or  whether  he 
is  his  apostle;  so  misrepresented,  and  even 
crucified,  does  Christ  appear  in  them."30 

Yet  he  still  esteemed  the  ancient  Church 
of  Rome,  and  entertained  no  thought  of  sepa- 
ration from  it.  "That  the  Roman  Church," 
said  he,  "  is  more  honoured  by  God  than  all 
others  is  not  to  be  doubted.  St.  Peter,  St. 
Paul,  forty-six  popes,  some  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  martyrs,  have  laid  down  their  lives 
in  its  communion,  having  overcome  hell  and 
the  world,  so  that  the  eyes  of  God  rest  on  the 
Roman  Church  with  special  favour.  Though 
now-a-days  every  thing  there  is  in  a  wretched 
state,  it  is  no  ground  for  separating  from  it. 
On  the  contrary,  the  worse  things  are  going, 
the  more  should  we  hold  close  to  it ;  for  it  is 
not  by  separation  from  it  that  we  can  make 
it  better.  We  must  not  separate  from  God 
on  account  of  any  work  of  the  devil,  nor  cease 
to  have  fellowship  with  the  children  of  God, 
who  are  still  abiding  in  the  pale  of  Rome,  on 
account  of  the  multitude  of  the  ungodly.  There 
is  no  sin,  no  amount  of  evil,  which  should  be 
permitted  to  dissolve  the  bond  of  charity  or 
break  the  unity  of  the  body.  For  love  can  do 
all  things,  and  nothing  is  difficult  to  those 
who  are  united."31 

It  was  not  Luther  who  separated  himself 
from  Rome,  but  Rome  that  separated  herself 
from  Luther;  and  in  so  doing  put  from  her 
the  ancient  faith  of  that  Catholic  Church 
which  she  then  represented.  It  was  not  Lu- 
ther who  took  from  Rome  her  power,  and 
obliged  her  bishop  to  descend  from  a  throne 
that  had  been  usurped :  the  doctrines  he  pro- 
claimed, the  word  of  the  apostles,  which  God 
again  made  known  in  the  Church  with  power 
and  clearness,  were  alone  effectual  to  dethrone 
the  tyranny  that  had  for  centuries  enslaved 
the  Church.. 

These  declarations  of  Luther,  published  to- 
wards the  end  of  February,  were  not  such  as 
were  altogether  satisfactory  to  Miltitz  and  De 
Vio.  These  two  vultures  had  both  seen  their 
prey  escape  them,  and  had  retired  within  the 


walls  of  ancient  Treves.  There,  under  favour 
of  the  Archbishop,  they  nourished  the  hope  of 
accomplishing  by  their  union  the  purpose  each 
had  separately  failed  to  effect.  The  two 
Nuncios  saw  plainly  that  nothing  was  to  be 
expected  from  Frederic,  now  invested  with 
supreme  power.  They  saw  that  Luther  per- 
sisted in  his  refusal  to  retract.  The  only 
chance  of  success  consisted  in  depriving  the 
heretical  monk  of  the  Elector's  countenance, 
and  then  inveigling  him  within  their  reach. 
Once  at  Treves,  in  a  state  subject  to  a  Prince 
of  the  Church,  and  no  cunning  will  deliver  him 
till  he  shall  have  fully  satisfied  the  require- 
ments of  the  Pontiff.  They  went  to  work 
without  delay.  "  Luther,"  said  Miltitz  to  the 
Elector  Archbishop  of  Treves,  "has  accepted 
the  arbitration  of  your  Grace :  we  request  you, 
therefore,  to  summon  him  before  you."  The 
Elector  of  Treves  accordingly  wrote  on  the  3d 
of  May  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  requesting 
him  to  send  Luther  to  him.  De  Vio,  and, 
shortly  after,  Miltitz  himself,  repaired  to  Fre- 
deric, to  announce  to  him  that  the  Golden 
Rose  had  arrived  at  Augsburg,  consigned  to 
the  care  of  the  Fuggers.  The  moment,  they 
thought,  had  arrived  for  striking  a  decisive 
blow. 

But  affairs  were  changed  :  neither  Frederic 
nor  Luther  was  moved  from  his  confidence. 
The  Elector  comprehended  his  new  position, 
and  no  longer  feared  the  Pope,  much  less  his 
agents.  The  Reformer,  seeing  Miltitz  and 
De  Vio  united,  foresaw  the  fate  that  awaited 
him,  if  he  complied  with  their  summons. 
"On  all  sides,"  said  he,  "my  life  is  waylaid."32 
Besides,  he  had  appealed  to  the  Pope,  and  the 
Pope,  busy  in  intrigues  with  crowned  heads, 
had  not  answered  his  appeal.  Luther  wrote 
to  Miltitz,  "  How  can  I  set  out  without  an 
order  from  Rome  in  these  troublous  times! 
How  can  I  expose  myself  to  so  many  dangers, 
and  such  heavy  expense,  poor  as  I  am "?" 

The  Elector  of  Treves,  a  prudent  and  mo- 
derate man,  and  connected  by  relations  of 
friendship  with  Frederic,  resolved  to  consult 
the  interests  of  the  latter.  He  had  no  wish  to 
interfere,  unless  positively  required  to  do  so. 
He,  therefore,  came  to  an  agreement  with  the 
Elector  of  Saxony,  to  adjourn  the  examination 
to  the  ensuing  Diet, — and  it  was  not  until  two 
years  after  that  the  Diet  assembled. 

Whilst  the  dangers  that  threatened  Luther 
were  thus  warded  off  by  a  providential  hand, 
he  himself  was  boldly  advancing  to  a  result 
he  did  not  discern.  His  reputation  was  in- 
creased, the  cause  of  truth  gained  strength, 
the  number  of  students  at  Witternberg  in- 
creased, and  among  them  were  found  the  most 
distinguished  youth  of  Germany.  "  Our  city." 
wrote  Luther,  "  can  scarce  hold  the  numbers 
who  are  arriving;"  and  on  another  occasion 
he  observes,  "  The  students  increase  upon  us 
like  an  overflowing  tide."33 

But  already  the  Reformer's  voice  was  heard 
beyond  the  confines  of  Germany.  Passing 
the  frontiers  of  the  Empire,  it  had  begun  to 
shake  the  foundations  of  the  Roman  power 
among  the  several  nations  of  Christendom, 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


133 


Frobenius,  the  celebrated  printer  of  Basle,  bad 

?ut  forth  a  collection  of  Luther's  writings, 
'hey  circulated  rapidly.  At  Basle,  the  bishop 
himself  commended  Luther.  The  Cardinal 
of  Sion,  after  reading  his  works,  exclaimed, 
with  an  ironical  play  on  his  name,  "  0  Luther, 
thou  art  a  true  Luther  !"  (a  purifier,  lauterer.} 

Erasmus  was  atLouvain  when  the  writings 
of  Luther  were  received  in  the  Low  Countries. 
The  Prior  of  the  Augustines  at  Antwerp,  who 
had  studied  at  Wittemberg,  and  acquired,  ac- 
cording to  the  testimony  of  Erasmus,  a  know- 
ledge of  primitive  Christianity,  read  them 
with  eagerness,  as  did  other  Belgians.  But 
those  who  were  intent  only  on  their  own  self- 
ish interest,  remarks  Erasmus,  men  who  fed 
'  the  people  with  old  wives'  tales,  broke  out  in 
angry  fanaticism.  "  I  cannot  tell  you,"  wrote 
Erasmus  to  Luther, "  the  emotion  and  truly  tra- 
gic agitation  your  writings  have  occasioned."34 

Frobenius  sent  600  copies  of  these  writings 
to  France  and  Spain.  They  were  publicly 
sold  in  Paris  :  the  Sorbonne  doctors  read  them 
with  approbation,  as  it  would  appear.  It  was 
high  time,  said  some  of  them,  that  those  who 
devoted  themselves  to  biblical  studies  should 
speak  out  freely.  In  England  these  books 
were  received  with  still  greater  eagerness. 
Some  Spanish  merchants  translated  them  into 
Spanish,  and  forwarded  them  from  Antwerp 
to  their  own  country.  "Assuredly,"  says 
Pallavicini, "  these  merchants  must  have  been 
of  Moorish  blood."35 

Calvi,  a  learned  bookseller  of  Pavia,  took 
a  large  quantity  of  copies  to  Italy,  and  distri- 
buted them  in  the  transalpine  cities.  It  was 
no  desire  of  gain  that  inspired  this  man  of 
letters,  but  a  wish  to  contribute  to  the  revival 
of  the  love  of  God.  The  power  with  which 
Luther  maintained  the  cause  of  Christ,  filled 
him  with  joy.  "  All  the  learned  men  of  Italy," 
wrote  he,  "  will  unite  with  me,  and  will  send 
you  tributary  verses  from  our  most  distin- 
guished writers." 

Frobenius,  in  transmitting  to  Luther  a  copy 
of  his  publication,  related  these  joyful  tidings, 
and  thus  continued: — "I  have  sold  all  the 
impressions  except  ten  copies,  and  no  specu- 
lation ever  answered  my  purpose  so  well  as 
this."  Other  letters  informed  Luther  of  the 
joy  his  writings  diffused.  "  I  am  delighted," 
said  he,  "  that  the  truth  is  found  so  pleasing, 
although  she  speaks  with  little  learning  and 
in  stammering  accents."36 

Such  was  the  commencement  of  the  awaken- 
ing in  the  several  countries  of  Europe.  If  we 
except  Switzerland,  where  the  preaching  of 
the  Gospel  had  been  already  heard,  the  arrival 
of  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg's  writings  every- 
where forms  the  first  page  in  the  history  of 
the  Reformation.  A  printer  of  Basle  scattered 
the  first  germs  of  truth.  At  the  moment  when 
the  Roman  pontiff  thought  to  stifle  the  work 
in  Germany,  it  began  to  manifest  itself  in 
France,  the  Low  Countries,  Italy,  Spain, 
England,  and  Switzerland.  Even  though  the 
power  of  Rome  should  fell  the  parent  stem  . . . 
the  seeds  are  henceforth  spread  abroad  in  all 
lands. 


Whilst  the  conflict  was  beginning  beyond 
i  the  limits  of  the  Empire,  it  seemed  to  be  sus- 
|  pended  within.  The  most  turbulent  allies  of 
Rome,  the  Franciscan  monks  of  Juterbok, 
who  had  imprudently  attacked  Luther,  had 
retired  in  silence  after  a  vigorous  reply  from, 
the  Reformer.  The  Pope's  partisans  were  no 
longer  heard — Tetzel  was  incapable  of  any 
movement.  The  friends  of  Luther  entreated 
him  to  give  over  further  contest,  and  he  had 
promised  to  do  so.  The  theses  were  begin- 
ning to  be  forgotten.  This  hollow  peace 
struck  powerless  the  eloquence  of  the  Reform- 
er. The  Reformation  appeared  arrested  in  its 
progress.  "  But,"  observed  Luther,  speaking 
subsequently  of  this  period,  "  men  were  form- 
ing vain  schemes,  for  the  Lord  had  arisen  to 
judge  among  the  nations."37  Elsewhere  we 
find  him  exclaiming,  "  God  does  not  conduct, 
but  drives  me,  and  carries  me  forward.  I  am 
not  master  of  my  own  actions.  I  would 
gladly  live  in  peace,  but  I  am  cast  into  the 
midst  of  tumult  and  changes."38 

The  scholastic  Eck,  author  of  the  Obelisks, 
and  Luther's  early  friend,  was  the  first  to 
recommence  the  combat.  He  was  sincerely 
attached  to  the  Papacy ;  but  he  appears  to 
have  been  a  stranger  to  the  religion  of  the 
heart,  and  to  have  been  of  that  class,  too  nu- 
merous in  every  age,  who  look  upon  science, 
and  even  upon  theology  and  religion,  as  means 
of  advancement  in  the  world.  Vainglory 
dwells  under  the  cassock  of  the  pastor  as  well 
as  under  the  armour  of  the  warrior.  Eck  had 
applied  himself  to  the  logic  of  the  schools,  and 
was  acknowledged  an  adept  in  this  kind  of 
controversy.  Whilst  the  knights  of  the  mid- 
dle ages,  and  the  warriors  of  the  age  of  the 
Reformation,  sought  glory  in  tournaments,  the 
scholastic  pedants  contended  for  distinction  in 
those  syllogistic  discussions  for  which  the 
academies  often  afforded  a  stage.  Eck,  full 
of  confidence  in  himself,  and  proud  of  the 
popularity  of  his  cause,  and  of  the  prizes  he 
had  won  in  eight  universities  of  Hungary, 
Lombardy,  and  Germany,  ardently  desired  an 
opportunity  of  displaying  his  ability  and  ad- 
dress. The  "obscure  monk,"  who  had  so 
suddenly  grown  into  a  giant — this  Luther, 
whom  no  one  had  hitherto  humbled — offended 
his  pride  and  aroused  his  jealousy.39  It  may 
have  occurred  to  him,  that  in  seeking  his  own 
glory  he  might  ruin  the  cause  of  Rome.  .  .  . 
But  scholastic  pride  was  not  to  be  checked  by 
such  a  thought.  Divines,  as  well  as  princes, 
have  at  times  sacrificed  the  general  weal  to 
their  own  personal  glory.  We  shall  see  what 
particular  circumstance  afforded  the  Doctor  of 
Ingolstadt  the  desired  opportunity  of  enter- 
ing the  lists  with  his  rival. 

The  zealous  but  too  ardent  Carlstadt  was 
still  in  communication  with  Luther;  they 
were  also  specially  united  by  their  attachment 
to  the  doctrine  of  grace,  and  by  their  admira- 
tion for  St.  Augustine.  Of  enthusiastic  cha- 
racter and  small  discretion,  Carlstadt  was  not 
a  man  to  be  restrained  by  the  skill  and  policy 
of  a  Miltitz.  He  had  published  against  Eck's 
obelisks  some  theses,  wherein  he  espoused  the 


134 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


opinions  of  Luther  and  their  common  faith. 
Eck  had  put  forth  a  reply,  and  Carlstadt  had 
not  left'hirn  the  advantage  of  the  last  word.'10 
The  discussion  grew  warm.  Eck  desiring  to 
profit  by  the  opportunity,  had  thrown  down 
the  gauntlet,  and  the  impetuous  Carlstadt  had 
taken  it  up.  God  used  the  passions  of  these 
two  men  to  bring  about  his  purposes.  Luther 
had  taken  no  part  in  these  discussions,  and  yet  j 
he  was  destined  to  be  the  hero  of  the  struggle. 
There  are  some  men  who  by  the  necessity  of 
the  case  are  continually  brought  forward  on 
the  stage.  It  was  settled  that  Leipsic  should 
be  the  scene  of  the  discussion.  This  was  the 
origin  of  the  Leipsic  dispute,  afterwards  so 
famous. 

Eck  thought  it  a  small  thing  to  contest  the 
question  with  Carlstadt.  It  was  his  object  to 
humble  Luther.  He  therefore  sought  by  every 
means  to  tempt  him  into  the  field,  and  for  this 
end  put  forth  thirteen  theses,  which  he  so 
framed  as  to  bear  directly  on  the  principal 
doctrines  of  the  Reformer.41  The  thirteenth 
was  in  these  words, — "We  deny  that  the 
authority  of  the  Roman  Church  did  not  rise 
above  that  of  other  churches  before  the  time 
of  Pope  Sylvester :  and  we  acknowledge  in 
every  age  as  successor  of  St.  Peter  and  Vicar 
of  Jesus  Christ  him  who  was  seated  in  the 
chair  and  held  the  faith  of  St.  Peter."  Sylves- 
ter lived  in  the  time  of  Constantine  the  Great; 
Eck,  therefore,  in  this  thesis,  denied  that  the 
primacy  possessed  by  Rome  was  given  to  it 
by  that  emperor. 

Luther,  who  had  consented,  not  without  re- 
luctance, to  remain  silent,  was  deeply  moved 
as  he  read  these  propositions.  He  saw  that 
they  were  directed  against  him,  and  felt  that 
he  could  not  decline  the  challenge  without 
disgrace.  "  That  man,"  said  he,  "  declares 
Carlstadt  to  be  his  antagonist,  and  at  the  same 
moment  attacks  me.  But  God  reigns.  He 
knows  what  it  is  that  He  will  bring  out  of 
this  tragedy.42  It  matters  little  how  it  affects 
Doctor  Eck  or  me.  The  purpose  of  God  must 
be  fulfilled.  Thanks  to  Eck,  this,  which  has 
hitherto  been  but  a  trifle,  will  in  the  end  be- 
come a  serious  matter,  and  strike  a  fatal  blow 
against  the  tyranny  of  Rome  and  her  Pon- 
tiff." 

The  truce  had  been  broken  by  Rome  her- 
self. Nay,  more,  in  again  giving  the  signal 
of  battle,  the  contest  had  been  transferred  to  a 
quarter  which  Luther  had  not  yet  directly  at- 
tacked. Eck  had  called  the  attention  of  his 
adversaries  to  the  primacy  of  Rome.  He  thus 
followed  the  dangerous  example  of  Tetzel.43 
Rome  invited  the  stroke ; — and  if  in  the  re- 
sult she  left  on  the  arena  proofs  of  her  defeat, 
it  is  certain  that  she  herself  had  provoked  the 
formidable  blow. 

The  Pontiff's  supremacy  once  overturned, 
all  the  superstructure  of  Rome  must  needs 
crumble  into  dust.  Hence  the  Papacy  was 
in  danger,  and  yet  neither  Miltitz  nor  Cajetan 
took  any  step  to  prevent  this  new  contest. 
Could  they  imagine  the  Reformation  subdued 
— or  were  they  smitten  with  the  blindness 
which  deludes  the  powerful  to  their  ruin  ] 


Luther,  who  had  set  a  rare  example  of 
moderation  in  keeping  silence  so  long,  boldly 
accepted  the  challenge  of  his  new  antagonist. 
He  put  forth  fresh  theses  in  reply  to  those  of 
Eck.  The  concluding  one  was  thus  express- 
ed— "It  is  by  contemptible  decretals  of  Ro- 
man Pontiffs,  composed  hardly  four  centuries 
ago,  that  it  is  attempted  to  prove  the  primacy 
of  the  Roman  Church; — but  arrayed  against 
this  claim  are  eleven  centuries  of  credible 
history,  the  express  declarations  of  Scripture, 
and  the  conclusions  of  the  Council  of  Nice, 
the  most  venerable  of  all  the  councils."44 

"  God  knows,"  wrote  Luther,  at  the  same 
time,  to  the  Elector,  "that  it  was  my  fixed 
purpose  to  keep  silence,  and  that  I  was  re- 
joiced to  see  the  struggle  brought  to  a  close. 
I  was  so  scrupulous  in  my  adherence  to  the 
treaty  concluded  with  the  Pope's  commissary, 
that  I  did  not  answer  Sylvester  Prierias,  not- 
withstanding the  taunts  of  my  adversaries,  and 
the  advice  of  my  friends.  But  now  Dr.  Eck 
attacks  me;  and  not  me  only,  but  the  whole 
university  of  Wittemberg.  I  cannot  allow 
truth  to  be  thus  loaded  with  opprobrium."45 

Luther  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  Carlstadt: 
"Worthy  Andrew,  I  am  not  willing  that  you 
should  enter  on  this  dispute,  since  the  attack  is 
in  reality  directed  against  me.  I  gladly  lay 
aside  my  serious  studies  to  turn  my  strength 
against  these  parasites  of  the  Pontiff."46  Then 
turning  to  his  adversary,  and  disdainfully  call- 
ing from  Wittemberg  to  Ingolstadt,  he  ex- 
claims, "  Now  then,  dear  Eck,  take  courage, 
— gird  on  thy  sword.47  If  I  could  not  please 
thee  when  thou  earnest  as  a  go-between,  per- 
haps I  may  better  satisfy  thee  as  an  antago- 
nist. Not  that  I,  of  course,  can  expect  to  over- 
come thee, — but  that  after  all  thy  triumphs  in 
Hungary,  Lombardy,  Bavaria,  (if  we  are  to 
believe  thy  own  report,)  I  shall  be  giving  thee 
the  opportunity  of  earning  the  name  of  con- 
queror of  Saxony  and  Misnia! — so  that  thou 
shalt  ever  after  be  hailed  with  the  glorious 
epithet  of  August."** 

All  Luther's  friends  did  not  share  in  his 
courage, — for  no  one  had  hitherto  been  able 
to  resist  the  sophisms  of  Eck.  But  their 
great  cause  of  alarm  was  the  subject-matter 
of  the  dispute. . . .  the  Pope's  primacy  !  How 
can  the  poor  monk  of  Wittemberg  dare  to 
stand  up  against  the  giant  who  for  ages  has 
crushed  all  his  enemies  1  The  courtiers  of 
the  Elector  were  alarmed.  Spalatin,  the 
prince's  confidant,  and  the  intimate  friend  of 
Luther,  was  filled  with  apprehensions.  Fre- 
deric himself  was  not  at  ease.  Even  the 
sword  of  the  Knight  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 
with  which  he  had  beerf invested  at  Jerusa- 
lem, would  not  avail  him  in  this  struggle. 
Luther  alone  was  unmoved.  "The  Lord," 
thought  he,  "  will  deliver  him  into  my  hand." 
His  own  faith  furnished  him  with  encourage- 
ment for  his  friends.  "I  beseech  you,  my 
dear  Spalatin,"  said  he,  "do  not  give  way  to 
fear.  You  well  know  that  if  Christ  had  not 
been  on  our  side,  what  1  have  already  done 
must  have  been  my  ruin.  Even  lately  did 
not  news  come  from  Rome  to  the  Duke  of 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


135 


Pomerania's  chancellor,  that  I  had  destroyed 
all  respect  for  Rome,  and  that  no  way  appear- 
ed of  quieting  the  general  feeling;  so  that  it 
was  intended  to  deal  with  me,  not  judicially, 
but  by  Roman  stratagem;  such  were  the 
words  used — I  suppose  meaning  poison,  am- 
bush, or  assassination  ! 

"  I  restrain  myself,  and  out  of  regard  to  the 
Elector  and  the  University,  I  keep  back  many 
things  which  I  would  employ  against  Baby- 
lon, if  I  were  elsewhere.  O,  my  dear  Spa- 
latin,  it  is  not  possible  to  speak  truth  con- 
cerning Scripture  and  the  Church,  without 
rousing  the  beast.  Don't  expect  to  see  me  at 
peace  unless  I  renounce  the  study  of  divine 
things.  If  this  matter  be  of  God,  it  will  not 
end  till  all  my  friends  have  forsaken  me,  as 
all  the  disciples  of  Christ  forsook  him.  Truth 
will  stand  unaided,  and  will  prevail  by  his 
right  hand,  not  mine  or  yours,  or  by  any  other 
man's.49  If  I  perish,  the  world  will  not  perish 
with  me.  But  wretch  that  I  am,  I  fear  I  am 
not  worthy  to  die  in  such  a  cause."  "  Rome," 
wrote  he  again  about  this  time,  "  Rome  eager- 
ly longs  for  my  destruction,  and  I  grow  weary 
of  defying  her.  I  am  credibly  informed  that 
a  paper  effigy  of  Martin  Luther  has  been  pub- 
licly burnt  in  the  Campus  Floralis  at  Rome, 
after  being  loaded  with  execrations.  I  await 
their  onset."50  "  The  whole  world,"  he  con- 
tinued, "is  in  motion  and  shaking.  What 
will  be  the  consequence,  God  alone  knows. 
For  my  part  I  foresee  wars  and  calamities. 
God  have  mercy  on  us."51 

Luther  wrote  letter  after  letter  to  Duke 
George,  to  ask  permission  of  that  prince,  in 
whose  states  Leipsic  was  situated,  to  repair 
thither,  and  take  part  in  the  discussion:  still 
he  received  no  answer.52  The  grandson  of  the 
Bohemian  king  Podiebrad,  alarmed  by  Lu- 
ther's proposition  touching  the  Pope's  autho- 
rity, and  fearing,  lest  Saxony  should  become 
the  theatre  of  struggles  similar  to  those  which 
had  long  ravaged  Bohemia,  resolved  not  to 
consent  to  Luther's  request.  The  latter  here- 
upon decided  to  publish  some  exnjanations  of 
his  thirteenth  thesis.  But  this  tract,  so  far 
from  persuading  Duke  George,  strengthened 
him  in  his  resolution ;  and  he  decidedly  re- 
fused the  Reformer  his  permission  to  take 
part  in  the  discussion,  allowing  him  only  to 
be  present  as  a  spectator.53  Luther  was  great- 
ly mortified ;  nevertheless  it  was  his  desire 
simply  to  follow  God's  leadings,  and  he  re- 
solved to  repair  thither,  to  witness  what  took 
place,  and  wait  any  opening  that  might  offer. 

At  the  same  time,  the  prince  promoted  by 
all  his  influence  the  discussion  between  Eck 
and  Carlstadt.  George  was  devotedly  attach- 
ed to  the  established  doctrine — but  he  was 
upright,  sincere,  a  friend  to  free  inquiry,  and 
far  from  deeming  all  exercise  of  individual 
judgment  in  such  things  justly  open  to  the 
charge  of  heresy,  merely  because  it  might 
give  offence  to  Rome.  Add  to  this,  the  Elec- 
tor united  his  influence  with  his  cousin,  and 
George,  emboldened  by  the  language  of  Fre- 
deric, ordered  that  the  dispute  should  take 
place/'4 


Bishop  Adolphus  of  Merseburg,  in  whose 
diocess  Leipsic  was  situate,  saw  more  clearly 
than  Miltitz  and  Cajetan,  the  danger  of  sub- 
jecting questions  of  such  high  importance  to 
the  uncertain  issue  of  a  single  combat.  Rome 
could  not  well  expose  to  such  hazard  the  ac- 
quisition of  several  centuries.  All  the  divines 
of  Leipsic,  sharing  in  the  alarm,  entreated  then 
bishop  to  interfere  and  prevent  the  discussion. 
Adolphus,  therefore  earnestly  dissuaded  Duke 
George,  but  the  latter  answered  with  much 
good  sense :  "  I  am  surprised  to  find  a  bishop 
holding  in  abhorrence  the  ancient  and  lauda- 
ble custom  of  our  fathers,  to  inquire  into 
doubtful  questions  in  matters  of  faith.  If 
your  theologians  object  to  defend  their  doc- 
trines, the  money  given  them  would  be  better 
bestowed  in  maintaining  old  women  and 
children,  who,  at  least,  mightsew  and  sing."55 

This  letter  produced  little  effect  on  the 
bishop  and  his  divines.  Error  has  a  hidden 
conscience  which  makes  its  supporters  fear 
discussion,  even  while  they  talk  most  largely 
of  free  inquiry.  Advancing  without  circum- 
spection, it  draws  back  with  cowardice. 
Truth  provokes  not,  but  holds  firm.  Error 
provokes  inquiry  and  then  retires.  The  pros- 
perity of  the  university  of  Wittemberg  was 
an  object  of  jealousy  at  Leipsic.  The  monks 
and  the  priests  from  their  pulpits  besought  the 
people  to  avoid  the  new  heretics.  They  re- 
viled Luther,  depicting  him  and  his  friends  in 
the  darkest  colours,  to  rouse  the  fanaticism 
of  the  lowest  classes  against  the  doctors  of 
the  Reformation.56  Tetzel  himself,  who  was 
still  living,  exclaimed  from  his  retreat,  "  It  is 
the  devil  himself  who  is  urging  on  this  con- 
test."57 

Still  not  all  the  Leipsic  professors  were 
of  this  opinion.  Some  belonged  to  the  class 
of  indifferent  spectators,  ever  ready  to  find 
amusement  in  the  faults  of  both  sides.  Of 
this  number  was  Peter  Mosellanus.  He 
cared  little  for  John  Eck,  or  Carlstadt,  or 
Martin  Luther,  but  he  promised  himself  much 
amusement  from  their  contest.  "John  Eck, 
the  most  illustrious  of  gladiators  of  the  pen 
and  rhodomontadists,"  said  he,  writing  to  his 
friend  Erasmus,  "John  Eck,  who,  like  the 
Socrates  of  Aristophanes,  looks  down  upon 
the  gods  themselves,  is  about  to  come  to  blows 
with  Andrew  Carlstadt.  The  battle  will  end 
in  smoke.  There  will  be  matter  for  mirth  for 
ten  Democrituses."58 

On  the  other  hand,  the  timid  Erasmus  was 
alarmed  at  the  idea  of  a  dispute;  and  his 
prudence  tried  to  prevent  the  discussion. 
"  If  you  would  trust  Erasmus,"  wrote  he  to 
Melancthon,  "you  would  apply  yourself 
rather  to  the  cultivation  of  literature,  than  to 
disputes  with  its  enemies.59  In  that  way  I 
think  we  should  get  on  better.  Above  all, 
let  us  remember  in  the  contest  that  we  must 
not  conquer  by  force  of  words  only,  but  also 
by  modesty  and  gentleness."  Neither  the 
fears  of  the  priests,  nor  the  prudence  of  paci- 
ficators, could  now  prevent  the  contest.  Each 
party  prepared  himself. 

Eck  was  the  first  to  arrive  at  the  place  of 


136 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


endezvous.  On  the  21st  of  June  he  entered 
Leipsic,  accompanied  by  Poliander,  a  young 
man  whom  he  had  brought  from  Ingolstadt  to 
take  notes  of  the  discussion.  He  was  re- 
ceived with  great  honours.  Attired  in  priestly 
garments,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  proces- 
sion, he  passed  through  the  streets  of  the  city 
on  Corpus  Christi  day.  All  crowded  to  see 
him.  "The  whole  population  was  in  my 
favour,"  said  he,  in  speaking  of  it;  "never- 
theless," he  continues,  "  a  rumour  was  spread 
abroad  in  the  city  that  I  should  be  defeated 
in  the  encounter." 

The  day  after  the  festival,  Friday,  the  24th 
of  June,  and  St.  John's  day,  the  party  from 
Wittemberg  arrived  in  Leipsic.  Carlstadt, 
who  was  to  conduct  the  controversy  against 
Eck,  was  alone  in  his  travelling  car,  in  ad- 
vance of  the  rest.  Duke  Barnim  of  Pome- 
rania,  who  was  at  that  time  studying  at  Wit- 
temberg, and  had  been  chosen  Rector  of  the 
University,  followed  in  an  open  carriage. 
Seated  beside  him  were  the  two  celebrated 
divines — the  fathers  of  the  Reformation — Me- 
lancthon  and  Luther.  Melancthon  had  refused 
to  be  separated  from  his  friend.  "  Martin, 
that  soldier  of  Jesus  Christ,"  were  his  words 
to  Spalatin,  "has  stirred  up  all  this  filthy 
bog.60  My  soul  is  moved  with  indignation 
when  I  think  of  the  shameful  conduct  of  the 
Pope's  doctors.  Stand  firm  and  constant 
with  us."  Luther  himself  had  requested  his 
Achates,  as  he  has  been  termed,  to  bear  him 
company. 

John  Lange,  vicar  of  the  Augustines,  se- 
veral doctors  of  law,  a  few  masters  of  arts, 
two  licentiates  in  theology,  and  other  eccle- 
siastics, among  whom  was  noticed  Nicholas 
AmsdorfT,  closed  the  procession.  Amsdorff, 
descended  from  a  noble  family  of  Saxony,  far 
from  being  fascinated  by  the  brilliant  career 
to  which  his  birth  seemed  to  call  him,  had 
devoted  himself  to  theology.  The  theses  on 
indulgences  had  led  him  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  truth.  Instantly  he  had  made  a  courage- 
ous profession  of  faith.61  Of  energetic  mind 
and  vehement  character,  Amsdorff  was  accus- 
tomed to  urge  on  Luther,  already  by  nature 
prompt,  to  actions  of  questionable  prudence. 
Born  to  elevated  station,  he  was  not  awed  by 
rank,  and  in  addressing  the  great  he  spoke  at 
times  with  a  freedom  bordering  upon  rude- 
ness. "The  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ,"  said 
he  in  presence  of  a  noble  assembly,  "  belongs 
to  the  poor  and  afflicted,  and  not  to  princes, 
lords,  and  courtiers,  such  as  you,  who  live  in 
a  round  of  pleasures  and  enjoyments."62 

But  this  was  not  all  the  array  of  Wittem- 
berg. A  large  body  of  students  accompanied 
their  teachers.  Eck  affirms  that  there  were 
as  many  as  two  hundred.  Armed  with  pikes 
and  halberds,  they  attended  the  doctors  in 
their  route,  resolved  to  defend  them,  and 
proud  of  their  cause. 

In  this  order  the  procession  of  the  Refor- 
mers arrived  at  Leipsic.    Just  as  it  had  passed 
the  Grirnma  gate,  and  had  reached  the  ceme- 
tery of  St.  Paul,  a  wheel  of  Carlstadt's  tra-  | 
veiling  car  broke  down.     The  archdeacon, ! 


whose  vanity  was  pleasing  itself  with  so 
solemn  an  entry,  was  precipitated  into  the 
mud.  He  was  not  hurt,  but  was  compelled 
to  proceed  on  foot  to  the  place  assigned  for 
his  abode.  Luther's  chariot,  which  was  fol- 
lowing that  of  Carlstadt,  got  before  him,  and 
bore  the  Reformer  safe  and  sound  to  his  desti- 
nation. The  people  of  Leipsic,  who  had 
assembled  to  witness  the  entry  of  the  cham- 
pions of  Wittemberg,  interpreted  this  acci- 
dent as  an  ill  omen  for  Carlstadt;  and  it  was 
soon  a  prevalent  impression  that  he  would 
break  down  in  the  conflict,  but  that  Luther 
would  remain  master  of  the  field.63 

Adolphus  of  Merseburg  was  not  idle.  As 
soon  as  he  learned  the  approach  of  Luther 
and  Carlstadt,  and  even  before  they  had 
alighted,  he  caused  to  be  affixed  on  the  doors 
of  the  churches  a  notice  prohibiting  the  open- 
ing of  the  discussion  under  pain  of  excommu- 
nication. Duke  George,  astounded  at  this 
audacity,  directed  the  city  council  to  tear 
down  the  bishop's  placard,  and  committed  to 
prison  the  daring  meddler  who  had  ventured 
to  be  the  agent  of  his  orders.64  George  had 
himself  arrived  at  Leipsic.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  all  his  court;  among  the  rest  by 
Jerome  Eraser,  with  whom  Luther  had  spent 
a  memorable  evening  at  Dresden.65  George 
made  the  customary  presents  to  the  two  dis- 
putants. "  The  Duke,"  said  Eck  boastfully, 
"  presented  me  with  a  fine  stag,  and  to  Carl- 
stadt he  gave  only  a  roebuck."66 

The  moment  Eck  heard  that  Luther  had 
arrived,  he  repaired  to  the  doctor's  lodging: 
— "  What  is  this  ]"  said  he,  "  I  am  told  you 
object  to  dispute  with  me." — LUTHER.  "  How 
can  I  dispute,  since  the  Duke  forbids  me  to  do 
so." — ECK.  "  If  I  am  not  allowed  to  dispute 
with  you,  I  shall  take  very  little  interest  in 
discussing  with  Carlstadt.  It  is  on  your  ac- 
count I  am  here."67  Then,  after  a  moment's 
silence,  he  continued,  "  If  I  obtain  the  Duke's 
permission,  will  you  take  the  field  ]" — LU- 
THER, (overjoyed .)  "  Only  obtain  permission, 
and  we  wil^meet." 

Eck  instantly  waited  on  the  Duke;  he  la- 
boured to  dissipate  his  fears ;  he  assured  him 
that  he  was  certain  of  victory,  and  that  the 
Pope's  authority,  far  from  suffering  by  the  dis- 
pute, would  come  out  of  it  the  more  glorious. 
"It  was  fit,"  he  said,  "that  the  argument 
should  bear  against  the  principal  party. — If 
Luther  be  unhumbled,  every  thing  is  still  to 
be  done;  if  he  is  overcome,  all  is  at  an  end." 
George  granted  the  desired  permission. 

The  Duke  had  had  a  large  apartment  pre- 
pared in  his  palace,  named  Pleissenburg.  Two 
elevated  pulpits  had  been  erected  opposite 
each  other, — tables  had  been  placed  for  the 
notaries  engaged  to  take  notes  of  the  discus- 
sion, and  benches  were  ranged  around  for  the 
audience.  The  pulpits  and  benches  were  hung 
with  rich  tapestry.  In  front  of  that  intended 
for  the  doctor  of  Wittemberg,  was  suspended 
the  portrait  of  St.  Martin ; — on  that  of  Eck 
was  the  figure  of  St.  George. — "  We  shall 
see,"  said  the  haughty  Eck,  as  he  contem- 
plated this  emblem — "  if  I  do  not  trample  my 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


137 


antagonists  under  my  feet."  Every  thing  an- 
nounced the  high  importance  attached  to  the 
dispute. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  a  meeting  was  held  in 
the  Castle  to  settle  the  order  that  should  be 
followed.  Eck,  who  placed  even  more  de- 
pendence on  his  declamation  and  action  than 
on  his  arguments,  exclaimed,  "  We  will  dis- 
pute freely  and  extempore,  and  the  notaries 
need  not  take  down  our  words." 

CARLSTADT. — "  It  was  understood  that  the 
discussion  should  be  written,  printed,  and 
submitted  to  the  judgment  of  the  public." 

ECK. — "Writing  down  all  that  is  said 
wearies  the  minds  of  the  disputants,  and  pro- 
tracts the  contest.  There  is  an  end  at  once  of 
the  spirit  necessary  to  give  animation  to  the 
discussion.  Do  not  delay  the  flow  of  elo- 

«U«a 

quence. 

The  friends  of  Eck  supported  his  proposal ; 
— but  Carlstadt  persisted  in  his  objections,  and 
the  champion  of  Rome  was  obliged  to  give 
way. 

ECK. — "  Well,  be  it  so ;  let  it  be  in  writing : 
but  at  least  the  discussion  taken  down  by  the 
notaries  must  not  be  made  public  before  it  has 
been  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  chosen 
judges." 

LUTHER. — "Then  does  the  truth  that  Doc- 
tor Eck  and  his  followers  hold  dread  the 
light?" 

ECK. — "There  must  be  judges." 

LUTHER. — "  What  judges  ?" 

ECK. — "  WThen  the  discussion  is  closed,  we 
will  settle  who  they  shall  be." 

The  object  of  the  Romanists  was  apparent. 
If  the  Wittemberg  divines  accepted  judges 
they  were  lost :  for  their  adversaries  were  pre- 
viously secure  of  the  favour  of  those  who 
would  be  applied  to.  If  they  refused  to  abide 
their  decision,  their  enemies  would  cover  them 
with  shame,  by  circulating  the  report  that 
they  feared  to  submit  themselves  to  impartial 
award. 

The  Reformers  demanded  for  judges — not 
this  and  that  individual,  whose  opinion  had 
been  previously  formed,  but  the  general  body 
of  Christians.  It  was  to  this  universal  suf- 
frage they  appealed.  Besides,  sentence  of 
condemnation  given  against  them  would,  in 
their  judgment,  matter  little,  if,  in  defending 
their  cause  before  the  Christian  world,  they 
should  lead  souls  to  the  discovery  of  the  light. 
"  Luther,"  says  a  Roman  historian,  "required 
the  whole  body  of  believers  for  his  judges, — 
in  other  words,  a  tribunal  so  extensive  that  no 
urn  would  be  found  to  receive  the  suffrages."69 

The  parties  separated. — "Observe  their 
artifices,"  remarked  Luther  and  his  friends  to 
each  other. — "  They  do  no  doubt  mean  to 
require  that  the  Pope  or  the  Universities 
should  be  the  judges  of  the  result." 

In  fact,  on  the  following  morning  the  Ro- 
mish party  sent  one  of  their  number  to  Luther, 
with  instructions  to  propose  to  him  ....  the 
Pope  ....  as  judge — the  Pope  !  "  The  Pope  !" 
said  Luther,  "  how  can  I  accede  to  such  a  pro- 
posal ?" 

"  Beware,"  said  all  his  friends,  "  of  ac- 


cepting such  unjust  conditions." — Eck  and  his 
advisers  held  another  council.  They  gave  up 
the  Pope,  and  proposed  certain  Universities. 
"  Do  not  retract,  the  liberty  you  have  before 
conceded  to  us,"  said  Luther. — "  We  cannot 
yield  this  point,"  replied  they.— "Then,"  ex- 
claimed Luther,  "  I  will  take  no  part  in  the 
discussion."70 

Again  the  parties  separated,  and  throughout 
the  city  the  affair  was  a  subject  of  conversa- 
tion.— "Luther  will  not  accept  the  challenge," 
said  the  Romanists  .  .  .  .  "  He  will  not  ac- 
knowledge any  judge !"  His  words  are  com- 
mented on  and  misconstrued,  and  endeavours 
are  made  to  represent  them  in  the  most  unfa- 
vourable colours. — "  What,  is  it  true  that  he 
declines  the  discussion!"  said  the  warmest 
friends  of  the  Reformer.  They  flock  around 
him  and  give  expression  to  their  misgivings : 
— "You  decline  the  discussion  !"  said  they, 
"your  refusal  will  bring  lasting  shame  on 
your  University,  and  on  the  cause  you  have 
taken  in  hand." 

It  was  assailing  him  on  his  weak  side. 
"  Well  then,"  said  he,  indignantly,  "  I  accept 
the  conditions  proposed  ; — but  I  reserve  to 
myself  the  right  to  appeal,  and  decline  the 
jurisdiction  of  Rome."71 

The  27th  of  June  was  the  day  fixed  for  the 
opening  of  the  discussion.  Early  in  the  morn- 
ing a  meeting  took  place  in  the  great  college 
of  the  University,  and  from  thence  the  train 
walked  in  procession  to  the  church  of  St. 
Thomas,  where  a  solemn  mass  was  performed, 
by  order  and  at  the  expense  of  the  Duke. 
After  the  service  the  parties  present  repaired 
in  procession  to  the  ducal  castle.  In  front,' 
walked  Duke  George  and  the  Duke  of  Pome- 
rania;  then  came  counts,  barons,  knights,  and 
other  persons  of  rank,  and  lastly,  the  doctors, 
of  both  sides.  A  guard  consisting  of  seventy- 
three  citizens,  armed  with  halberds,  accompa- 
nied their  march,  with  banners  flying,  and 
martial  music,  halting  at  the  castle-gates. 

The  procession  having  reached  the  palace, 
each  took  his  seat  in  the  hall,  where  the  dis- 
cussion was  to  take  place.  Duke  George,  the 
hereditary  Prince  John,  Prince  George  of  An- 
halt,  then  twelve  years  of  age,  and  the  Duke 
of  Pomerania,  occupied  the  seats  assigned 
them. 

Mosellanus  ascended  the  pulpit,  to  remind 
the  theologians,  by  the  Duke's  order,  in  what 
manner  they  were  to  dispute.  "If  you  fall  to 
quarrelling,"  said  the  speaker,  "  what  differ- 
ence will  remain  between  a  theologian  in  dis- 
cussion and  a  shameless  duellist?  In  this 
question,  what  is  victory  but  the  recovery  of 
a  brother  from  error?  It  seems  as  if  each  of 
you  should  be  more  desirous  to  be  so  conquer- 
ed than  to  conquer!"72 

This  address  terminated,  sacred  music  re- 
sounded in  the  halls  of  Pleissenburg;  the 
whole  assembly  fell  upon  their  knees,  and  the 
ancient  hymn  of  invocation  to  the  Holy  Spirit, 
Fern,  Sunde  Spiritus,  was  chanted.  Solemn 
moments  in  the  history  of  the  Reformation  ! 
Thrice  was  the  invocation  repeated,  and  whilst 
this  impressive  voice  was  heard  around  the 


138 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


defenders  of  the  ancient  doctrine,  and  the 
champions  of  this  new  teaching-,  the  church- 
men of  the  middle  ages,  and  those  who  sought 
to  restore  the  church  of  the  apostles,  humbly 
bowed  their  foreheads  to  the  earth.  The  time- 
honoured  bond  of  one  communion  still  bound 
together  all  these  different  minds;  the  same 
prayer  still  proceeded  from  all  these  lips,  as 
if  one  heart  pronounced  it. 

These  were  the  last  moments  of  outward 
and  lifeless  unity :  a  new  Oneness  of  the 
spirit  and  of  life  was  commencing.  The  Holy 
Spirit  was  invoked  upon  the  church,  and  was 
preparing  to  answer  in  the  revival  of  Christi- 
anity. 

The  chanting  and  prayer  being  concluded, 
all  rose  from  their  knees.  The  discussion 
was  about  to  commence,  but  it  being  twelve 
o'clock,  it  was  postponed  till  two  in  the  after- 
noon. 

The  Duke  assembled  at  his  table  the  prin- 
cipal persons  who  intended  to  be  present  at 
the  discussion.  After  the  repast,  they  returned 
to  the  castle.  The  hall  was  filled  with  spec- 
tators. Discussions  of  this  kind  were  the 
public  meetings  of  that  age.  It  was  in  such 
meetings  that  the  men  who  represented  the 
generation  in  which  they  lived  agitated  the 
questions  which  occupied  the  general  mind. 
Soon  the  speakers  took  their  places.  That 
their  appearance  may  be  better  conceived,  we 
will  give  their  portraits  as  traced  by  one  of 
the  most  impartial  witnesses  of  the  encounter. 

"  Martin  Luther  is  of  middle  size,  and  so 
thin,  by  reason  of  his  continual  studies,  that 
one  can  almost  count  his  bones.  He  is  in  the 
prime  of  life,  and  his  voice  is  clear  and  sono- 
rous. His  knowledge  and  understanding  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures  are  incomparable:  the 
whole  word  of  God  is  at  his  fingers'  ends.73 

"  Added  to  this,  he  has  vast  resources  of 
argument  and  ideas.  One  might  perhaps  de- 
sire somewhat  more  judgment  to  arrange  every 
thing  in  its  right  order.  In  conversation  he  is 
agreeable  and  obliging ;  in  no  respect  stoical 
or  proud;  he  accommodates  himself  to  every 
one;  his  manner  of  speaking  is  pleasing,  and 
full  of  jovially ;  he  evinces  much  firmness,  and 
has  ever  a  contented  expression  of  counte- 
nance, whatever  may  be  the  threats  of  his  ad- 
versaries. So  that  one  is  constrained  to  be- 
lieve that  it  is  not  without  divine  assistance 
that  he  does  such  great  things.  He  is  blamed, 
however,  for  being  more  severe  in  his  reproofs 
than  is  becoming  a  divine,  especially  when 
advancing  novelties  in  religion." 

"  Carlstadt  is  smaller  in  stature;  he  has  a 
dark  and  sunburnt  complexion;  his  voice  is 
harsh;  his  memory  less  tenacious  than  that  of 
Luther,  and  he  is  yet  more  warm  in  temper. 
Yet  he  possesses,  though  in  a  lower  degree, 
the  same  qualities  for  which  his  friend  is  re- 
markable." 

"Eck  is  tall  and  broad  shouldered;  his 
voice  is  strong  and  truly  German.  He  has 
good  lungs,  so  that  he  would  be  well  heard  in 
a  theatre,  and  would  even  make  a  capital 
town-crier.  His  articulation  is  rather  thick 
than  clear.  He  has  none  of  the  grace  so  much 


commended  by  Fabius  and  Cicero.  His 
mouth,  eyes,  and  whole  countenance  give  you 
the  idea  rather  of  a  soldier,  or  a  butcher,  than 
of  a  divine.74  His  memory  is  wonderful,  and 
if  his  understanding  were  equal  to  it,  he  would 
be  a  truly  perfect  man.  But  his  comprehen- 
sion is  slow,  and  he  wants  that  judgment, 
without  which  all  other  gifts  are  useless. 
Hence,  in  disputing,  he  produces  a  mass  of 
passages  from  the  Bible,  citations  from  the 
Fathers,  and  different  kinds  of  proof,  without 
careful  selection  or  discernment.  Add  to 
this,  his  effrontery  is  almost  inconceivable.  If 
he  is  embarrassed  he  breaks  off  from  the  sub- 
ject in  hand,  plunges  into  another,  sometimes 
even  takes  up  the  opinion  of  his  antagonists 
under  a  different  form  of  expression,  and  with 
wonderful  address  attributes  to  his  opponent 
the  very  absurdity  he  himself  was  defending." 

Such  is  the  description  given  by  Mosellanus 
of  the  men  who  then  engaged  the  attention  of 
the  multitude  who  thronged  the  great  hall  of 
the  Pleissenburg. 

The  discussion  was  opened  by  Eck  and 
Carlstadt. 

Eck's  eyes  rested  for  an  instant  on  some  ar- 
ticles that  lay  on  the  desk  of  his  adversary's 
pulpit,  and  which  seemed  to  offend  his  eye. 
These  were  the  Bible  and  the  Fathers.  "  I 
object  to  entering  upon  the  discussion,"  ex- 
claimed he  on  a  sudden,  "  if  you  are  permitted 
to  bring  your  books  with  you."  Strange  that 
a  theologian  should  have  recourse  to  books  in 
order  to  dispute.  Eck's  surprise  ought  to 
have  been  yet  more  surprising.  "  All  this  is 
but  a  fig-leaf  by  which  this  Adam  seeks  to 
hide  his  shame,"  said  Luther.  "Did  not 
Augustine  consult  books  when  he  contended 
against  the  Mariicheans1?"75  It  mattered  not! 
the  partisans  of  Eck  were  loud  in  their  clam- 
ours. Mutual  imputations  were  thrown  out. 
"  The  man  has  no  memory,"  said  Eck.  Fi- 
nally, it  was  arranged,  according  to  the  wish 
of  the  Chancellor  of  Ingolstadt,  that  each 
party  should  be  restricted  to  the  use  of  his 
memory  and  of  his  tongue.  "Thus,  then," 
said  many,  "  in  this  disputation  the  point  at 
issue  will  not  be  the  inquiry  after  truth,  but 
what  praise  is  to  be  assigned  to  the  speech 
and  memory  of  the  disputants." 

It  being  impossible  to  relate,  at  length,  the 
course  of  a  discussion  which  lasted  seventeen 
days,  we  must,  to  borrow  the  expression  of  an 
historian,  imitate  painters,  who,  in  represent- 
ing a  battle,  give  prominence  to  the  more  me- 
morable actions,  leaving  the  rest  in  the  back 
ground.76 

The  subject  in  dispute,  between  Eck  and 
Carlstadt,  was  an  important  one.  "Man's 
will,  previous  to  his  conversion,"  said  Carl- 
stadt, "  can  do  no  good  work.  Every  good 
work,  proceeds  entirely  and  exclusively  from 
God,  who  gives  to  man  first  the  will  and  af- 
terwards the  power  to  perform  it."  This 
truth  has  been  proclaimed  by  Holy  Scripture, 
in  the  words77-//  is  God  that  worketh  in  you, 
both  to  will  and  to  do  of  his  good  pleasure,  and 
by  Saint  Augustine,  who,  in  disputing  with 
the  Pelagians,  had  expressed  it  almost  in  the 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


139 


same  words.  Every  action  which  is  wanting1 
in  love  to  God,  and  obedience  to  Him,  is  in 
His  sight  destitute  of  that  which  can  alone 
render  it  good  ;  even  though  in  other  respects 
flowing  from  the  noblest  of  human  motives. 
But  there  is  in  man  a  natural  opposition  to  the 
will  of  God.  He  has  not  in  himself  the 
strength  to  overcome  this.  He  has  neither 
the  power  nor  the  will  to  do  so.  This  then 
must  be  the  work  of  divine  power. 

This  is  the  doctrine  so  cried  down  by  the 
world,  and  which  is  yet  so  simple ;  the  doc- 
trine of  Free-will.  But  the  scholastic  divines 
had  expounded  it  so  as  scarcely  to  be  recog- 
nised. Doubtless,  said  they,  the  will  of  man 
in  a  state  of  nature  can  do  nothing  truly  accept- 
able to  God  ;  but  it  can  do  much  to  render  him 
more  capable  of  receiving  the  grace  of  God, 
and  more  meet  to  obtain  it.  They  called  these 
preparations  a  merit  of  congruity  ;78"  because 
it  was  congruous,"  says  Thomas  Aquinas, 
"that  God  should  treat  with  special  favour 
the  man  who  makes  a  right  use  of  his  own 
will."  And  as  to  the  conversion  which  must 
be  wrought  in  man,  doubtless  it  was  the  grace 
of  God,  which,  as  the  scholastic  divines  taught, 
must  effect  it;  but  without  excluding  natural 
powers.  These  powers,  said  they,  have  not 
been  destroyed  by  sin : — sin  but  interposes  an 
obstacle  to  their  development;  but  when  this 
impediment  is  removed,  and  that,  said  they,  it 
is  the  office  of  the  Spirit  of  God  to  accomplish, 
the  action  of  these  powers  is  restored.  To 
make  use  of  their  favourite  illustration,  the 
bird  that  has  been  long  confined,  has,  in  this 
condition,  neither  lost  its  strength  nor  forgot- 
ten how  to  fly  ;  but  a  friendly  hand  is  needed 
to  loose  its  fetters  before  it  can  again  rise  on  the 
wing.  Such,  said  they,  is  the  condition  of  man.79 

This  was  the  subject  of  dispute  between 
Eck  and  Carlstadt.  Eck  had  at  first  seemed 
entirely  opposed  to  Carlstadt's  propositions  on 
this  subject;  but  finding  it  difficult  to  main- 
tain the  position  he  had  chosen,  he  said,  "I 
grant  that  our  will  has  not  power  to  do  a  good 
act,  and  that  it  receives  power  from  God.'' 
"Do  you  then  acknowledge,"  asked  Carl- 
stadt, overjoyed  at  having  won  such  a  con- 
cession, "  that  a  good  work  comes  entirely 
of  God."  "The  whole  good  work  comes  truly 
from  God,"  replied  the  subtle  Eck,  "  but  not 
entirely"  "  That  is  a  discovery  most  worthy 
of  theological  learning,"  cried  Melancthon. 
"  An  entire  apple,"  pursued  Eck,  "  is  produced 
by  the  sun,  but  not  by  one  effect,  and  without 
the  co-operation  of  the  plant."80  Doubtless  no 
one  ever  maintained  that  an  apple  was  al- 
together the  product  of  the  sun. 

Well,  then,  said  the  opposing  parties,  going 
deeper  into  this  question,  at  once  so  delicate 
and  so  important  in  philosophy  and  religion, 
let  us  then  inquire  how  God  acts  on  man, 
and  how  man  concurs  with  this  action.  "I 
acknowledge,"  said  Eck,  "that  the  first 
tnought  leading  to  the  conversion  of  a  man 
comes  from  God,  and  that  man's  will  is  in 
this  entirely  passive."81So  far  the  two  antago- 
nists were  agreed.  "  I  acknowledge,"  said 
Carlstadt,  "on  my  side,  that  after  this  first 

n 


act,  which  proceeds  from  God,  something  is 
requisite  on  the  part  of  man,  which  St.  Paul 
calls  will,  and  which  the  Fathers  term  con- 
sent." Here  again  both  agreed  ;  but  from  this 
point  they  diverged.  "This  consent  on  the 
part  of  man,"  said  Eck,  "comes  partly  from 
our  natural  will,  partly  from  God's  grace  to 
us."s2  "No,"  said  Carlstadt,  "it  is  requisite 
that  God  should  entirely  create  this  will  in 
man."83  Hereupon  Eck  began  to  manifest  sur- 
prise and  anger  at  words  so  well  adapted  to 
make  man  sensible  of  his  own  nothingness. 
"Your  doctrine,"  said  he,  "regards  man  as  a 
stone,  a  log,  incapable  of  reciprocal  action." 
"  What !"  answered  the  Reformers, "  does  not 
the  capacity  for  receiving  the  strength  that 
God  produces  in  him, — a  capacity  which, 
according  to  us,  man  possesses, — sufficiently 
distinguish  him  from  a  stone,  or  a  log  of 
wood?"  "But,"  replied  their  antagonist,  "you 
take  a  position  that  directly  contradicts  expe- 
rience, when  you  refuse  to  acknowledge  any 
natural  ability  in  man."  "  We  do  not  deny," 
replied  the  others,  "  that  man  possesses  cer- 
tain powers  and  ability  to  reflect,  meditate, 
and  choose;  only  we  count  such  powers  as 
mere  instruments  which  can  do  no  good  thing 
until  the  hand  of  God  has  moved  them  ;  they 
are  like  to  a  saw  thata  man  holds  in  his  hands."34 

The  great  question  of  Free-will  was  here 
discussed;  and  it  was  easy  to  demonstrate 
that  the  doctrine  of  the  Reformers  did  not  take 
away  from  a  man  the  liberty  of  a  moral  agent, 
and  reduce  him  to  a  passive  machine.  The 
liberty  of  a  moral  agent  consists  in  the  power 
of  acting  conformably  to  his  choice.  Every 
action  performed  without  external  constraint, 
and  in  pursuance  of  the  determination  of  the 
soul  itself,  is  a  free  action.  The  soul  is  deter- 
mined by  motives ;  but  we  constantly  see  the 
same  motives  acting  diversely  on  different 
minds.  Many  do  not  act  conformably  to  the 
motives  of  which  they  yet  acknowledge  all 
the  force.  This  failure  of  the  motive  proceeds 
from  obstacles  opposed  by  the  corruption  of 
the  heart  and  understanding.  But  God,  in 
giving  "  a  new  heart  and  a  new  spirit,"  takes 
away  these  obstacles ;  and  in  removing  them, 
far  from  depriving  men  of  liberty,  he  removes 
that  which  hindered  him  from  acting  freely, 
and  from  following  the  light  of  his  conscience; 
and  thus,  as  the  Gospel  expresses  it,  makes 
him  free.  (John  viii.  36.) 

A  trivial  incident  interrupted  the  discussion. 
Carlstadt,  as  Eck  relates,  had  prepared  certain 
arguments,  and,  like  many  preachers  of  our 
own  day,  he  was  reading  what  he  had  written.85 
Eck  saw  in  this  mere  college  tactics ;  he  ob- 
jected to  it.  Carlstadt,  embarrassed,  and  fear- 
ing he  should  not  get  on  well  without  his 
paper,  persisted.  "Ah  !"  exclaimed  the  doc- 
tor of  the  schools,  proud  of  the  advantage  he 
thought  he  had  obtained,  "he  has  not  quite  so 
good  a  memory  as  I  have."  The  point  was 
referred  to  arbitrators,  who  permitted  the  read- 
ing of  passages  of  the  Fathers,  but  came  to 
the  resolution  that,  with  that  exception,  the 
discussion  should  be  extempore. 

This  first  stage  of  the  dispute  was  often  in- 
N 


140 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


terrupted  by  the  spectators.  Much  agitation 
and  even  audible  expressions  of  feeling  broke 
forth.  Any  proposition  that  did  not  find  favour 
•with  the  majority  excited  instant  clamours, 
and  then  it  was  necessary  to  enjoin  silence. 
The  disputants  themselves  were  sometimes 
carried  away  by  the  eagerness  of  the  dispute. 

Close  to  Luther  stood  Melancthon,  who 
was  almost  in  an  equal  degree  an  object  of 
curiosity.  He  was  of  small  stature,  and  would 
have  passed  as  not  above  eighteen  years  of 
age.  Luther,  who  was  a  head  taller,  seemed 
connected  with  him  in  the  closest  friendship ; 
tney  came  in  and  went  out  together.  "To 
look  at  Melancthon,"  said  a  Swiss  divine* 
who  studied  at  Wittemberg,  "  one  would  say 
he  was  but  a  youth  ;  but  in  understanding, 
learning,  and  talent,  he  is  a  giant;  and  one 
wonders  how  such  heights  of  wisdom  and 
genius  can  be  contained  within  so  slight  a 
frame."  Between  the  sittings,  Melancthon 
conversed  with  Carlstadt  and  Luther.  He 
aided  them  in  their  preparation  for  the  discus- 
sion, and  suggested  the  arguments  that  his 
vast  learning  enabled  him  to  contribute ;  but 
while  the  discussion  was  going  on,  he  remain- 
ed quietly  seated  among  the  spectators,  listen- 
ing with  attention  to  the  words  of  the  speakers.86 
At  times,  however,  he  carne  to  the  assistance 
of  Carlstadt.  Whenever  the  latter  was  near 
giving  way  under  the  declamation  of  the  Chan- 
cellor of  Ingolstadt,  the  young  professor  would 
whisper  a  word,  or  hand  him  a  slip  of  paper 
whereon  he  had  noted  down  a  reply.  Eck 
having  on  one  occasion  perceived  this,  and 
indignant  that  the  grammarian,  as  he  termed 
him,  should  dare  to  meddle  in  the  discussion, 
turned  round  and  said  insolently,  "  Be  silent, 
Philip  !  mind  your  studies,  and  do  not  stand 
in  my  way."87  Eck  may  perhaps  have  even 
then  foreseen  how  formidable  an  opponent  he 
would  one  day  find  in  this  youth.  Luther  was 
roused  by  this  rude  insult  directed  against  his 
friena.  "The  judgment  of  Philip,"  said  he, 
"  has  greater  weight  with  me  than  a  thousand 
Dr.  Ecks." 

The  calm  Melancthon  easily  detected  the 
weak  points  of  the  discussion.  "  One  cannot 
help  feeling  astonished,"  said  he,  with  that 
prudence  and  gracious  spirit  which  we  recog- 
nise in  all  his  words,  "when  we  think  on  the 
violence  with  which  these  subjects  were  treat- 
ed. How  could  any  expect  to  derive  instruc- 
tion from  if?  The  Spirit  of  God  loves  retire- 
ment and  silence;  it  is  there  he  penetrates 
into  our  hearts.  The  bride  of  Christ  does  not 
take  her  stand  in  the  streets  and  cross-ways, 
but  she  leads  her  spouse  into  the  house  of  her 
mother."88 

Each  party  claimed  the  victory.  Eck  re- 
sorted to  every  artifice  to  appear  victorious. 
As  the  lines  of  divergence  ran  closely  together, 
it  often  happened  that  he  exclaimed  that  he 
had  reduced  his  adversary  to  his  opinion;  or 
else,  like  another  Proteus,  said  Luther,  he 
turned  suddenly  round,  put  forth  Carlstadt's 
opinion  differently  expressed,  and  triumphant- 

*  John  Kessler,  afterwards  Reformer  at  St.  Gall. 


ly  demanded  if  he  could  refuse  to  acknowledge 
it.  And  the  uninitiated,  who  had  not  watched 
the  manoeuvre  of  the  sophist,  began  to  applaud 
and  exult  with  him.  Nevertheless,  Eck, 
without  perceiving  it,  in  reality  gave  up  in  the 
course  of  the  discussion  much  more  than  he 
had  intended.  His  partisans  laughed  immo- 
derately at  his  successive  devices;  "but," 
said  Luther,  "  I  am  much  inclined  to  think 
that  their  laughter  was  affected,  and  that  they 
were  actually  on  thorns,  when  they  saw  their 
chief,  who  had  commenced  the  battle  with 
bravados,  abandon  his  standard,  leave  his 
own  ranks,  and  act  the  part  of  a  shameless 
deserter."89 

Three  or  four  days  after  the  opening  of  the 
conference,  it  had  been  interrupted  on  account 
of  the  festival  of  the  apostles  St.  Peter  and 
St.  Paul. 

The  Duke  of  Pomerania  requested  Luther 
to  preach  on  the  occasion  in  his  chapel.  Lu- 
ther gladly  consented.  But  the  chapel  was 
early  thronged,  and  the  crowds  of  hearers  in- 
creasing, the  assembly  adjourned  to  the  great 
hall  of  the  castle,  where  the  conference  had 
been  carried  on.  Luther  took  his  text  from 
the  gospel  of  the  day,  and  preached  on  the 
grace  of  God  and  the  authority  of  St.  Peter. 
What  he  was  accustomed  to  maintain  before 
a  learned  auditory,  he  then  declared  to  the 
people ; — Christianity  brings  the  light  of  truth 
to  the  humblest  as  well  as  the  most  intelligent 
minds.  It  is  this  which  distinguishes  it  from 
all  other  religions,  and  all  systems  of  philoso- 
phy. The  Leipsic  divines,  who  had  heard 
Luther's  sermon,  hastened  to  report  to  Eck 
the  offensive  expressions  with  which  they  had 
been  scandalized.  "  You  must  answer  him," 
cried  they ;  "  these  specious  errors  must  be 
publicly  refuted.  Eck  desired  nothing  better. 
All  the  churches  were  at  his  service,  and  on 
four  successive  occasions  he  ascended  the 
pulpit  and  inveighed  against  Luther  and  his 
sermon.  Luther's  friends  were  indigrrant. 
They  demanded  that  the  theologian  of  Wit- 
temberg should  in  his  turn  be  heard.  But 
their  demand  was  disregarded.  The  pulpits 
were  open  to  the  enemies  of  the  gospel,  and 
shut  to  those  who  proclaimed  it.  "  I  was 
silent,"  said  Luther,  "  and  was  obliged  to 
suffer  myself  to  be  attacked,  insulted,  and  ca- 
lumniated, without  even  the  power  to  excuse 
or  defend  myself."90 

It  was  not  only  the  clergy  who  opposed 
the  teachers  of  the  evangelical  doctrine;  the 
burghers  of  Leipsic  were  in  that  of  one  mind 
with  the  clergy.  A  blind  fanaticism  rendered 
them  the  ready  dupes  of  the  falsehood  and 
prejudice  which  were  circulated  abroad.  The 
principal  inhabitants  abstained  from  visiting 
Luther  or  Carlstadt;  and  if  they  accidentally 
met  in  the  street,  they  passed  them  without 
salutation.  They  misrepresented  them  to  the 
Duke.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  in  daily 
communication  and  interchange  of  visits  with 
the  Doctor  of  Ingolstadt.  To  Luther  they 
offered  the  disputant's  customary  present  of 
wine.  Beyond  this,  any  who  were  favour- 
ably disposed  toward  him  concealed  their  pre 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


141 


dilection  from  others :  several,  following  the 
example  of  Nicodemus,  came  to  him  in  the 
night  or  by  stealth.  Two  individuals  alone 
stood  forward  to  their  own  honour,  and  pub- 
licly declared  themselves  his  friends: — Doc- 
tor Auerbach,  whom  we  have  already  seen  at 
Augsburg,  and  Doctor  Pistor  the  younger. 

The  greatest  agitation  prevailed  in  the  city. 
The  two  parties  resembled  two  hostile  camps, 
and  sometimes  came  to  blows.  Frequent 
quarrels  took  place  in  the  inns  between  the 
Leipsic  students  and  those  of  Witiemberg. 
It  was  currently  asserted,  even  in  the  meet- 
ings of  the  clergy,  that  Luther  carried  about 
with  him  a  devil  enclosed  in  a  small  box. 
"  I  know  not,"  said  Eck  spitefully,  "whether 
the  devil  is  in  the  box  or  under  his  frock — 
but  sure  I  am  he  is  in  one  or  the  other." 

Several  doctors  of  the  opposing  parties 
were  lodged,  during  the  progress  of  the  dis- 
putation, in  the  house  of  the  printer  Herbi- 
polis.  Their  contentions  ran  so  high,  that 
their  host  was  obliged  to  place  a  police  ser- 
geant, armed  with  a  halberd,  at  the  head  of 
the  table,  with  instructions  to  preserve  the 
peace.  One  day  Baumgarten,  a  vender  of 
indulgences,  came  to  blows  with  a  gentleman 
attached  to  Luther,  and  in  the  violence  of  his 
fit  of  passion,  burst  a  blood-vessel  and  ex- 
pired. "  I  myself,"  says  Frb'schel,  who  re- 
lates the  fact,  "  was  one  of  those  who  carried 
him  to  the  grave."91  In  such  results  the  gene- 
ral ferment  in  men's  minds  manifested  itself. 
Then,  as  in  our  days,  the  speeches  in  the  as- 
semblies found  an  echo  in  the  dinner-room 
and  public  streets. 

Duke  George,  though  strongly  biassed  in 
favour  of  Eck,  did  not  evince  so  much  zeal  in 
his  cause  as  his  subjects.  He  invited  all 
three,  Eck,  Luther,  and  Carlstadt  to  dinner. 
He  even  requested  Luther  to  visit  him  in  pri- 
vate; but  soon  manifested  the  prejudices  that 
had  been  artfully  inculcated.  "  Your  tract 
on  the  Lord's  Prayer,"  said  the  Duke,  "  has 
misled  the  consciences  of  many.  There  are 
some  Who  complain  that  for  four  days  to- 
gether they  have  not  been  able  to  say  one 
paler." 

It  was  on  the  4th  of  July  that  the  contest 
commenced  between  Eck  and  Luther.  Every 
thing  announced  that  it  would  be  more  vio- 
lent and  decisive  than  that  which  had  just 
terminated.  The  two  disputants  were  ad- 
vancing to  the  arena,  firmly  resolved  not  to 
lay  down  their  arms  till  victory  should  have 
declared  in  favour  of  one  or  the  other.  General 
attention  was  alive,  for  the  subject  of  dispute 
was  the  Pope's  primacy.  Two  prominent 
hinderances  obstruct  the  progress  of  the  Gos- 
pel, the  hierarchy  and  rationalism,  as  applied 
to  the  doctrine  of  man's  moral  powers,  had 
been  the  object  of  attack  in  the  early  part  of 
the  discussion.  The  hierarchy,  viewed  in 
what  was  at  once -its  basis  as  well  as  climax 
— the  doctrine  of  the  Pope's  authority — was 
now  to  be  impugned.  On  the  one  side  ap- 
peared Eck,  the  defender  of  the  established 
teaching,  and,  like  some  boastful  soldier, 
strong  in  confidence  derived  from  previous 


triumphs.92  On  the  other  side  came  Luther, 
to  whom  the  contest  seemed  to  promise  no- 
thing but  persecutions  and  ignominy,  but  who 
presented  himself  with  a  clear  conscience,  a 
firm  determination  to  sacrifice  every  thing  to 
the  cause  of  truth,  and  a  hope  full  of  faith  in 
God's  power  to  deliver  him. 

At  seven  in  the  morning  the  two  disputants 
had  taken  their  places,  encompassed  by  an 
attentive  and  numerous  auditory. 

Luther  stood  up,  and  adopting  a  necessary 
precaution,  said,  with  humility  : 

"In  the  name  of  the  Lord — Amen.  I  de- 
clare that  the  respect  I  have  for  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  would  have  prevented  my  sustaining 
the  part  I  am  taking  in  this  discussion,  had. 
not  the  worthy  Doctor  Eck  persuaded  me 
thereto." 

ECK. — "  In  thy  name,  blessed  Jesus !  Be- 
fore I  enter  on  this  discussion,  I  protest  in 
your  presence,  noble  chiefs,  that  all  I  shall 
say  is  subject  to  the  judgment  of  the  first  of 
all  episcopal  chairs,  and  to  the  master  who 
fills  it." 

After  a  moment's  silence,  Eck  continued : 

"There  is  in  God's  Church  a  primacy  de- 
rived from  Christ  himself.  The  Church 
militant  has  been  set  up  in  the  likeness  of 
the  Church  triumphant.  But  this  latter  is  a 
monarchy,  wherein  every  thing  ascends  hier- 
archically to  its  sole  head  —  God  himself. 
Therefore  it  is  that  Christ  has  established  a 
similar  order  upon  earth.  How  monstrous 
would  the  Church  be  without  a  head."93 

LUTHER,  turning  to  the  assembly, 

"  When  the  doctor  declares  that  it  is  most 
needful  that  the  Church  universal  have  a 
Head,  he  says  well.  If  there  be  any  one 
among  us  who  affirms  the  contrary,  let  him 
stand  forth.  I  hold  no  such  thing." 

ECK. — "If  the  Church  militant  has  never 
been  without  its  one  Head,  I  would  beg  to 
ask  who  he  can  be,  but  the  Roman  Pontiff1?" 

LUTHER,  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven, 

"The  Head  of  the  Church  militant  is 
Christ  himself,  and  not  a  mortal  man.  I  be- 
lieve this,  on  the  authority  of  God's  testi- 
mony, whose  word  says,  He  must  reign  until 
his  enemies  be  put  under  his  feet.94  Let  us 
then  no  longer  give  ear  to  those  who  put  away 
Christ  to  the  Church  triumphant  in  heaven. 
His  kingdom  is  a  kingdom  of  faith.  We  sec 
not  our  Head,  and  yet  we  are  joined  to  him."95 

ECK,  not  discomfited,  and  turning  to  other 
arguments,  resumed: 

"  It  is  from  Rome  as  St.  Cyprian  tells  us, 
that  sacerdotal  unity  proceeded."56 

LUTHER. — "As  regards  the  Western  Church, 
agreed.  But  is  not  this  Roman  Church  her- 
self derived  from  that  of  Jerusalem  1  And  to 
speak  correctly,  the  church  of  Jerusalem  was 
mother  and  nurse  of  all  the  churches."97 

ECK. — "  St.  Jerome  affirms,  that  if  autho- 
rity above  that  of  all  other  churches  is  not 
lodged  with  the  Pope,  there  will  be  in  the 
Church  as  many  schisms  as  there  are  b;shoj.s".t8 

LUTHER. — "  I  admit  it,  that  is  to  say,  that 
if  all  the  faithful  were  consenting,  this  autho- 
rity might,  agreeably  to  the  principles  of 


142 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


human  legislation,  be  rightfully  ascribed  to  ! 
the  chief  Pontiff."  Neither  would  I  deny  that 
if  the  whole  body  of  believers  should  consent 
to  acknowledge  as  first  and  chief  bishop — the  | 
bishop  of  Rome,  or  of  Paris,  or  of  Magdeburg,  ; 
it  would  be  our  duty  to  acknowledge  him  as 
such, — from  respect  to  this  general  consent  of 
the  whole  church  :  but  that  is  what  the  world 
has  never  seen  nor  ever  will  see.     Even  in 
our  own  day,  does  not  the  Greek  church  with- 
hold her  consent  to  Rome1?" 

Luther  was  at  this  time  quite  prepared  to 
acknowledge  the  Pope  as  chief  magistrate  of 
the  Church, — freely  chosen  by  it ;  but  he  de- 
nied his  divine  right.  It  was  not  until  a  later 
period  that  he  denied  that  any  submission  was 
due  to  him.  That  was  an  advance  to  which 
the  Leipsic  controversy  mainly  contributed. 
But  Eck  was  on  ground  which  Luther  knew 
better  than  he.  As  Eck  appealed  to  the  au- 
thority of  the  Fathers,  Luther  resolved  to  de- 
feat him  by  the  Fathers  themselves. 

"That  my  construction  of  the  words,"  said 
he,  "  is  truly  what  St.  Jerome  intended,  I  will 
prove  by  his  own  epistle  to  Evagrius.  Every 
bishop,  says  he,  whether  of  Rome  or  of  Eugu- 
bium,  whether  of  Constance  or  of  Regium, 
whether  of  Alexandria  or  of  Thanis,  has  the 
same  honour  and  the  same  priestly  rank.100 The 
influence  of  wealth,  or  the  humility  of  poverty 
alone  makes  their  difference  of  standing." 

From  the  Fathers,  Luther  passed  to  the  de- 
crees of  the  Councils,  which  recognise  in  the 
bishop  of  Rome  only  thefirstamonghispeers.101 
"We  read,"  said  he,  "in  the  decree  of  the 
Council  of  Africa,  '  Let  not  the  bishop  of  the 
chief  see,  be  called  Prince  of  the  Pontiffs,  or 
Sovereign  Pontiff,  or  any  other  name  of  that 
sort,  but  simply  bishop  of  the  first  see.'  If 
the  monarchy  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  were  of 
divine  right,"  continued  Luther,  "  would  not 
this  decision  be  heretical  ?" 

Eck  met  this  by  one  of  the  subtle  distinc- 
tions to  which  he  was  so  accustomed  to  have 
recourse. 

"The  bishop  of  Rome,  if  you  please,  is  not 
universal  bishop,  but  bishop  of  the  church 
universal."102 

LUTHER. — "I  will  not  say  one  word  on  that 
answer.  Let  our  hearers  themselves  judge 
concerning  it." 

"  Certainly,"  he  afterwards  observed,  "that 
was  a  gloss  worthy  of  a  theologian,  and  just 
of  a  kind  to  content  a  disputant  eager  for  tri- 
umph. I  have  not  remained  at  Leipsic,  at 
considerable  cost  to  no  purpose,  since  I  have 
learned  that  the  Pope  of  a  truth  is  not  uni- 
versal bishop,  but  bishop  of  the  church  uni- 
versal !"103 

ECK. — "  Well,  to  come  to  the  point.  The 
venerable  doctor  requires  from  me  a  proof  that 
the  primacy  of  the  church  of  Rome  is  of  divine 
right;  I  find  that  proof  in  the  words  of  Christ 
— '  Thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  I  will 
build  my  church?  St.  Augustine,  in  one  of 
his  epistles,  has  thus  explained  the  meaning 
of  the  passage — '  Thou  art  Peter,  and  on  this 
rock,  that  is  to  say,  on  Peter,  I  will  build  my 
church.'  It  is  true,  that  Augustine  has  else- 


where said,  that  by  this  rock  we  must  under- 
stand Christ  himself,  but  he  has  not  retracted 
his  first  explanation." 

LUTHER. — "  If  the  reverend  doctor  brings 
against  me  these  words  of  St.  Augustine,  let 
him  himself  first  reconcile  such  opposite  asser- 
tions. For  certain  it  is,  that  St.  Augustine 
has  repeatedly  said,  that  the  rock  was  Christ, 
and  hardly  once  that  it  was  Peter  himself. 
But  even  though  St.  Augustine  and  all  the 
Fathers  should  say  that  the  Apostle  is  the 
rock  of  which  Christ  spake,  I  would,  if  I 
should  stand  alone,  deny  the  assertion — sup- 
ported by  the  authority  of  the  Holy  Scripture 
— in  other  words  by  divine  right104-for  it  is 
written,  '  Other  foundation  can  no  man  lay  than 
that  is  laid,  even  Christ  Jesus.n°5 Peter  himself 
calls  Christ  the  chief  corner-stone,  and  living 
rock,  on  which  we  are  built  up,  a  spiritual 
house."106 

ECK. — "  I  am  astonished  at  the  humility  and 
diffidence  with  which  the  reverend  doctor  un- 
dertakes to  stand  alone  against  so  many  illus- 
trious Fathers,  thus  affirming  that  he  knows 
more  of  these  things  than  the  Sovereign  Pon- 
tiff, the  Councils,  divines,  and  universities! 
...  It  would  no  doubt  be  very  wonderful 
if  God  had  hidden  the  truth  from  so  many 
saints  and  martyrs  till  the  advent  of  the  reve- 
rend father." 

LUTHER. — "The  Fathers  are  not  opposed 
to  me. — St.  Augustine,  St.  Ambrose,  and  the 
most  eminent  divines  say  as  I  do.  On  that 
confession  of  faith  the  church  is  built,  says  St. 
Ambrose,  explaining  what  is  to  be  understood 
by  the  stone  on  which  the  church  rests.107  Let 
my  antagonist  then  restrain  his  speech.  Such 
expressions  as  he  has  just  used,  do  but  stir  up 
animosity,  instead  of  helping  in  learned  dis- 
cussion." 

Eck  had  not  expected  so  much  learning  in 
his  adversary,  and  managed  to  extricate  him- 
self from  the  labyrinth  in  which  he  had  en- 
deavoured to  entangle  him.  "The  reverend 
father,"  said  he,  "has  entered  on  this. discus- 
sion after  well  preparing  his  subject.*  Your 
excellencies  will  excuse  me  if  I  should  not 
produce  so  much  exact  research.  I  came 
hither  to  discuss,  and  not  to  make  a  book." 
Eck  was  in  some  sort  taken  by  surprise,  but 
not  defeated.  Having  no  other  argument  at 
hand,  he  had  recourse  to  an  odious  and  con- 
temptible artifice,  which  if  it  did  not  bear 
down,  must  at  least  greatly  embarrass  his  ad- 
versary. If  the  suspicion  of  being  a  Bohe- 
mian, a  heretic,  a  Hussite,  do  but  hang  over 
Luther,  he  is  vanquished ;  for  the  Bohemians 
were  detested  in  the  church.  The  doctor  of 
Ingolstadt  adopted  this  stratagem.  "From 
primitive  times,"  said  he,  "  it  has  been  ever 
acknowledged,  that  the  Church  of  Rome  de- 
rives her  primacy  from  Christ  himself,  and 
not  from  human  law.  I  must  admit,  how- 
ever, that  the  Bohemians  in  their  obstinate 
defence  of  their  errors  have  attacked  this  doc- 
trine. I  ask  the  reverend  father's  pardon  if  I 
am  opposed  to  the  Bohemians  on  account  of 
their  opposition  to  the  Church;  and  if  the 
present  discussion  has  recalled  those  heretics 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


143 


to  my  recollection;  for  ....  according  to  my 
humble  judgment  .  .  .  .  the  inferences  the  doc- 
tor has  drawn  are  entirely  favourable  to  their 
errors;  and,  it  is  said,  they  boast  of  this."108 

Eck  had  rightly  calculated  the  effect.  All 
his  partisans  loudly  applauded  the  artful  in- 
sinuation, and  an  exultation  was  manifest  in 
the  auditory.  "These  insults,"  said  the  Re- 
former at  a  subsequent  period,  "pleased  their 
fancy  much  more  than  the  progress  of  the  dis- 
cussion." 

LUTHER.— "I  neither  love,  nor  ever  shall 
love,  a  schism.  Since  on  their  own  authority 
the  Bohemians  have  separated  from  unity  with 
us,  they  are  in  the  wrong :  even  though  di- 
vine right  should  be  in  favour  of  the  doctrine: 
for  the  highest  divine  right  is  love  and  the 
unity  of  the  Spirit."109 

It  was  on  the  fifth  of  July,  in  the  morning 
sitting,  that  Luther  uttered  these  words.  The 
meeting  shortly  after  broke  up,  the  dinner 
hour  having  arrived.  It  is  likely  that  some 
one  of  the  friends,  or  perhaps  of  the  enemies 
of  the  doctor,  drew  his  thoughts  to  the  fact 
that  he  had  gone  very  far  in  thus  condemn- 
ing the  jChristians  of  Bohemia.  Had  they 
not  in  reality  stood  for  those  doctrines  that 
Luther  was  then  maintaining  ?  Hence  it  was, 
when  the  assembly  were  again  together  at 
two  in  the  afternoon,  Luther  broke  silence, 
and  said  courageously  : — "  Among  the  articles 
of  John  Huss  and  the  Bohemians,  there  are 
some  that  are  most  agreeable  to  Christ.  This 
is  certain;  and  of  this  sort  is  that  article: 
*  There  is  only  One  church  universal ;'  and 
again:  *  That  it  is  not  necessary  to  salvation 
that  we  should  believe  the  Roman  church 
superior  to  others.' — It  matters  little  to  me 
whether  Wiclif  or  Huss  said  it.  It  is  Truth." 

This  declaration  of  Luther  produced  an  im- 
mense sensation  on  the  auditory.  Huss, 
Wiclif,  names  held  in  abhorrence,  pronounced 
with  respect  by  a  monk,  in  the  midst  of  a 
Catholic  assembly !  .  .  .  .  An  almost  general 
murmur  ran  round  the  hall.  Duke  George 
himself  was  alarmed.  He  foresaw  for  Saxo- 
ny the  unfurling  of  the  standard  of  that  civil 
discord  which  had  ravaged  the  states  of  his 
maternal  ancestors.  Not  able  to  suppress  his 
feelings,  he  broke  forth  in  a  loud  exclamation, 
in  the  hearing  of  all  the  assembly :  "  He  is 
mad."110  Then,  shaking  his  head,  he  rested 
his  hands  on  his  sides.  The  whole  assem- 
bly was  in  high  excitement.  Those  who 
were  seated  rose  from  their  seats,  conversing 
in  groups.  The  drowsy  were  aroused :  the 
enemies  of  Luther  exulted;  and  his  friends 
were  greatly  perplexed.  Several  who  till 
then  had  listened  to  him  with  satisfaction,  be- 
gan to  doubt  his  orthodoxy.  The  effect  of 
this  speech  was  never  effaced  from  the  mind 
of  Duke  George:  from  that  hour  he  looked 
with  an  evil  eye  on  the  Reformer  and  became 
his  enemy.111 

As  to  Luther,  he  did  not  give  way  to  this 
burst  of  murmurs.  "Gregory  Nazianzen," 
continued  he,  with  noble  calmness, "  Basil  the 
Great.  Epiphanius,  Chrysostom,  and  a  great 
many  other  Greek  bishops,  are  saved;  and 


yet  they  never  believed  that  the  Church  of 
Rome  was  superior  to  other  churches.  It  does 
not  belong  to  the  Roman  pontiffs  to  add  new 
articles  of  faith.  There  is  no  authority  for  the 
believing  Christian  but  the  Holy  Scripture. 
It,  alone,  is  of  divine  right.  I  beg  the  worthy 
Doctor  Eck  to  grant  me  that  the  Roman  pon- 
tiffs have  been  men,  and  not  to  speak  of  them 
as  if  they  were  Gods."112 

Eck  here  resorted  to  one  of  those  pleasant- 
ries which  give  an  easy  advantage,  in  appear- 
ance, to  him  who  uses  them. 

"The  reverend  father,  who  is  not  skilful  in 
his  cookery,"  said  he,  "  has  just  made  a  very 
bad  hash  of  heretics  and  Greek  saints,  so  that 
the  odour  of  sanctity  of  the  one  hides  the  taste 
of  poison  in  the  others."113 

LUTHER,  interrupting  Eck  with  spirit — 
"The  worthy  doctor  speaks  with  effrontery. 
In  my  judgment,  Christ  can  have  no  concord 
with  Belial." 

Such  were  the  discussions  which  gave  em- 
ployment to  the  two  doctors.  The  assembly 
were  attentive.  The  interest  at  times  flagged, 
however,  and  the  hearers  were  not  displeased 
when  any  incident  occurred  to  enliven  them 
by  some  distraction.  It  often  happens,  that 
events  of  the  greatest  importance  are  in  this 
way  broken  in*  upon  by  comic  accidents. 
Something  of  this  sort  took  place  at  Leipsic. 

Duke  George,  following  the  custom  of  the 
age,  kept  a  court  fool.  Some  wags  said  to 
him,  "Luther  is  contending  that  a  court  fool 
may  get  married :  Eck  maintains  the  contrary 
opinion."  Hereupon  the  fool  conceived  great 
aversion  for  Eck ;  and  every  time  he  came  to 
the  hall  in  the  Duke's  suite,  he  eyed  the  theo- 
logian with  threatening  looks.  One  day,  the 
Chancellor  of  Ingolstadt,  descending  to  buf- 
foonery, shut  one  eye,  (the  fool  was  blind  of 
one  eye,)  and  with  the  other  looked  askance 
at  the  dwarf.  The  latter,  no  longer  able  to 
control  himself,  poured  forth  a  torrent  of  abuse 
on  the  learned  doctor.  The  whole  assembly, 
says  Peifer,  gave  way  to  laughter,  and  this 
incident  lessened  in  some  degree  the  extreme 
tension  of  their  minds.114 

During  this  time  the  city  was  the  scene  of 
events  which  showed  the  horror  with  which 
the  bold  assertions  of  Luther  inspired  the  par- 
tisans of  Rome.  The  loudest  clamours  pro- 
ceeded from  the  convents  in  the  Pope's  inte- 
rest. One  Sunday  the  doctor  of  Wittemberg 
entered  the  church  of  the  Dominicans  just 
before  high  mass.  There  were  present  only 
a  few  monks,  who  were  going  through  the 
earlier  masses  at  the  lower  altars.  As  soon 
as  it  was  known  in  the  cloister  that  the  heretic 
Luther  was  in  the  church,  the  monks  ran  to- 
gether in  haste,  caught  up  the  remonstrance, 
and,  taking  it  to  its  receptacle,  carefully  shut 
it  up,  lest  the  holy  sacrament  should  be  pro- 
faned by  the  impure  eyes  of  the  Augustine  of 
Wittemberg.  While  this  was  doing,  they 
who  were  reading  mass  collected  together  the 
sacred  furniture,  quitted  the  altar,  crossed  the 
church,  and  sought  refuge  in  the  sacristy,  as 
if,  says  a  historian,  the  devil  himself  had  been 
behind  them. 

N2 


144 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Everywhere  the  discussions  furnished  sub- 
ject of  conversation.  In  the  lodging-houses, 
at  the  university,  at  the  court,  each  one  gave 
his  opinion.  Duke  George,  with  all  his  irri- 
tation, did  not  pertinaciously  refuse  to  allow 
himself  to  be  convinced.  One  day,  when  Eck 
and  Luther  were  dining  with  him,  he  inter- 
rupted their  conversation  by  the  remark, 
"  Whether  the  Pope  be  by  divine  right  or  hu- 
man right,  it  is  at  any  rate  a  fact  that  he  is 
Pope."115Luther  was  quite  pleased  with  these 
words.  "The  prince,"  said  he,  "would  never 
have  given  utterance  to  them,  if  my  arguments 
had  not  impressed  him." 

The  dispute  on  the  Pope's  primacy  had 
lasted  five  days.  On  the  8th  of  July  they 
came  to  the  subject  of  Purgatory.  The  dis- 
cussion lasted  rather  more  than  two  days. 
Luther  at  this  time  admitted  the  existence  of 
purgatory;  but  he  denied  that  this  doctrine 
•was  taught  in  Scripture  and  by  the  Fathers, 
in  the  way  the  scholastic  divines  and  his  ad- 
versary asserted.  "  Our  Doctor  Eck,"  said 
he,  alluding  to  the  superficial  character  of  his 
opponent,  "  has  to-day  run  over  Scripture  al- 
most without  touching  it,  as  a  spider  runs 
upon  the  water." 

On  the  llth  of  July  the  disputants  arrived 
at  the  Indulgences.  "  It  was  no  better  than 
play — a  mere  joke,"  said  Luther.  "The  in- 
dulgences fell  with  scarce  the  shadow  of  de- 
fence. Eck  agreed  with  me  in  almost  every 
thing."116Eck  himself  observed,  "  If  I  had  not 
met  Doctor  Martin  on  the  question  of  the 
Pope's  primacy,  I  could  almost  come  to  agree- 
ment with  him."117 

The  discussion  afterwards  turned  on  Re- 
pentance, the  Priest's  absolution,  and  Satis- 
factions. Eck,  as  his  practice  was,  quoted 
the  scholastic  divines,  the  Dominicans,  and 
the  Pope's  canons.  Luther  closed  the  discus- 
sion by  these  words : — . 

"The  reverend  doctor  avoids  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  as  the  devil  flees  from  before  the 
cross.  For  my  part,  saving  the  respect  due 
to  the  Fathers,  I  prefer  the  authority  of  the 
word  of  God ;  and  it  is  that  which  I  would 
press  upon  our  judges."118 

Thus  ended  the  dispute  between  Eck  and 
Luther.  Carlstadt  and  the  doctor  of  Ingol- 
stadt  continued  for  two  days  to  discuss  the 
merits  of  man  in  good  works.  On  the  16th 
of  July  the  affair  was  terminated,  after  having 
lasted  twenty  days,  by  a  sermon  from  the 
Superior  of  Leipsic.  As  soon  as  this  was 
over,  a  band  of  music  was  heard,  and  the  so- 
lemnity was  closed  by  the  Te  Dcum. 

But,  during  this  solemn  chant,  men's  minds 
were  no  longer  as  they  were  when  the  hymn 
Veni  Spiritus  had  been  sung.  Already  the 
presentiments  of  some  appeared  realized.  The 
arguments  of  the  two  opposing  champions  had 
inflicted  an  open  wound  on  the  Papacy. 

These  theological  discussions,  which  in  our 
days  would  excite  little  attention,  had  been 
followed  and  listened  to  with  interest  for 
twenty  days,  by  laymen,  knights,  and  princes. 
Duke  Barnim  of  Pomerania  and  Duke  George 
were  constant  in  attendance.  "But,  on  the 


other  hand,"  says  an  eye-witness,  "some 
Leipsic  divines,  friends  of  Eck,  slept  soundly 
much  of  the  time ;  and  it  was  even  necessary 
to  wake  them  at.  the  close  of  the  discussion, 
lest  they  should  lose  their  dinner." 

Luther  was  the  first  who  quitted  Leipsic. 
Carlstadt  set  out  soon  after.  Eck  remained  a 
few  days  after  their  departure. 

No  decision  was  made  known  on  the  mat- 
ters discussed.  Each  one  commented  on  them 
as  he  pleased.119"  There  has  been  at  Leipsic," 
said  Luther,  "loss  of  time,  not  search  after 
truth.  For  these  two  years  past  that  we  have 
been  examining  the  doctrines  of  the  adversa- 
ries, we  have  counted  all  their  bones.  Eck, 
on  the  contrary,  has  hardly  grazed  the  sur- 
face, yet  he  has  made  more  outcry  in  one  hour 
than  we  have  in  two  long  years."120 

Eck,  in  private  letters  to  his  friends,  acknow- 
ledged his  having  been  defeated  on  many 
points;  but  he  was  at  no  loss  for  reasons  to 
account  for  it.121"  The  Wittemberg  divines," 
said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Hochstraten,  dated  the 
24th  July,  "have  had  the  best  of  the  argu- 
ment on  certain  points ;  first,  because  they 
brought  with  them  their  books;  secondly, 
because  their  friends  took  notes  of  the  dis- 
cussion, which  they  could  examine  at  home  at 
leisure;  thirdly,  because  they  were  several  in 
number: — two  doctors  (Carlstadt  and  Luther,) 
Lange,  vicar  of  the  Augustines,  two  licen- 
tiates, Amsdorff,  and  a  most  arrogant  nephew 
of  Reuchlin,  (Melancthon,)  three  doctors  of 
law,  and  several  masters  of  arts,  all  were  as- 
sisting in  the  discussion,  either  publicly  or  in 
secret.  As  for  myself,  I  came  forward  alone, 
having  only  right  on  my  side." — Eck  forgot 
Emser,  the  bishop,  and  all  the  doctors  of 
Leipsic. 

If  such  admissions  were  made  by  Eck  in 
his  confidential  correspondence,  it  was  quite 
otherwise  in  public.  The  doctor  of  Ingolstadt 
and  the  theologians  of  Leipsic,  loudly  boasted 
of  "  their  victory."  They  spread  everywhere 
false  reports.  Them'  uth-pieces  of  their  party 
repeated  their  self-gratulations.  "  Eck,"  wrote 
Luther,  "  boasts  in  all  companies  of  his  victo- 
ry."122 But  the  laurels  were  an  object  of  con- 
tention in  the  camp  of  Rome.  "  If  we  had  not 
come  in  aid  of  Eck,"  said  his  Leipsic  allies, 
"  the  illustrious  doctor  would  have  been  over- 
thrown." "  The  divines  of  Leipsic  are  well- 
meaning  people,"  said  the  doctor  of  Ingol- 
stadt, "  but  I  had  formed  too  high  expectations 
from  them— I  did  all  myself."  "  You  see," 
said  Luther  to  Spalatin,  "  that  they  are  sing- 
ing another  Iliad  and  ^Eneid.  They  are  so  kind 
as  to  make  me  play  the  part  of  Hector  or 
Turnus,  whilst  Eck  is  their  Achilles  or  ./Eneas. 
Their  only  doubt  is,  whether  the  victory  was 
gained  by  the  forces  of  Eck  or  of  Leipsic.  All 
I  can  say,  to  throw  light  on  the  question,  is, 
that  doctor  Eck  clamoured  continually,  and 
the  men  of  Leipsic  keep  continual  silence."123 

"  Eck  has  obtained  the  victory,  in  the  opi- 
nion of  those  who  do  not  understand  the  ques- 
tion, and  who  have  grown  gray  in  scholastic 
studies,"  observed  the  elegant,  witty,  and  ju- 
dicious Mosellanus  ;  "  but  Luther  and  Carl- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


145 


stadt  remain  masters  of  the  field,  in  the  judg-  ] 
ment  of  those  who  have  learning,  intelligence,  j 
and  modesty."124 

The  dispute  was,  however,  destined  not  to 
vanish  in  mere  smoke.  Every  work  done  in 
faith  bear's  fruit.  The  words  of  Luther  had 
found  their  way,  with  irresistible  power,  to  the 
minds  of  his  hearers.  Several,  who  had  re- 
gularly attended  in  the  hall  of  the  castle,  were 
brought  under  the  truth.  It  was  especially 
in  the  very  midst  of  its  most  active  enemies, 
that  its  conquests  were  achieved.  Poliander, 
secretary  to  Eck,  and  his  intimate  friend  and 
disciple,  was  gained  to  the  cause  of  the  Re- 
formation ;  and  as  early  as  the  year  1522,  he 
preached  the  gospel  publicly  at  Leipsic.  John 
Cellarius,  professor  of  Hebrew,  one  of  the 
warmest  opponents  of  the  Reformation,  struck 
by  the  words  of  the  mighty  doctor,  began  to 
search,  the  Scriptures  more  deeply.  Shortly 
after,  he  gave  up  his  place;  and,  full  of  hu- 
mility, came  to  Wittemberg,  to  study  at  the 
feet  of  Luther.  He  was  subsequently  pastor 
at  Frankfort  and  at  Dresden. 

Among  those  who  sat  on  the  benches  re- 
served for  the  court,  and  who  surrounded  Duke 
George,  was  George  of  Anhalt,  a  young  prince 
of  twelve  years,  descended  from  a  family  ce- 
lebrated for  their  bravery  against  the  Saracens. 
He  was  then  prosecuting  his  studies  under  a 
private  tutor.  This  illustrious  youth  was 
early  distinguished  for  his  eager  desire  of 
knowledge  and  love  of  truth.  Often  he  was 
heard  to  repeat  the  proverb  of  Solomon, 
*'  Lying  lips  do  not  become  a  prince."  The 
discussion  at  Leipsic  awakened  in  this  child 
serious  reflections,  and  a  decided  partiality  for 
Luther.125Shortly  after  he  was  offered  a  bishop- 
ric. His  brothers  and  all  his  relations  urged 
him  to  accept  it;  desiring  to  see  him  rise  to 
the  higher  dignities  of  the  church.  He  was 
immovable  in  his  refusal.  On  the  death  of 
his  pious  mother,  he  found  himself  in  posses- 
sion of  all  the  Reformer's  writings.  He  put 
up  constant  and  fervent  prayers  to  God,  be- 
seeching him  to  bring  his  heart  under  the 
power  of  the  truth;  and  often  in  the  privacy 
of  his  cabinet,  he  exclaimed  with  tears,  "  Deal 
with  thy  servant  according  to  thy  mercy  and 
teach  me  thy  statutes."126 His  prayers  were 
answered.  Under  strong  conviction,  and  con- 
strained to  action  on  it,  he  fearlessly  ranged 
himself  on  the  side  of  the  gospel.  In  vain  his  tu- 
tors, and  foremost  among  them  Duke  George, 
oesieged  him,  with  entreaties  and  remon- 
strances. He  continued  inflexible;  and  George, 
half  brought  over  by  the  answers  of  his  pupil, 
exclaimed,  "  I  am  not  able  to  answer  him : 
but  I  will,  nevertheless,  continue  in  my 
church,  for  it  is  not  possible  to  break  an  old 
dog."  We  shall  again  meet  with  this  amiable 
prince;  who  was,  indeed,  one  of  the  noble 
characters  of  the  Reformation  ;  who  himself 
preached  the  word  of  life  to  his  subjects:  and 
to  whom  has  been  applied  the  saying  of  Dion 
Cassius  on  the  emperor  Marcus  Antoninus, 
"  In  his  whole  life,  he  was  consistent  with 
himself;  a  good  man  without  any  guile."127 

It  was  especially  among  the  students  that 


the  words  of  Luther  were  received  with  en- 
thusiasm. They  felt  the  difference  between 
the  spirit  and  power  of  the  Wittemberg  doctor, 
and  the  sophistical  distinctions  and  vain  spe- 
culations of  the  chancellor  of  Ingolstadt. 
They  saw  Luther  relying  on  the  word  of  God. 
They  saw  doctor  Eck  taking  his  stand  only 
on  the  traditions  of  men.  The  effect  was  in- 
stantaneous. The  lecturing  halls  of  the  uni- 
versity of  Leipsic  wrere  almost  deserted  after 
the  disputation.  A  circumstance  of  the  time 
contributed  to  this :  the  plague  showed  itself. 
But  there  were  several  other  universities,  as 
Erfurth  or  Ingolstadt,  to  which  the  students 
might  have  retired.  The  force  of  truth  attract- 
ed them  to  Wittemberg.  There  the  number 
of  students  was  doubled.128 

Among  those  who  removed  from  the  one  uni- 
versity to  the  other,  there  was  a  young  man  of 
sixteen,  of  melancholy  character,  silent,  and 
often  lost  in  abstraction  in  the  very  midst  of 
the  conversation  and  amusements  of  his  fel- 
low-students.129 His  parents  had  thought  him 
of  weak  intellect,  but  ere  long  they  found  him 
so  quick  in  his  learning,  and  so  continually 
occupied  in  his  studies,  that  they  conceived 
great  expectations  of  him.  His  uprightness, 
candour,  diffidence,  and  piety,  made  him  an 
object  of  general  affection,  and  Mosellanus 
pointed  to  him  as  a  pattern  to  the  whole  uni- 
versity. His  name  was  Gaspard  Cruciger, 
and  he  was  a  native  of  Leipsic.  The  young 
student  of  Wittemberg  was  at  a  later  period 
the  friend  of  Melancthon,  and  a  fellow-labour- 
er with  Luther  in  the  translation  of  the  Bible. 

The  disputation  at  Leipsic  had  yet  nobler 
results.  It  was  there  that  the  theologian  of 
the  Reformation  received  his  call  to  the  work. 
Modest  and  silent,  Melancthon  had  been  pre- 
sent at  the  discussion,  taking  scarcely  any 
part  in  it.  Hitherto  he  had  applied  himself 
only  to  literature.  The  conference  communi- 
cated to  him  a  new  impulse,  and  launched  the 
eloquent  professor  into  theology.  From  that 
hour  he  bowed  the  heights  of  his  learning  be- 
fore the  word  of  God.  He  received  the  evan- 
gelical doctrine  with  the  simplicity  of  a  child. 
His  auditors  heard  him  explain  the  way  of 
salvation  with  a  grace  and  clearness  which 
delighted  every  one.  He  advanced  boldly  in 
this  path  so  new  to  him, — for,  said  he,  "  Christ 
will  not  be  wanting  to  those  who  are  his."lco 
From  this  period,  the  two  friends  went  for- 
ward together,  contending  for  liberty  and  truth, 
the  one  with  the  energy  of  Paul,  the  other  with 
the  gentleness  of  John.  Luther  has  well  ex- 
pressed the  difference  in  their  vocations.  "  I," 
says  he,  "  was  born  for  struggling  on  the  field 
of  battle  with  parties  and  devils.  Thus  it  in 
that  my  writings  breathe  war  and  tempest.  I 
must  root  up  stock  and  stem,  clear  away 
thorns  and  brambles,  and  fill  up  swamps  and 
sloughs.  I  am  like  the  sturdy  wood-cutter, 
who  must  clear  and  level  the  road.  But  our 
master  of  arts,  Philip,  goes  forward  quietly 
and  gently,  cultivating  and  planting,  sowing 
and  watering  joyfully,  according  as  God  has 
dealt  to  him  so  liberally  of  his  gifts."131 

If  Melancthon,  the  tranquil  sower,  was 


146 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


called  to  his  work  by  the  Leipsic  discussion, 
Luther,  the  sturdy  wood-cutter,  felt  that  it 
added  strength  to  his  arm,  and  his  courage 
was  proportionately  exalted.  The  mightiest 
result  of  the  discussion  was  indeed  that  which 
was  wrought  in  Luther  himself — "  The  scho- 
lastic theology,"  said  he,  "  then  crumbled  into 
dust  before  me,  under  the  boasted  presidence 
of  Doctor  Kck."  The  covering,  which  the 
schools  and  the  church  had  spread  before  the 
sanctuary,  was  rent  from  top  to  bottom. 
Driven  to  further  investigation,  he  attained 
unexpected  discoveries.  With  equal  surprise 
and  indignation,  he  beheld  the  evil  in  all  its 
magnitude.  Searching  into  the  annals  of  the 
Church,  he  discovered  that  the  supremacy  of 
Rome  had  its  origin  in  the  ambition  of  one 
party  and  the  credulous  ignorance  of  another. 
Silence,  as  to  these  melancholy  discoveries, 
was  not  permitted  to  him.  The  pride  of  his 
adversaries, — the  victory  they  pretended  to 
have  gained. — their  endeavours  to  put  out  the 
light,  decided  his  purpose.  He  went  forward 
in  the  way  wherein  God  led  him,  without 
disquieting  himself  as  to  the  result  to  which 
it  might  lead  him.  Luther  has  marked  this 
as  the  epoch  of  his  enfranchisement  from  the 
papal  yoke.  "  Learn  of  me,"  says  he,  "  how 
hard  it  is  to  unlearn  the  errors  which  the 
whole  world  confirms  by  its  example,  and 
which,  by  long  use,  have  become  to  us  as  a 
second  nature.132!  had  for  seven  years  read 
and  hourly  expounded  the  Scriptures  with 
much  zeal,  so  that  I  knew  them  almost  all  by 
heart.133!  had  also  all  the  first-fruits  of  the 
knowledge  and  faith  of  my  Lord  Jesus  Christ; 
that  is,  I  knew  that  we  are  justified  and  saved, 
not  by  our  works,  but  by  faith  in  Christ;  and 
I  even  openly  maintained  that  it  is  not  by  di- 
vine right  that  the  Pope  is  chief  of  the  Chris- 
tian church.  And  yet .  .  I  could  not  see  the 
conclusion  from  all  this;  namely, — that  of 
necessity  and  beyond  doubt,  the  Pope  is  of 
the  devil.  For  what  is  not  of  God,  must 
needs  be  of  the  devil."134  Luther  adds,  further 
on — "  I  do  not  now  give  free  utterance  to  my 
indignation  against  those  who  still  adhere  to 
the  Pope,  since  1,  who  had  for  so  many  years 
read  the  Holy  Scriptures  with  so  much  care, 
yet  held  to  the  Papacy  with  so  much  obsti- 
nacy."135 

Such  were  the  real  results  of  the  Leipsic 
discussion,  and  they  were  much  more  im- 
portant 'than  the  discussion  itself.  They 
were,  like  the  first  successes  which  discipline 
and  inspirit  an  army. 

Eck  gave  himself  up  to  all  the  intoxication 
of  what  he  had  tried  to  represent  as  a  victory. 
He  circulated  slanders  against  Luther.  He 
heaped  one  imputation  upon  another.136  He 
wrote  to  Frederic.  He  sought,  like  a  skilful 
general,  to  profit  by  the  confusion  which  ever 
follows  a  conflict,  in  order  to  obtain  from  the 
Prince  some  important  concessions.  Before 
taking  measures  against  his  adversary  in  per- 
son, he  invoked  the  flames  to  consume  his 
writings — even  those  which  he  had  not  read. 
He  entreated  the  Elector  to  convoke  the  pro- 
vincial council— "Let  us,"  said  the  foul- 


mouthed  Doctor,  "  exterminate  all  these  ver- 
min before  they  have  multiplied  beyond 
bounds."137 

It  was  not  against  Luther  alone  that  he 
poured  out  his  wrath.  His  rashness  called 
Melancthon  into  the  lists.  The  Tatter,  con- 
nected by  the  tenderest  friendship  with  the 
worthy  (Ecolampadius,  sent  him  an  account 
of  the  discussion,  speaking  in  terms  of  com- 
mendation of  Doctor  Eck.133  Nevertheless,  the 
pride  of  the  Chancellor  of  Ingolstadt  was 
wounded.  He  instantly  took  pen  in  hand 
against  "that  grammarian  of  Wittemberg, 
who,  to  say  the  truth,  is  not  unacquainted 
with  Greek  and  Latin,  but  had  dared  to  cir- 
culate a  letter,  wherein  he  had  insulted  him, 
Dr.  Eck."139 

Melancthon  answered.  This  was  his  first 
theological  writing.  It  is  marked  by  the 
exquisite  urbanity  which  distinguished  this 
excellent  man.  After  laying  down  the  prin- 
ciples of  hermeneutical  science,  he  shows 
that  we  ought  not  to  explain  the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture by  the  Fathers,  but  the  Fathers  by  the 
Holy  Scripture.  "  How  often,"  says  he, 
"  has  not  Jerome  been  mistaken  ! — how  often 
Augustine ! — how  often  Ambrose !  How  often 
do  we  not  find  them  differing  in  judgment — 
how  often  do  we  not  hear  them  retracting 
their  errors !  There  is  but  one  Scripture 
divinely  inspired  and  without  mixture  of 
error."140 

"  Luther  does  not  adhere  to  certain  dubious 
expositions  of  the  ancients,  say  his  adver- 
saries: and  why  should  he  adhere  to  them? 
In  his  explanation  of  the  passage  of  St.  Mat- 
thew, Thou  art  Peter,  and  on  this  rock  will  1 
build  my  church,  he  says  the  very  same  thing 
as  Origen,  who  in  his  account  is  a  host,  yea, 
the  very  thing  that  Augustine  writes  in  his 
homily,  and  Ambrose  in  his  sixth  book  on 
St.  Luke,  not  to  mention  others.  What  then, 
you  will  say,  can  the  Fathers  contradict  each 
other !  And  what  is  there  so  surprising  in 
that]141!  reverence  the  Fathers,  because  I 
believe  the  Holy  Scripture.  The  sense  of 
Scripture  is  one  and  simple,  as  heavenly  truth 
itself.  We  enter  into  it  by  comparing  Scrip- 
ture with  Scripture,  and  deduce  it  from  the 
thread  and  connection  of  the  whole.142  There 
is  a  philosophy  enjoined  us  with  respect  to 
the  Scriptures  given  by  God ;  it  is  to  bring 
to  them  all  the  thoughts  and  maxims  of  men, 
as  to  the  touchstone  by  which  these  are  to  be 
tried."143 

For  a  long  time  no  one  had  so  elegantly 
set  forth  such  powerful  truths.  The  word  of 
God  was  reinstated  in  its  proper  place,  and 
the  Fathers  in  theirs.  The  course  by  which 
the  true  sense  of  Scripture  is  obtained  was 
plainly  indicated.  The  preaching  of  the  Gos- 
pel rose  above  the  difficulties  and  glosses  of 
the  schools.  Melancthon  furnished  a  means, 
available  for  all  times,  of  answering  those, 
who,  like  Dr.  Eck,  would  involve  this  sub- 
ject in  perplexities.  The  weak  "  gram- 
marian" had  arisen,  and  the  broad  and  robust 
shoulders  of  the  scholastic  gladiator  had  yield- 
ed under  the  first  movement  of  his  arm. 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


147 


The  more  Eck  felt  his  weakness,  the  louder 
were  his  clamours.  He  thought  by  rhodo- 
montade  and  accusations  to  secure  the  victory 
•which  his  argument  had  failed  to  achieve. 
The  monks  and  all  the  partisans  of  Rome  re- 
echoed these  clamours.  From  all  parts  of 
Germany  reproaches  were  showered  ^.pon 
Luther;  but  he  remained  unmoved  by  them. 
44  The  more  reproach  is  heaped  upon  me," 
said  he,  at  the  conclusion  of  some  explana- 
tions which  he  published  of  the  propositions 
of  Leipsic,  "  the  more  do  I  glory  in  it.  Truth, 
that  is  to  say  Christ,  must  increase,  while  I 
must  decrease.  The  voice  of  the  bridegroom 
and  of  the  bride  gives  me  a  joy  that  is  far 
above  the  fears  their  clamours  cause  me.  It 
is  not  men  that  are  opposing  me,  and  I  have 
no  enmity  against  them ;  it  is  Satan,  the  prince 
of  evil,  who  is  labouring  to  intimidate  me. 
But  he  who  is  in  us  is  greater  than  he  who 
is  in  the  world.  The  opinion  of  this  age  is 
against  us, — that  of  posterity  will  be  more 
favourable."144 

If  the  discussion  of  Leipsic  multiplied  the 
enemies  of  Luther  in  Germany,  it  augmented 
the  number  of  his  friends  in  distant  parts. 
"That  which  Huss  was  formerly  in  Bohe- 
mia," wrote  the  Brethren  to  him  from  that 
country,  "you,  Martin,  are  now  in  Saxony; 
therefore,  continue  in  prayer,  and  be  strong  in 
the  Lord." 

About  this  time  a  rupture  took  place  between 
Luther  and  Emser,  then  professor  at  Leipsic. 
The  latter  wrote  to  Dr.  Zack,  a  zealous  Roman 
Catholic  of  Prague,  a  letter,  apparently  in- 
tended to  remove  from  the  Hussites  the  im- 
pression that  Luther  partook  of  their  views. 
Luther  could  not  doubt  that  the  design  of  the 
Leipsic  professor  was,  under  the  semblance 
of  justifying  him,  to  cause  the  suspicion  to 
hang  over  him  of  adhering  to  the  Bohemian 
heresy,  and  he  resolved  at  once  to  rend  asun- 
der the  veil  with  which  his  former  guest  at 
Dresden  sought  to  cover  his  enmity.  With 
this  view  he  published  a  letter  addressed  "  to 
the  he-goat  Emser."  (The  armorial  bearing 
of  Emser  was  a  he-goat.)  He  concluded  this 
writing  with  words  which  well  express  the 
writer's  character — "  Love  for  all  men,  but 
fear  of  none  !"145 

While  new  friends  and  new  enemies  came 
forth,  some  earlier  friends  began  to  show  signs 
of  estrangement  from  Luther.  Staupitz,  by 
whose  means  the  Reformer  had  emerged  from 
the  obscurity  of  the  cloister  of  Erfurth,  began 
to  evince  some  coldness  towards  him.  Luther 
rose  to  an  elevation  of  views  whither  Staupitz 
was  not  able  to  follow  him.  "  You  abandon 
me,"  wrote  Luther  to  him;  "I  have  been  all 
this  day  grieving  like  a  weaned  child.146! 
dreamed  of  you  last  night,"  continues  the  Re- 
former. "  I  thought  you  were  taking  leave 
of  me,  and  I  was  weeping  and  sobbing  bitter- 
ly; but  I  thought  you  put  out  your  hand  to 
me  and  bade  me  be  tranquil,  for  you  would 
return  to  me  again." 

The  peacemaker,  Miltitz,  resolved  to  make 
another  effort  to  calm  the  minds  of  the  dispu- 
tants. But  what  influence  could  be  had  over 
20 


men  still  agitated  by  the  feeling  of  conflict? 
His  endeavours  wrere  unavailing.  He  pre- 
sented the  famous  Golden  Rose  to  the  Elector, 
and  the  prince  did  not  give  himself  the  trouble 
even  to  receive  it  in  person.147  Frederic  well 
knew  the  artifices  of  Rome ;  it  was  useless, 
therefore,  to  think  any  longer  ofdeceiving  him.148 

Far  from  giving  ground,  Luther  continued 
to  advance.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  struck 
one  of  his  heaviest  blows  against  prevailing 
error,  by  publishing  his  first  Commentary  on 
the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians.*  The  second 
commentary  undoubtedly  surpassed  the  first: 
but  even  in  this  he  set  forth  with  great  power 
the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith.  Every 
word  of  the  new  apostle  was  full  of  life,  and 
God  made  use  of  him  as  an  instrument  to  in- 
troduce the  knowledge  of  himself  into  the 
hearts  of  the  people.  "  Christ  has  given  Him- 
self for  our  sins,"  said  Luther  to  his  contem- 
poraries:149'^! is  not  silver  or  gold  that  he  has 
given  for  us ;  it  is  not  a  man ;  it  is  not  the 
host  of  angels;  it  is  Himself,  without  whom 
nothing  is  great,  that  he  has  given.  And  this 
incomparable  treasure  he  has  given  for  our 
sins!  Where  now  are  those  who  proudly 
boast  the  power  of  our  will  1 — where  are  the 
precepts  of  moral  philosophy  1 — where  the 
power  and  the  obligation  of  the  law  ?  Since 
our  sins  are  so  great  that  nothing  less  than  a 
ransom  so  stupendous  could  remove  them, 
shall  we  still  seek  to  attain  unto  righteousness 
by  the  strength  of  our  will,  by  the  force  of 
law,  by  the  doctrines  of  men  1  What  use  can 
we  have  of  all  these  subtleties  and  delusions'? 
Alas !  they  could  but  cover  our  iniquities  with 
a  cloak  of  lies,  and  make  us  hypocrites  beyond 
the  reach  of  salvation." 

But  while  Luther  proved  that  there  is  no 
salvation  for  man  but  in  Christ,  he  showed, 
also,  that  this  salvation  changes  the  heart  of 
man,  and  makes  him  abound  in  good  works. 
"  He  who  has  truly  heard  the  word  of  Christ 
and  keeps  it,  is  thenceforward  clothed  with  the 
spirit  of  charity.  If  thou  lovest  him  who  hath 
made  thee  a  present  of  twenty  florins,  or  ren- 
dered thee  any  service,  or  testified  in  any  other 
way  his  affection  towards  you,  how  much 
more  shouldestthou  love  Him  who  hath  given 
for  thee,  not  gold  or  silver,  but  himself,-  who 
hath  received  for  thee  so  many  wounds ;  who 
hath  undergone  for  thy  sake  an  agony  and 
sweat  of  blood ;  who  in  thy  stead  hath  suf- 
fered death  ;  in  a  word,  who,  in  discharge  of 
thy  sins,  hath  swallowed  up  death,  and  ac- 

;uired  for  thee  a  Father  in  heaven,  full  of  love ! 
f  thou  dost  not  love  him,  thy  heart  hath  not 
entered  into  or  understood  the  things  which 
he  hath  done;  thou  hast  not  believed  them; 
for  faith  worketh  by  love." — "This  epistle  is 
my  epistle,"  said  Luther,  speaking  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Galatians ;  "  I  have  espoused  it." 
His  adversaries  did  but  hasten  his  progress. 
Without  them  it  would  have  been  more  gra- 
dual. Eck  provoked  against  him  at  this  period 
a  new  attack  on  the  part  of  the  Franciscans 
of  Juterbok.  Luther,  in  his  answer,  not  satis- 


September,  1519. 


148 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


fied  with  repeating  what  he  had  already  taught,  I 
attacked  some  errors  which  he  had  recently 
discovered.150"!  should  be  glad  to  be  inform- 
ed," said  he,  "  where,  in  the  Scripture,  the 
power  of  canonizing  saints  has  been  given  to 
the  Popes ;  and  also  what  necessity,  what  use 
there  can  be  in  canonizing  them."  "For 
aught  it  matters,"  he  added,  ironically,  "let 
them  go  on  canonizing  to  their  heart's  con- 
tent."151 

These  new  attacks  of  Luther  remained  un- 
answered. The  infatuation  of  his  enemies 
favoured  him  as  much  as  his  own  courage. 
They  contended,  with  much  warmth  and  pas- 
sion, for  things  that  were  at  most  but  second- 
ary and  subordinate  opinions;  and  when 
Luther  assailed  the  very  foundations  of  the 
Romish  doctrine,  they  saw  them  struck  with- 
out uttering  a  word.  They  exerted  themselves 
to  defend  some  advanced  outworks  at  the  very 
time  that  their  intrepid  adversary  was  pene- 
trating into  the  citadel,  and  planting  there  the 
standard  of  the  truth.  Hence  they  were  after- 
wards much  astonished  to  see  the  fortress, 
of  which  they  had  constituted  themselves  the 
defenders,  undermined,  on  fire,  and  sinking  in 
the  midst  of  the  flames,  while  they  thought  it 
impregnable,  and  were  braving  the  besiegers. 
It  is  the  ordinary  course  in  such  catastrophes. 

The  Sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper  began 
now  to  occupy  the  thoughts  of  Luther.  He 
sought  in  vain  to  find  this  holy  Supper  in  the 
Mass.  One  day  (it  was  a  short  time  after  his 
return  from  Leipsic)  he  ascended  the  pulpit. 
Let  us  pay  attention  to  his  words,  for  they  are 
the  first  he  uttered  on  a  subject  which  has 
since  divided  the  Reformed  Church  into  two 
parties.  "  There  are  three  things,"  said  he, 
"  necessary  to  be  understood  in  the  holy  sacra- 
ment of  the  altar:  the  sign,  which  must  be 
external,  visible,  and  under  a  corporeal  form : 
the  thing  signified,  which  is  internal,  spiritual, 
and  within  the  soul  of  man;  and  Faith,  which 
uses  both."152 If  definitions  had  been  carried 
no  further,  the  unity  of  the  Church  would  not 
have  been  destroyed.  Luther  continued : 

"It  would  be  well  if  the  Church,  in  a  gene- 
ral council,  would  order  the  sacrament  to  be 
administered  in  *  both  kinds'  to  all  believers; 
not,  however,  that  one  kind  would  not  be  suf- 
ficient, for  Faith  of  itself  would  suffice." 

These  bold  words  pleased  his  hearers.  Some, 
however,  were  surprised  and  angry.  "  It  is 
false,"  said  they;  "it  is  a  scandal."153 The 
preacher  continued : 

"There  is  no  union  more  intimate,  more 
deep,  more  indivisible,  than  that  which  takes 
place  between  the  food  and  the  body  which 
the  food  nourishes.  Christ  unites  himself  to 
us  in  the  sacrament  in  such  a  manner,  that  he 
acts  as  if  he  were  identical  with  us.  Our  sins 
assail  him  .•  his  righteousness  defends  us.11 

But  Luther  was  not  satisfied  with  declar- 
ing the  truth :  he  attacked  one  of  the  funda- 
mental errors  of  Rome.154The  Romish  Church 
pretends  that  the  sacrament  operates  by  itself, 
independently  of  the  person  who  receives  it. 
Nothing  can  be  more  convenient  than  such  an 
opinion.  Hence  the  ardour  with  which  the 


sacrament  is  sought  for,  and  hence  come  the 
profits  of  the  Romish  clergy.  Luther  at- 
tacked this  doctrine,*  and  "met  it  with  its 
opposite,!  which  requires  faith  and  consent 
of  heart  in  him  who  receives  it. 

This  energetic  protest  was  calculated  to 
overthrow  the  long-established  superstitions. 
But,  strange  to  say,  no  attention  was  paid  to 
it.  Rome  passed  unnoticed  what  one  would 
have  thought  would  have  called  forth  a  shriek, 
while  she  bore  down  haughtily  on  a  remark 
Luther  had  let  fall  at  the  commencement  of 
his  discourse,  on  "  communion  in  both  kinds." 

This  discourse  having  been  published  in 
the  month  of  December,  a  cry  of  heresy  arose 
on  all  sides.  "  It  is  the  doctrine  of  Prague 
to  all  intents  and  purposes  !"  was  the  excla- 
mation at  the  court  of  Dresden,  where  the 
sermon  arrived  during  the  festival  of  Christ- 
mas: "besides  the  work  is  written  in  Ger- 
man, in  order  that  the  common  people  may 
understand  it."155The  devotion  of  the  prince 
was  disturbed,  and  on  the  third  day  of  the 
festival  he  wrote  to  his  cousin  Frederic : 
"  Since  the  publication  of  this  discourse  the 
number  of  the  Bohemians  who  receive  the 
Lord's  Supper  in  both  kinds  has  increased 
six  thousand.  Your  Luther,  instead  of  a 
simple  Wittemberg  professor,  will,  ere  long, 
be  Bishop  of  Prague,  and  an  arch-heretic." — 
"  He  is  a  Bohemian  by  birth,"  said  some, 
"  and  of  Bohemian  parents !  He  was  brought 
up  at  Prao-ue,  and  instructed  from  the  writings 
ofWiclif!" 

Luther  thought  fit  to  contradict  these  re- 
ports in  a  tract,  wherein  he  formally  gave  an 
account  of  his  origin.  "  I  was  born  at  Eisle- 
ben,"  he  said,  "and  was  baptized  in  the 
Church  of  St.  Peter.  I  never  in  my  life  was 
nearer  to  Bohemia  than  Dresden."156 

The  letter  of  Duke  George  did  not  estrange 
the  Elector  from  Luther.  A  few  days  after- 
wards, this  prince  invited  the  doctor  to  a 
splendid  banquet,  which  he  gave  to  the 
Spanish  Ambassador,  and  Luther  on  this  oc- 
casion boldly  disputed  with  the  minister  of 
Charles.157 The  Elector,  through  the  medium 
of  his  chaplain,  had  begged  him  to  defend  his 
cause  with  moderation.  "  Too  much  impru- 
dence displeases  men,"  answered  Luther  to 
Spalatin,  "  but  too  much  prudence  is  displeas- 
ing to  God.  It  is  impossible  to  make  a  stand 
for  the  Gospel  without  creating  some  disturb- 
ance and  offence.  The  word  of  God  is  a 
sword,  waging  war,  overthrowing  and  de- 
stroying; it  is  a  casting  down,  a  disturbance, 
and  comes,  as  the  prophet  Amos  says,  as  a 
bear  in  the  way,  and  as  a  lion  in  the  forest.158 
I  want  nothing  from  them.  I  ask  nothing. 
There  is  One  above  who  seeks  and  requires. 
Whether  his  requirements  be  disregarded  or 
obeyed,  affects  not  me."159 

Every  thing  announced  that  Luther  would 
soon  have  more  need  than  ever  of  faith  and 
courage.  Eck  was  forming  plans  of  ven- 
geance. Instead  of  gathering  the  laurels 


*  Known  by  the  name  of  opus  operatum. 
t  That  of  opus  operantis. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


149 


which  he  had  reckoned  upon,  the  gladiator  of 
Leipsic  had  become  the  laughing-stock  of  all 
the  men  of  sense  of  his  country.  Keen  sa- 
tires were  published  against  him.  One 
appeared  as  a  "  letter  from  some  unlearned 
Canons."  It  was  written  by  (Ecolampadius, 
and  stung  Eck  to  the  quick.  Another  was  a 
complaint  against  Eck,  probably  written  by 
the  excellent  Pirckheimer,  of  Nuremberg, 
abounding  in  a  pungency,  and  at  the  same 
time  a  dignity  of  which  nothing  but  the 
Provincial  Letters  of  Pascal  can  convey  any 
idea. 

Luther  expressed  his  displeasure  at  some 
of  these  writings.  "  It  is  better,"  said  he, 
"  to  attack  openly,  than  to  wound  from  behind 
a  hedge.'"60 

How  was  the  Chancellor  of  Ingolstadt 
deceived  in  his  calculations!  His  country- 
men abandoned  him.  He  prepared  to  cross 
the  Alps,  to  invoke  foreign  assistance.  Wher- 
ever he  went,  he  breathed  threats  against  Lu- 
ther, Melancthon,  Carlstadt,  and  even  the 
Elector  himself.  "  Judging  by  the  haughti- 
ness of  his  words,  says  the  Doctor  of  Wit- 
temberg,  "one  would  say  that  he  imagines 
himself  to  be  the  Almighty."161  Inflamed  with 


anger  and  the  thirst  for  vengeance,  Eck  took 
his  departure  for  Italy,  there  to  receive  the 
reward  of  his  asserted  triumphs,  and  to  forge 
in  the  capitol  at  Rome  mightier  bolts  than 
those  weapons  of  scholastic  controversy  which 
had  been  broken  in  his  hands. 

Luther  well  knew  the  dangers  which  this 
journey  of  his  antagonist  was  likely  to  draw 
down  on  him,  but  he  did  not  quail.  Spalatin, 
in  alarm,  urged  him  to  make  advances  to  an 
accommodation.  "  No,"  replied  Luther,  "  so 
long  as  he  challenges,  I  dare  not  withdraw 
from  the  contest.  I  commit  every  thing  to 
God,  and  give  up  my  bark  to  winds  and 
waves.  The  battle  is  the  Lord's.  Why 
will  you  fancy  that  it  is  by  peace  that  Christ 
will  advance  his  cause?  Has  not  he  him- 
self,— have  not  all  the  martyrs  after  him, 
poured  forth  their  blood  in  the  conflict  T'162 

Such,  at  the  commencement  of  the  year 
1520,  was  the  position  of  the  two  combatants 
of  Leipsic.  The  one  engaged  in  rousing  the 
power  of  the  Papacy  to  crush  his  rival.  The 
other  awaiting  the  contest  with  all  the  calm- 
ness of  one  who  seems  to  reckon  upon  peace. 
The  year  then  opening  was  destined  to  wit- 
ness the  bursting  of  the  storm. 


BOOK   VI. 


THE     ROMAN   BULL. 


1520. 


Istes  for  the  Empire— Charles— Francis  I. — The  Crown  offered  to  Frederic— Charles  elect- 
ed— Dangers — Frederic  to  the  Roman  Court — Luther's  Feelings — Melancthon's  Alarm — 
Schaumburg — Sickingen — Hiitten — Luther's  Confidence — Faith,  the  Spring  of  Works — The 
Author  of  Faith—Attack  on  the  Papacy—The  Three  Barriers— All  Christians  Priests— Corrup- 
tions of  Rome — Germany  in  Danger — Call  for  Reform — Marriage  of  Priests — The  Empire — Con- 
clusion— Success  of  the  Appeal — Rome — Policy  of  Rome — Separation — 'The  Swiss  Priest — The 
Roman  Consistory — Condemnation — Melancthon — Melancthon's  Hearth — His  Studies — Melane- 
thon's  Mother — The  Gospel  in  Italy — Luther  on  the  Mass — "  Babylonian  Captivity"  of  the 
Church — Baptism — No  other  Vows — Miltitz  at  Eisleben — Deputation  to  Luther — Conference  at 
Lichtenberg — Luther's  Letter  to  the  Pope — Union  of  Christ  and  the  Believer — Arrival  of  the  Bull 
in  Germany — The  Students  of  Leipsic — Eck  at  Erfurth — Luther's  Feelings — The  Pirckheimer 
Family — Luther — Ulric  Zwingle — Luther's  Answer — Fresh  Movements — The  Bonfire  of  Lou- 
vain — Luther's  Tranquillity — Appeal  to  a  Council — Struggle — Burning  of  the  Pope's  Bull — Lu- 
ther and  the  Academy — Luther  and  the  Pope — Melancthon  to  the  States — Luther  encourages 
his  Friends — Melancthon  to  the  Fearful — Luther's  Vocation — the  Bible  and  the  Doctors — Retrac- 
tation—Aleander  the  Nuncio— The  Nuncio  and  the  Emperor— The  Nuncio  and  the  Elector- 
Duke  John's  Son  intercedes — The  Elector  protects  Luther — The  Nuncio's  Answer — Erasmus 
in  Cologne — Erasmus  and  the  Elector — Erasmus's  Declaration — Erasmus's  Advice — The  Con- 
fessional— Luther  on  Confession — Antichrist — Luther's  Cause  gains  Strength — Satires — Ulric 
Von  Hiitten—  Carnival  at  Wittemberg— Staupitz  alarmed— Luther's  Labours— Progress  of  the 
Reformation. 


A  NEW  actor  was  about  to  appear  on  the 
stage.  It  was  the  will  of  God  that  the  monk 
of  Wittemberg  should  be  brought  face  to  face 
with  the  most  powerful  monarch  who  had 
appeared  in  Christendom  since  the  days  of 
Charlemagne.  He  made  choice  of  a  prince 
in  the  vigour  of  youth,  to  whom  every  thing 
promised  a  reign  of  long  duration,  a  prince 
•whose  sceptre  bore  sway  over  a  considerable 
part  of  the  old,  and  also  over  a  New  World, 
so  that,  according  to  a  celebrated  saying,  the  • 
sun  never  set  upon  his  vast  domains ;  and  i 


with  this  prince  he  confronted  the  humble 
Reformation,  that  had  had  its  beginning  in 
the  secret  cell  of  a  convent  at  Erfurth  in  the 
anguish  and  groans  of  a  poor  monk.  The 
history  of  this  monarch,  and  of  his  reign,  was 
destined,  apparently,  to  read  an  important 
lesson  to  the  world.  It  was  to  show  the  no- 
thingness of  all  "the  strength  of  man,"  when 
it  presumes  to  strive  against  "  the  weakness 
of  God."  Had  a  prince,  friendly  to  Luther, 
been  called  to  the  empire,  the  success  of  the 
Reformation  might  have  been  attributed  to  his 


150 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


protection.  Had  an  emperor  of  feeble  cha- 
racter filled  the  throne — even  though  he  should 
have  been  opposed  to  the  new  doctrine,  the 
success  that  attended  it  might  have  admitted 
of  explanation  by  the  weakness  of  the  reign- 
ing sovereign.  But  it  was  the  haughty  con- 
queror of  Pavia  whose  pride  was  to  be  hum- 
bled before  the  power  of  the  divine  Word; 
and  the  whole  world  was  called  to  witness 
that  he  to  whom  power  was  given  to  lead 
Francis  I.  to  the  dungeons  of  Madrid  was 
compelled  to  lay  down  the  sword  before  the 
son  of  a  poor  miner. 

The  Emperor  Maximilian  was  no  more. 
The  electors  were  assembled  at  Frankfort  to 
choose  his  successor.  This  was  a  decision  of 
high  importance  to  all  Europe  under  present 
circumstances.  All  Christendom  was  occu- 
pied with  the  election.  Maximilian  had  not 
been  what  is  called  a  great  prince ;  but  his 
memory  was  dear  to  the  people.  They  were 
fond  of  calling  to  rnind  his  ready  wit,  and 
good-nature.  Luther  often  mentioned  him  in 
conversation  with  his  friends,  and  one  day  re- 
lated the  following  sally  of  the  monarch  : 

A  mendicant  was  following  him  closely, 
asking  alms,  and  calling  him  brother;  "for," 
said  he, "  we  are  both  descended  from  the  same 
father,  Adam.  I  am  poor,"  he  continued, 
"  but  you  are  rich,  and  therefore  ought  to  as- 
sist me."  The  emperor  turned  round  at  these 
words,  and  said  :  "  Here,  take  this  penny,  go 
to  your  other  brethren,  and  if  every  one  of 
them  gives  you  as  much,  you  will  soon  be 
richer  than  I  am."1 

The  crisis  required,  for  the  Imperial  crown, 
a  prince  of  more  energy  than  the  good-natured 
Maximilian.  The  times  were  about  to  change ; 
ambitious  potentates  were  to  contest  the  throne 
of  the  Emperors  of  the  West ;  a  powerful  hand 
must  seize  the  reins  of  the  Empire,  and  long 
and  bloody  wars  must  succeed  to  a  profound 
peace. 

Three  kings  contended  at  the  diet  of  Frank- 
fort for  the  crown  of  the  Cassars.  A  young 
prince,  grandson  of  the  late  Emperor,  born  in 
the  first  year  of  the  century,  and  consequently 
nineteen  years  of  age,  was  the  first  who  pre- 
sented himself.  He  was  named  Charles,  and 
was  born  at  Ghent.  His  grandmother,  on  the 
father's  side,  Mary,  daughter  of  Charles  the 
Bold,  had  bequeathed  to  him  Flanders,  and 
the  rich  territories  of  Burgundy.  His  mother, 
Joanna,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  of  Arragon  and 
Isabella  of  Castile,  and  wife  of  Philip,  son  of 
the  Emperor  Maximilian,  had  transmitted  to 
him  the  united  crowns  of  Spain,  Naples,  and 
Sicily  :  to  which  Christopher  Columbus  had 
added  a  New  World.  The  death  of  his  grand- 
father placed  him  at  this  moment  in  possession 
of  the  hereditary  dominions  of  Austria.  This 
young  prince,  endowed  with  much  intelli- 
gence, and  amiable  when  it  pleased  him  to  be 
so,  combined  with  the  taste  for  military  exer- 
cises, in  which  the  illustrious  Dukes  of  Bur- 
gundy had  so  long  distinguished  themselves, 
the  subtlety  and  penetration  of  the  Italians, 
the  reverence  for  existing  institutions  which 
Ktill  characterizes  the  house  of  Austria,  and 


|  which  promised  a  firm  and  zealous  defender 
|  to  the  Papacy,  and  a  great  knowledge  of  pub- 
I  lie  affairs,  acquired  under  the  tutorship  of 
Chievres.  From  the  age  of  fifteen  he  had  at- 
!  tended  at  all  the  deliberations  of  his  council.2 
These  various  qualities  were  in  some  degree 
concealed  and  veiled  by  the  reserve  and  taci- 
turnity peculiar  to  the  Spanish  nation.  There 
was  something  melancholy  in  his  long  thin 
visage.  "  He  is  pious  and  silent,"  said  Lu- 
ther; "I  venture  to  say  that  he  does  not 
speak  so  much  in  a  year  as  I  do  in  a  day."3  If 
the  character  of  Charles  had  been  developed 
under  the  influence  of  liberal  and  Christian 
principles,  he  would  perhaps  have  been  one 
of  the  most  admirable  princes  recorded  in  his- 
tory ;  but  political  considerations  absorbed  his 
thoughts,  and  tarnished  his  better  qualities. 

Not  contented  with  the  many  sceptres 
gathered  together  in  his  hand,  the  young 
Charles  aspired  to  the  imperial  dignity.  "  It 
is  a  sunbeam  which  sheds  splendour  on  the 
house  it  lights  upon,"  remarked  some;  "but 
when  any  one  puts  forth  the  hand  to  lay  hold 
on  it,  he  grasps  nothing."  Charles,  on  the 
contrary,  saw  in  it  the  summit  of  all  earthly 
greatness,  and  a  means  of  obtaining  a  sort  of 
magic  influence  over  the  minds  of  the  peo- 
ple. 

Francis  I.  of  France,  was  the  second  of  the 
competitors.  The  young  paladins  of  the  court 
of  this  king,  incessantly  urged  on  him,  that 
he  ought,  like  Charlemagne,  to  be  Emperor 
of  all  the  West;  and,  following  the  example 
of  the  knights  of  old,  lead  them  against  the 
Crescent,  which  menaced  the  Empire,  strike 
the  power  of  the  infidels  to  the  dust,  and  re- 
cover the  holy  sepulchre.  "  It  is  necessary," 
said  the  ambassadors  of  Francis  to  the  Elec- 
tors, "  to  prove  to  the  dukes  of  Austria,  that 
the  imperial  crown  is  not  hereditary.  Ger- 
many has  need,  under  existing  circumstances, 
not  of  a  young  man  of  nineteen,  but  of  a  prince 
who  unites,  with  experienced  judgment,  ta- 
lents already  acknowledged.  Francis  will 
combine  the  forces  of  France  and  Lombard y, 
with  those  of  Germany,  to  make  war  upon 
the  Mussulmans.  Besides  this,  as  he  is  so- 
vereign of  the  duchy  of  Milan,  he  is  already 
a  member  of  the  Empire."  The  French  am- 
bassadors supported  these  arguments  with 
400,000  crowns,  expended  in  purchasing  suf- 
frages, and  with  entertainments,  at  which  the 
guests  were  to  be  gained  over  to  their  party. 

Lastly,  Henry  VIII.,  king  of  England,  jeal- 
ous of  the  power  which  the  choice  of  the  Elec- 
tors would  give,  either  to  Francis  or  to  Charles, 
also  entered  the  lists :  but  he  soon  left  these 
two  powerful  rivals  to  dispute  the  crown  be- 
tween them. 

The  Electors  were  disinclined  to  the  cause 
of  the  latter  candidates.  The  people  of  Ger- 
many, they  thought,  would  see  in  the  king 
of  France  a  foreign  master,  and  this  master 
might  very  likely  deprive  themselves  of  that 
independence  of  which  the  nobility  of  his  own 
dominions  had  lately  seen  themselves  stripped. 
As  for  Charles,  it  was  an  established  maxim 
with  the  Electors  not  to  choose  a  prince  al- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


151 


ready  playing  an  important  part  in  the  Empire. 
The  Pope  partook  of  their  apprehensions  from 
such  a  choice.  He  was  for  rejecting  the  king  of 
Naples,  his  neighbour,  and  the  king  of  France, 
whose  enterprising  spirit  he  dreaded.  "Choose 
rather  one  from  amongst  yourselves  ;"  was  the 
advice  he  caused  to  be  conveyed  to  the  Elec- 
tors. The  Elector  of  Treves  proposed  the 
nomination  of  Frederic  of  Saxony.  The  Im- 
perial crown  was  laid  at  the  feet  of  this  friend 
of  Luther. 

Such  a  choice  would  have  obtained  the  ap- 
probation of  all  Germany.  The  prudence  of 
Frederic  and  his  love  for  the  people  were  well 
known.  At  the  time  of  the  revolt  of  Erfurth, 
he  had  been  urged  to  take  that  town  by  assault. 
He  refused,  that  he  might  spare  the  effusion 
of  blood.  And  when  it  was  urged  that  the  as- 
sault would  not  cost  the  lives  of  five  men :  his 
answer  had  been,  "  A  single  life  would  be  too 
much."4  It  seemed  as  if  the  election  of  the 
protector  of  the  Reformation  was  on  the  point 
of  securing  its  triumph.  Ought  not  Frederic 
to  have  regarded  the  wish  of  the  Electors  as  a 
call  from  God  himself?  Who  was  better  able 
to  preside  over  the  destinies  of  the  Empire, 
than  so  prudent  a  prince  ?  Who  more  likely 
to  withstand  the  Turks  than  an  Emperor 
abounding  in  faith1?  It  may  be  that  the  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony's  refusal,  so  much  lauded  by 
historians,  was  a  fault  on  the  part  of  this 
prince.  It  may  be  that  the  struggles  by  which 
Germany  was  afterwards  torn,  are  to  be  partly 
attributed  to  this  refusal.  But  it  is  hard  to 
say,  whether  Frederic  deserves  censure  for 
want  of  faith,  or  honour  for  his  humility.  He 
judged  that  the  safety  of  the  Empire  required 
that  he  should  refuse  the  crown.5  "  There  is 
need  of  an  Emperor  more  powerful  than  my- 
self to  save  Germany ;"  said  this  modest  and 
disinterested  prince :  "  the  Turk  is  at  our 
gates.  The  king  of  Spain,  whose  hereditary 
possessions  (in  Austria)  border  on  the  me- 
naced frontier,  is  its  natural  defender." 

The  Legate  of  Rome,  seeing  that  Charles 
was  about  to  be  chosen,  declared  that  the  Pope 
withdrew  his  objections;  and  on  the  28th  of 
June  the  grandson  of  Maximilian  was  elected. 
44  God,"  said  Frederic  at  a  subsequent  period, 
44  has  given  him  to  us  in  mercy  and  in  dis- 
pleasure."6 The  Spanish  envoys  offered  30,000 
gold  florins  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  as  a  mark 
of  their  master's  gratitude ;  but  this  prince  re- 
fused the  gift,  and  prohibited  his  ministers 
from  accepting  any  present.  At  the  same  time, 
he  contributed  to  the  security  of  the  liberties 
of  Germany,  by  a  treaty  to  which  the  envoys 
of  Charles  swore  in  his  name.  The  circum- 
stances under  which  the  latter  assumed  the 
Imperial  crown  seemed  to  give  a  stronger 
pledge  than  these  oaths  in  favour  of  German 
liberty  and  of  the  continued  progress  of  the 
Reformation.  The  young  prince  felt  himself 
cast  into  shade  by  the  laurels  which  his  rival, 
Francis  I.,  had  gathered  at  Marignan.  Their 
rivalry  was  to  be  continued  in  Italy,  and  the 
time  it  would  occupy  would,  doubtless,  be 
sufficient  to  strengthen  and  confirm  the  Re- 
formation. Charles  quitted  Spain  in  May, 


1520,  and  was  crowned  on  the  22d  of  October 
at  Aix-la-Chappelle. 

Luther  had  foreseen  that  the  cause  of  the 
Reformation  would,  ere  long,  have  to  be  plead- 
ed before  the  Emperor.  He  wrote  to  Charles, 
while  this  prince  was  still  at  Madrid.  "If 
the  cause  which  I  defend,"  said  he  to  him,  "is 
worthy  of  appearing  before  the  throne  of  the 
Majesty  of  heaven,  it  is  surely  not  unworthy 
of  engaging  the  attention  of  a  prince  of  this 
world.  O  Charles!  thou  prince  among  the 
kings  of  the  earth  !  I  throw  myself  as  a  sup- 
pliant at  the  feet  of  your  Most  Serene  Majesty, 
and  conjure  you  to  deign  to  receive  under  the 
shadow  of  your  wings,  not  me,  but  the  very 
cause  of  that  eternal  truth,  for  the  defence  of 
which  God  has  intrusted  you  with  the  sword."7 
The  young  king  of  Spain  treated  this  strange 
letter  from  a  German  monk  with  neglect,  and 
gave  no  answer. 

While  Luther  was  in  vain  turning  his  eyes 
towards  Madrid  the  storm  seemed  to  increase 
around  him.  The  flame  of  fanaticism  was 
kindled  in  Germany.  Hochstraten,  never 
weary  in  attempts  at  persecution,  had  extract- 
ed certain  theses  from  the  writings  of  Luther. 
The  universities  of  Cologne  and  of  Louvain 
had,  at  his  solicitation,  condemned  these 
works.  That  of  Erfurth,  still  retaining  an 
angry  recollection  of  Luther's  preference  of 
Wittemberg,  was  about  to  follow  their  ex- 
ample; but  Luther,  on  learning  their  inten- 
tion, wrote  to  Lange  in  such  str.ong  terms, 
that  the  theologians  of  Erfurth  were  alarmed 
and  kept  silence.  The  condemnation,  pro- 
nounced at  Cologne  and  Louvain,  was  suffi- 
cient, however,  to  produce  great  excitement. 
Add  to  this  that  the  priests  of  Meissen,  who 
had  taken  part  with  Emser  in  his  quarrel, 
openly  declared  (according  to  the  statement 
of  Melancthon)  that  whosoever  should  kill 
Luther  would  be  without  sin.8  **  The  time  is 
come,"  says  Luther,  "in  which  men  will 
think  they  do  service  to  Jesus  Christ  in  put- 
ting us  to  death."  These  murderous  sugges- 
tions, as  might  have  been  expected,  produced 
their  natural  results. 

While  Luther  was  walking  one  day  before 
the  monastery  of  the  Augustines,  says  one  of 
his  biographers,  a  stranger,  having  a  pistol 
concealed  in  his  sleeve,  approached,  and  said 
to  him:  why  do  you  go  thus  alone1?"  "  I 
am  in  the  hands  of  God,"  answered  Luther; 
"he  is  my  strength  and  shield.  What  can 
man  do  unto  me  V9  Hereupon,  adds  the  histo- 
rian, the  stranger  turned  pale,  ancl  fled  trem 
bling.  Serra  Longa,  the  orator  of  the  con- 
ference of  Augsburg,  wrote  about  the  same 
time  to  the  Elector:  "Let  not  Luther  find  an 
asylum  in  yourHighness's  territories ;  let  him 
be  everywhere  driven  and  stoned  in  open  day : 
that  will  rejoice  me  more  than  if  you  were  to 
give  me  10,000  crowns."10 

It  was,  however,  on  the  side  of  Rome  that 
the  storm  was  chiefly  gathering.  A  nobleman 
of  Thuringia,  Valentine  Teutleben,  vicar  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  and  a  zealous  parti- 
san of  the  Papacy,  was  the  representative  of 
the  Elector  of  Saxony  at  Rome.  Teutleben, 
O 


152 


HISTORY    OP   THE   REFORMATION. 


scandalized  at  the  protection  which  his  master 
granted  to  the  heretical  monk,  saw  with  vexa- 
tion and  impatience  his  mission  paralyzed  by 
this,  as  he  thought,  imprudent  conduct.  He 
imagined  that  by  alarming  the  elector  he 
should  induce  him  to  abandon  the  rebellious 
theologian.  "  I  can  get  no  hearing,"  wrote 
he,  "on  account  of  the  protection  which  you 
grant  to  Luther."  But  the  Romanists  were 
deceived,  if  they  thought  to  intimidate  the 
prudent  Frederic.  This  prince  knew  that  the 
will  of  God  and  the  voice  of  the  people  were 
more  irresistible  than  decrees  of  the  papal 
court.  He  directed  his  ambassador  to  inti- 
mate to  the  Pope,  that  far  from  defending 
Luther,  he  had  always  left  him  to  defend 
himself;  that  he  had  already  requested  him 
to  quit  the  university,  and  even  Saxony; 
that  the  doctor  had  declared  himself  ready  to 
obey,  and  would  not  have  been  then  in  the 
electoral  states,  had  not  the  Legate  himself, 
Charles  Miltitz,  begged  the  prince  to  keep 
him  near  his  own  person,  lest,  repairing  to 
other  countries,  Luther  should  act  with  more 
liberty  than  in  Saxony  itself.11  Frederic  did 
still  more :  he  wished  to  open  the  eyes  of 
Rome.  "  Germany,"  continued  he,  in  his 
letter,  "possesses  a  great  number  of  learned 
men,  well  acquainted  with  languages  and 
sciences ;  the  laity  themselves  are  beginning 
to  be  enlightened,  and  to  be  fond  of  the  sacred 
writings;  and  if  the  reasonable  terms  of  Dr. 
Luther  are-refused  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that 
peace  will  never  be  re-established.  The  doc- 
trine of  Luther  has  taken  deep  root  in  many 
hearts.  If,  instead  of  refuting  it  by  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Bible,  attempts  are  made  to  crush 
it  by  the  thunders  of  the  Church,  great  of- 
fence will  be  occasioned,  and  terrible  and 
dangerous  rebellions  will  be  excited."12 

The  elector,  placing  confidence  in  Luther, 
caused  the  letter  of  Teutleben,  as  well  as  an- 
other which  he  had  received  from  the  Cardinal 
St.  George,  to  be  communicated  to  him.  The 
Reformer  was  much  moved  on  reading  them. 
He  saw  at  once  all  the  dangers  that  surround- 
ed him,  and  his  mind  was  for  an  instant  over- 
whelmed. But  it  was  at  such  moments  that 
his  faith  broke  forth,  and  manifested  itself  in 
all  its  strength.  Often  weak  and  ready  to 
fall  into  despondency,  he  was  seen  to  rise  and 
appear  greater  in  the  midst  of  the  storm.  He 
would  gladly  have  been  delivered  from  so 
many  trials,  but  he  knew  well  at  what  price 
peace  was  offered  to  him,  and  he  indignantly 
rejected  it.  "Hold  my  peace!"  said  he;  "I 
am  willing  to  do  so,  if  they  will  permit  me, 
that  is  to  say,  if  they  will  silence  others.  If  any 
one  envies  me  my  appointments,  let  him  take 
them ;  if  any  one  desires  the  destruction  of 
my  writings,  let  him  burn  them.  I  am  ready 
to  keep  silence,  provided  it  be  not  required 
that  evangelical. truth  should  stand  still.13  I 
ask  for  no  cardinal's  hat,  nor  gold,  nor  any 
thing  else  that  Rome  values.  I  will  make 
any  sacrifices;  so  that  the  way  of  salvation 
is  left  open  to  Christians.14  All  their  threats 
do  not  terrify  me,  all  their  promises  cannot 
seduce  me." 


Wanned  by  these  feelings,  Luther  soon 
recovered  his  disposition  for  action,  and  chose 
the  Christian's  conflict  rather  than  the  calm 
of  the  recluse.  One  night  sufficed  to  repro- 
duce in  his  mind  the  desire  to  overthrow  the 
power  of  Rome.  "  My  resolution  is  taken," 
he  wrote  next  morning:  "  I  despise  alike  the 
rage  and  the  favour  of  Rome.  Away  with  re- 
conciliation! I  desire  never  more  to  have  any 
communication  with  her.15  Let  her  condemn 
— let  her  burn  my  writings!  In  my  turn,  I 
will  condemn  and  publicly  burn  the  canon 
law,  that  nest  of  all  heresies.  My  modera- 
tion hitherto  has  been  useless;  and  I  re- 
nounce it." 

His  friends  were  very  far  from  being  so 
confident.  The  consternation  was  great  at 
Wittemberg.  "Our  expectation  is  on  the 
stretch,"  said  Melancthon.  "I  would  rather 
die  than  be  separated  from  Luther.16  If  God 
does  not  send  us  help  we  perish."  "  Our 
Luther  is  still  alive,"  wrote  he  a  month  after- 
wards in  his  anxiety ;  "  God  grant  that  he 
may  yet  live  long !  for  the  Romish  sycophants 
leave  no  stone  unturned  for  his  destruction. 
Pray  for  the  preservation  of  the  intrepid  vindi- 
cator of  sacred  learning."17 

These  prayers  were  heard.  The  warnings 
which  the  Elector  had  addressed  to  Rome 
through  the  medium  of  his  representative 
were  not  without  foundation.  The  preaching 
of  Luther  had  resounded  far  and  wide  ;  in  cot- 
tages, in  convents,  in  the  houses  of  the  citi- 
zens, in  the  castles  of  the  nobles,  in  the  acade- 
mies, and  in  the  palaces  of  kings.  "Let  my 
life,"  he  had  said  to  Duke  John  of  Saxony,  »*  be 
found  to  bear  fruit  only  in  the  conversion  of 
one  man,  and  I  shall  willingly  consent  that 
all  my  books  should  perish."18  It  was  not  a 
single  individual,  it  was  a  great  multitude, 
that  had  discovered  light  in  the  writings  of 
the  humble  doctor.  Accordingly,  everywhere 
men  were  found  ready  to  protect  him.  The 
sword,  intended  for  his  destruction,  was  being 
forged  in  the  Vatican ;  but  heroes  were  arising 
in  Germany  who  would  defend  him  at  hazard 
of  their  own  lives.  At  the  moment  when  the 
bishops  were  chafing  with  anger,  when  the 
princes  kept  silence,  when  the  people  were  in 
expectation,  and  the  thunders  were  already 
rolling  above  the  seven  hills,  God  stirred  up 
the  German  nobility  to  form  a  bulwark  for 
his  servant. 

Sylvester  of  Schaumburg,  one  of  the  most 
powerful  knights  of  Franconia,  at  this  junc- 
ture sent  his  son  to  Wittemberg  with  a  letter 
for  the  Reformer.  "  Your  life  is  in  danger," 
wrote  Schaumburg.  "If  the  assistance  of 
the  electors,  of  the  princes,  or  of  the  magis- 
trates should  fail  you,  beware,  I  entreat  you,  of 
seeking  refuge  in  Bohemia,  where  learned  men 
have  formerly  had  so  much  to  endure;  come 
rather  to  me.  I  shall  soon,  God  willing,  have 
collected  above  a  hundred  gentlemen,  and  with 
their  help  I  shall  be  able  to  preserve  you  from 
all  peril."19 

Francis  of  Sickingen,  that  hero  of  his  age,29 
whose  intrepid  courage  we  have  already  seen, 
loved  the  Reformer,  both  because  he  thought 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


153 


him  worthy  to  be  loved,  and  also  because  he 
was  hated  by  the  monks.  "  My  services,  my 
possessions,  and  my  person,  in  short  every 
thing  which  1  have,"  he  wrote,  "  is  at  your  dis- 
posal. You  are  resolved  to  stand  up  for  the 
truth  of  the  Gospel.  I  am  ready  to  lend  my 
aid  in  that  work."21  Harmuth  of  Cronberg 
held  the  same  language.  Lastly,  Ulric  of 
Hiitten,  the  poet  and  valiant  knight  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  took  every  occasion  to  speak 
out  in  favour  of  Luther.  But  what  a  contrast 
between  these  two  men!  Hiitten  wrote  to 
the  Reformer:  "  We  want  swords,  bows,  ja- 
velins, and  bombs,  in  order  to  repel  the  fury 
of  the  devil."  Luther  on  receiving  these  let- 
ters exclaimed,  "  I  will  not  resort  to  arms  and 
bloodshed  for  the  defence  of  the  Gospel.  It  is 
by  the  preaching  of  the  Word  that  the  world 
has  been  conquered  ;  by  the  Word  the  Church 
has  been  saved  ;  by  the  Word,  also,  it  will  be 
restored."  "  I  do  not  despise  his  offer,"  said 
he  again  on  receiving  the  letter  of  Sehaumburg 
which  we  have  mentioned,  "  but  I  will  de- 
pend on  none  but  Christ  alone."22  Not  thus 
had  Roman  Pontiffs  spoken  when  they  waded 
in  the  blood  of  the  W'aldenses  and  Albigenses. 
Hiitten  was  conscious  of  the  difference  be- 
tween Luther's  object  and  his  own ;  and  ac- 
cordingly wrote  thus  nobly  to  him  on  the  sub- 
ject: **  My  thoughts  are  running  on  earthly 
aims,  while  you,  contemning  such  things,  are 
devoted  to  the  things  of  God  alone  ;'?23and 
forthwith  he  set  out  to  endeavour,  if  possible, 
to  o-ain  over  to  the  cause  of  truth  Ferdinand 
and  Charles  V.24 

Thus  at  one  moment  the  enemies  of  Lu- 
ther overwhelmed  him,  and  at  another  his 
friends  arise  in  his  defence.  "  My  bark,"  says 
he,  "is  driven  at  the  mercy  of  the  winds, — 
fear  and  hope  alternately  prevail ;  but  what 
does  it  signify  T'25  Nevertheless  the  testimo- 
nies of  sympathy  which  he  received  were  not 
without  their  effect  upon  his  mind.  "The  Lord 
reigns,"  he  said;  "I  see  His  hand  palpably 
present."26  Luther  felt  that  he  no  longer  stood 
alone;  his  words  had  borne  fruit, — and  this 
thought  inspired  him  with  fresh  courage.  The 
fear  of  compromising  the  interest  of  the  Elec- 
tor could  no  longer  keep  him  in  check,  now 
that  he  felt  that  he  had  other  defenders  pre- 
pared to  brave  the  anger  of  Rome.  He  became 
consequently  more  free,  and,  if  possible,  more 
resolute.  This  is  an  important  epoch  in  the 
development  of  Luther's  character.  "It  is 
right  that  Rome  should  understand,"  wrote 
he  at  this  time  to  the  chaplain  of  the  Elector, 
"that  although  she  should  succeed  in  obtain- 
ing by  her  threats  my  expulsion  from  Wittern- 
berg,  she  would  only  injure  her  own  cause. 
Not  in  Bohemia,  but  in  the  heart  of  Germany, 
are  those  who  are  ready  to  defend  me  against 
the  thunders  of  Papacy.  If  I  have  not  yet 
brought  to  bear  upon  my  adversaries  alt  that 
I  am  preparing  for  them,  it  is  neither  to  my 
moderation  nor  to  the  weight  of  their  tyranny 
that  they  are  to  attribute  my  forbearance,  but 
to  the  name  of  the  Elector  and  to  the  interests 
of  the  university  of  Wittemberg,  which  I 
feared  to  compromise;  now  that  such  fears 


are  dissipated  I  am  about  to  re-double  my  ef- 
forts against  Rome  and  her  courtiers.27 

Yet  it  was  not  so  much  on  the  great  the  Re- 
former relied.  He  had  often  been  urged  to  dedi- 
cate one  of  his  books  to  Duke  John,  brother 
of  the  Elector,  but  had  abstained  from  doing 
so.  "  I  fear,"  he  said,  "  lest  this  suggestion 
may  proceed  from  himself.  The  Holy  Scrip- 
tures ought  not  to  minister  to  the  glory  of  any 
other  name  but  that  of  God."28  Luther  now 
shook  off  these  fears,  and  dedicated  to  Duke 
John  his  discourse  on  Good  Works.  Of  all 
his  writings,  this  is  the  one  in  which  the  Re- 
former most  powerfully  opens  the  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith,  that  great  truth,  whose 
power  he  estimates  far  above  the  sword  of 
Hiitten,  the  armed  bands  of  Sickingen,  or  the 
favour  of  dukes  or  electors. 

"The  first,  the  noblest,  and  the  greatest  of 
all  works,"  says  he,  "  isfaiihin  Jesus  Christ.29 
From  this  work  all  others  must  flow.  They 
are  all  but  the  vassals  of  faith,  and  receive 
from  it  alone  all  their  efficacy." 

"If  a  man  but  feel  in  his  heart  the  assu- 
rance that  what  he  does  is  acceptable  to  God, 
his  action  is  good,  though  he  should  but  raise 
a  straw  from  the  earth  ;  but  if  he  has  riot  this 
confidence,  his  action  is  not  a  good  work, 
even  though  he  should  raise  the  dead  to  life. 
A  Heathen,  a  Jew,  a  Turk,  a  sinner,  may  do 
all  other  works ;  but  to  put  one's  trust  in  God, 
and  have  assurance  that  we  are  accepted  by 
him,  is  what  none  but  the  Christian  standing 
in  grace  is  capable  of  doing." 

"  A  Christian  who  has  faith  in  God  does 
all  with  liberty  and  joy  :  while  that  man  who 
is  not  at  one  with  God,  is  full  of  cares  and 
under  bondage;  he  inquires  anxiously  what 
amount  of  good  works  is  required  of  him;  he 
turns  to  ask  of  this  man  or  another,  finding  no 
rest  for  his  soul,  and  doing  every  thing  with 
fear  and  dissatisfaction." 

"  Therefore  it  is  that  I  have  ever  held  up 
the  necessity  of  Faith.  But  in  the  world 
around  me  it  is  otherwise.  There  the  essen- 
tial thing  is  represented  to  be  the  having  many 
works,  works  of  high  fame  and  of  all  degrees, 
without  regarding  whether  they  are  done  in 
faith.  Thus  they  build  up  their  peace,  not  on 
the  good  pleasure  of  God,  but  on  their  own 
merits,  or  in  other  words  on  the  sand."  (Matt, 
vii.  26.) 

"It  is  said  that  to  preach  faith,  is  to  dis- 
courage good  works ;  but  though  a  man  should 
have  in  himself  the  combined  strength  of  all 
his  race,  or  even  of  all  created  beings,  this  one 
duty  of  the  life  of  faith  would  be  a  task  too 
great  to  be  ever  performed.  If  I  say  to  a  sick 
man:  'resume  your  health, and  you  will  have 
the  use  of  your  limbs,'  can  it  be  said  that  I 
forbid  him  to  use  his  limbs  ?  Must  not  health 
precede  labour  ?  It  is  the  same  when  we  preach 
faith  :  faith  must  go  before  works,  in  order  to 
good  works." 

"  Where  then,  you  will  say,  is  this  faith  to 
be  found,  and  how  is  it  to  be  received?  Truly, 
this  is  what  most  concerns  us  to  know.  Faith 
comes  from  Jesus  Christ  alone,  promised  and 
given  freely." 


154 


HISTORY   OF   THE  REFORMATION. 


44  0  man  !  consider  Christ,  and  see  in  him  1  overturns  and  destroys  it.  Frederic  I.,  Fre- 
how  God  displays  his  mercy  towards  thee  I  deric  II.,  and  many  other  emperors  besides, 
without  any  worthiness  of  thine  going  before.35  before  whom  the  world  stood  in  awe,  have 
Draw  from  this  discovery  of  His  grace  the  be- 
lief and  assurance  that  all  thy  sins  are  forgiven 
thee.  Works  never  could  produce  this  faith. 
It  flows  in  the  blood, — from  the  wounds  and 


death  of  Christ.  It  springs  up,  from  that 
source,  to  rejoice  our  hearts.  Christ  is  the 
rock  whence  flow  our  milk  and  honey."  (Deut. 
xxxii.) 

Not  being  able  to  notice  all  the  works  of 
Luther,  we  here  quote  some  short  extracts 
from  this  discourse  on  Good  Works,  on  ac- 
count of  the  Reformer's  own  opinion  of  it. 
*'  In  my  opinion,"  said  he,  "it  is  the  best  of 
my  published  writings,"  and  he  immediately 
adds  this  deep  reflection:  "  But  I  know  that 
when  I  please  myself  with  what  I  write,  the 
infection  of  that  bad  leaven  hinders  it  from 
pleasing  others."31  Melancthon,  in  transmit- 
ting this  discourse  to  a  friend,  accompanied 
it  with  these  words  :  "  No  one  among  all  the 
Greek  and  Latin  writers  has  come  nearer  to 
the  spirit  of  St.  Paul  than  Luther."32 

But  besides  the  substitution  of  a  scheme  of 
merits  in  place  of  the  grand  truth  of  grace 
and  amnesty,  another  evil  had  grown  up  in 
the  Church.  A  haughty  power  had  arisen  in 
the  midst  of  the  humble  shepherds  of  Christ's 
flock.  Luther  resolved  to  attack  this  usurped 
authority.  In  the  midst  of  all  his  troubles, 
he  had  privately  studied  the  rise,  progress, 
and  usurpations  of  the  Papacy.  The  dis- 
coveries he  had  made  had  filled  him  with 
amazement.  He  no  longer  hesitated  to  make 
them  known,  and  to  strike  the  blow  which, 
like  the  rod  of  Moses  in  old  time,  was  to 
awaken  a  people  that  had  long  slumbered  in 
bondage.  Even  before  Rome  could  find  time 
to  publish  her  formidable  bull,  he  himself 
hurled  against  her  a  declaration  of  war.  "  The 
*  time  to  be  silent'  is  past,"  he  exclaims; 
"the  'time  to  speak'  is  arrived."  On  the 
23d  of  June,  1520,  he  published  the  celebrated 
Appeal  to  his  Imperial  Majesty  and  the  Chris- 
tian nobility  of  the  German  nation,  concerning 
the  Reformation  of  Christianity.^ 

"  It  is  not  rashly  and  without  consideration," 
said  he,  in  the  commencement  of  this  appeal, 
44  that  I,  a  man  of  the  common  people,  take 
upon  himself  to  address  your  highnesses. 
The  misery  and  oppression  which  at  this  hour 
weigh  down  all  Christian  states,  and  more 
especially  Germany,  wring  from  me  a  cry  of 
distress.  I  find  myself  compelled  to  call  for 
help  ;  I  must  see  if  God  will  not  give  his 
Spirit  to  some  one  or  other  of  our  country- 
men, and  thus  stretch  forth  his  hand  to  save 
our  wretched  nation.  God  has  placed  over 
us  a  young  and  generous  prince  (the  Empe- 
thus 


been  trampled  under  foot  by  the  Popes,  be- 
cause they  trusted  in  their  own  strength  rather 
than  in  God.  Therefore  they  could  not  suc- 
ceed. It  is  against  the  power  of  hell  that  we 
have  to  contend  in  this  struggle.  We  must 
set  about  the  work,  hoping  nothing  from  the 
strength  of  our  own  arms,  and  depending 
humbly  on  the  Lord ;  looking  to  the  present 
distress  of  Christians,  instead  of  dwelling  on 
the  acts  of  evil  doers.  Take  but  another 
course,  and  though  the  work  may  seem  to 
prosper  for  a  while,  all  of  a  sudden,  in  the 
very  height  of  the  struggle,  confusion  will 
come  in,  evil  men  will  cause  boundless  dis- 
asters, and  the  world  will  be  deluged  with 
blood.  The  greater  our  power,  the  greater 
our  danger  if  we  walk  not  in  the  fear  of  the 
Lord." 

After  this  exordium,  Luther  continued  as 
follows : 

44  The  Romanists  have  raised  three  barriers 
against  all  reformation.  When  the  temporal 
power  has  attacked  them,  they  have  denied 
its  authority,  and  asserted  that  the  spiritual 
power  was  superior  to  it.  When  any  one 
rebuked  them  out  of  the  Scripture,  they  have 
answered,  that  no  one  but  the  Pope  was  able 
to  interpret  Scripture.  WThen  they  have  been 
threatened  with  a  council,  the  reply  has  been, 
no  one  but  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  has  autho- 
rity to  convoke  a  council." 

44  They  have  thus  wrested  from  our  hands 
the  three  rods  destined  to  correct  them,  and 
have  given  the  rein  to  all  evil.  But  now, 
God  help  us,  and  give  us  one  of  those  trum- 
pets which  overthrew  the  walls  of  Jericho ! 
With  the  breath  of  our  lips,  let  us  throw 
down  the  paper  walls,  which  the  Romanists 
have  .built  around  them,  and  lift  up  the 
scourges  which  punish  the  wicked,  by  ex- 
posing the  wiles  and  stratagems  of  the  devil." 

Luther  then  begins  the  assault.  He  shakes 
to  its  very  foundation  that  papal  monarchy 
which  had  for  centuries  past  banded  together 
the  nations  of  the  West  under  the  sceptre  of 
the  Roman  bishop.  That  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  a  priestly  caste,  is  the  truth,  hidden 
from  the  church  even  from  its  first  ages, 
which  he  powerfully  sets  forth  at  the  outset: 

44  It  has  been  said,  that  the  Pope,  the  bish- 
ops, the  priests,  and  those  who  dwell  in  the 
convents,  form  the  spiritual  or  ecclesiastical 
state ;  and  that  the  princes,  nobles,  citizens, 
and  peasants,  form  the  secular  state  or  laity. 
This  is  a  fine  story,  truly.  Let  no  one,  how- 
ever, be  alarmed  by  it.  Jill  Christians  belong 
to  the  spiritual  state ;  and  there  is  no  other  dif- 
ference between  them  than  that  of  the  functions 
which  they  discharge.  We  have  all  one 


ror   Charles   V.,)   and    has    thus  filled 

hearts  with  high  hopes.34  But  we  ourselves  baptism,  one  faith,  and  it  is  this  which  consti- 
must,  on  our  parts,  do  all  that  is  possible  for  i  tutes  the  spiritual  man.  The  unction,  the 
us  to  do.  tonsure,  ordination,  consecration  by  the  bishop 

44  Now,  it  is  of  the  very  first  necessity,  that  or  the  pope,  may  make  a  hypocrite,  but  never 
we  do  not  at  all  rely  upon  our  own  strength,  a  spiritual  man.  We  are  all  alike  consecrated 
or  our  own  wisdom.  If  we  begin  even  a  '  priests  by  baptism,  as  St.  Peter  says  :  4  Ye 
good  work  with  confidence  in  ourselves,  God  are  priests  and  kings  j'  although,  it  does  not 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


155 


belong  to  all  to  exercise  such  offices,  for  none 
can  take  to  himself  that  which  is  common  to 
all,  without  the  consent  of  the  community. 
But  if  we  were  without  this  consecration 
from  God,  the  Pope's  unction  could  never 
constitute  a  priest.  If  a  king  had  ten  sons  of 
equal  claim  to  the  inheritance,  and  they  should 
choose  one  of  their  number  to  act  for  them, 
they  would  all  be  kings,  though  only  one  of 
them  would  administer  their  common  power. 
The  case  is  the  same  with  the  Church.  If 
any  pious  laymen  were  banished  to  a  desert, 
and,  having  no  regularly  consecrated  priest 
among  them,  were  to  agree  to  choose  for  that 
office  one  of  their  number,  married  or  unmar- 
ried, this  man  would  be  as  truly  a  priest  as 
if  he  had  been  consecrated  by  all  the  bishops 
in  the  world.  Augustine,  Ambrose,  and  Cy- 
prian were  chosen  in  this  manner. 

"Hence  it  follows  that  laity  and  priests, 
princes  and  bishops,  or,  as  they  say,  the  clergy 
and  the  laity,  have  in  reality  nothing  to  dis- 
tinguish them,  but  their  functions.  They  all 
belong  to  the  same  estate;  but  all  have  not 
the  same  work  to  perform. 

44  If  this  be  true,  why  should  not  the  magis- 
trate chastise  the  clergy1?  the  secular  power 
has  been  ordained  by  God  for  the  punishment 
of  evil-doers,  and  the  praise  of  those  who  do 
well.  And  free  scope  should  be  allowed  for 
it  to  act  throughout  Christendom;  let  it  touch 
whom  it  may,  pope,  bishops,  priests,  monks, 
nuns,  or  any  others.  St.  Paul  says  to  all 
Christians  :  Let  every  soul  (consequently  the 
Pope  also,)  be  subject  to  the  higher  powers,  for 
they  bear  not  the  sword  in  vain." 

Having  in  like  manner  overturned  "  the 
other  barriers,"  Luther  passed  in  review  the 
corruptions  of  Rome.  He  displayed  in  a 
popular  style  of  eloquence,  the  evils  that  had 
been  felt  and  acknowledged  for  centuries. 
Never  had  a  more  noble  protest  been  heard. 
The  great  assembly  before  whom  Luther 
spoke  was  the  Church;  the  power  whose 
corruptions  he  attacked  was  that  papal  power 
which  had  for  ages  weighed  heavily  upon  all 
nations;  and  the  reformation  he  so  loudly 
called  for  was  destined  to  exert  its  powerful 
influence  over  all  Christian  nations  through- 
out the  world,  and  to  last  as  long  as  man 
shall  exist  upon  the  earth. 

He  commenced  with  the  Pope.  «« It  is 
monstrous,"  he  says,  44  to  see  him  who  is 
called  the  vicar  of  Christ,  displaying  a  mag- 
nificence unrivalled  by  that  of  any  Empero". 
Is  this  to  resemble  the  poor  and  lowly  JESUS, 
or  the  humble  St.  Peter  1  The  Pope,  say  they, 
is  the  lord  of  the  world  !  But  Christ,  whose 
vicar  he  boasts  himself  to  be,  said:  My  king- 
dom is  not  of  this  world.  Ought  the  power  of 
the  vicar  to  go  beyond  that  of  his  Lord  1" 

Luther  next  proceeded  to  describe  the  effects 
of  papal  sway.  44  Do  you  know  what  end  the 
Cardinals  serve?  I  will  tell  you.  Italy  and 
Germany  have  many  convents,  religious  foun- 
dations, and  benefices,  richly  endowed.  By 
what  machinery  can  this  wealth  be  drawn  to 
Rome!  Cardinals  have  been  created;  to 
them  these  cloisters  and  prelacies  have  been 
21 


given ;  and  at  this  moment — Italy  is  almost 
deserted,  the  convents  are  destroyed,  the  bish- 
oprics devoured,  the  towns  falling  to  decay, 
the  inhabitants  demoralized,  religious  worship 
expiring,  and  preaching  abolished  !  And  why 
is  all  this  1  Because,  forsooth,  all  the  wealth 
of  the  churches  must  go  to  Rome.  The  Turk 
himself  would  never  have  so  ruined  Italy." 

Luther  then  turned  to  his  native  country. 

44  And  now  that  they  have  sucked  the  blood 
of  their  own  nation,  they  come  to  Germany ; 
they  begin  softly  ;  but  let  us  be  on  our  guard, 
or  Germany  will  soon  be  like  Italy.  We  have 
already  some  Cardinals  here  and  there.  Be- 
fore the  dull-minded  Germans  comprehend  our 
design,  think  they,  they  will  have  neither  bish- 
opric, convent,  benefice,  nor  so  much  as  one 
penny  left.  Antichrist  must  possess  the  trea- 
sure of  the  earth.  Thirty  or  forty  Cardinals 
will  be  created  in  a  day ;  to  one  will  be  given 
Bamberg,  to  another  the  bishopric  of  Wiirz- 
burg;  to  these  will  be  attached  rich  benefices, 
until  the  churches  and  the  cities  are  left  deso- 
late. And  then  the  Pope  will  say,  I  am  the 
vicar  of  Christ,  and  shepherd  of  his  flocks. 
Let  the  Germans  submit  to  my  authority !" 

The  indignation  of  Luther  kindled  as  he 
proceeded : 

44 What!  shall  we  Germans  endure  these 
robberies  and  extortions  of  the  Pope?  If  the 
kingdom  of  France  has  been  able  to  defend 
itself  from  them,  why  should  we  suffer  our- 
selves to  be  thus  ridiculed  and  laughed  at1? 
And,  0 !  would  that  they  robbed  us  only  of  our 
goods!  but  they  also  lay  waste  the  churches; 
they  fleece  the  sheep  of  Christ;  abolish  the 
worship,  and  silence  the  word  of  God." 

Luther  exposed  the  44  Romish  practice"  of 
gradually  abstracting  the  wealth  and  the  reve 
nues  of  Germany.  Annats,  palls,  commen- 
dams,  administrations,  expective  graces,  rever- 
sions, incorporations,  reserves,  &c.,  all  pass 
before  him :  44  let  us,"  says  he,  44  endeavour 
to  put  a  stop  to  so  much  wretchedness  and 
desolation.  If  we  want  to  march  against  the 
Turks,  let  us  begin  with  those  Turks  who  are 
the  worst  of  all.  If  we  hang  thieves,  and  cut 
off  the  heads  of  brigands,  let  us  not  suffer  the 
avarice  of  Rome  to  escape,  which  is  the  great- 
est of  all  robbers  and  thieves ;  and  that,  too, 
in  the  name  of  St.  Peter  and  of  Jesus  Christ ! 
Who  can  tolerate  this1?  Who  can  keep  si- 
lence? Has  not  all  that  the  Pope  possesses 
been  obtained  by  robbery  ? — for  he  has  neither 
purchased  it,  nor  inherited  it  from  S.t.  Peter, 
nor  gained  it  by  his  labours.  Whence,  then, 
does  it  all  come1? — " 

The  Reformer  proposes  remedies  for  all 
these  evils.  He  calls  energetically  upon  the 
German  nobility  to  put  an  end  to  these  depre- 
dations on  the  part  of  Rome.  Coming  then 
to  the  Pope  himself.  "Is  it  not  ridiculous,'* 
he  exclaimed,  "  that  the  Pope  should  pretend 
to  be  the  lawful  heir  of  the  Empire?  Who 
gave  it  to  him  ?  Was  it  Christ,  when  he  said, 
"Tht  kings  of  the  Gentiles  exercise  lordship  over 
them;  but  it  shall  not  be  so  with  you?"  (Luke 
xxii.  25,  26.)  How  is  it  possible  to  govern 
an  empire,  and  at  the  same  time  to  preach, 
o2 


156 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


pray,  study,  and  have  care  for  the  poor? 
Christ  forbade  the  twelve  to  carry  with  them 
either  gold  or  two  coats,  because  the  duties  of 
the  ministry  cannot  he  discharged,  unless  there 
is  a  freedom  from  all  other  care ;  and  the  Pope 
would  at  the  same  time  govern  the  Empire, 

*a«d    ronrmin   "Pnne»  t" 


the  appointment  of  Christ  and  his  apostles, 
every  town  should  have  a  pastor,  or  bishop, 
and  that  this  pastor  may  have  one  wife,  as  St. 
Paul  writes  to  Timothy :  '  Let  the  bishop  be 
the  husband  of  one  wife,'  (1  Tim.  iii.  2,)  and 
as  is  still  the  practice  in  the  Greek  church. 


and  remain  Pope!"  But  the  devil  has  persuaded  the  Pope,  as  St. 

Luther  went  on  to  strip  the  Pontiff  of  his  j  Paul  tells  Timothy,  (1  Tim.  iv.  1 — 3,)  'to 
spoils:  "Let  the  Pope  renounce  all  pretensions  |  forbid'  the  clergy  'to   marry.'     And   hence 


to  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  He 
has  no  more  right  to  it  than  I  have.  It  is 
without  any  just  claim,  and  inconsistent  with 
the  directions  of  Christ,  that  he  holds  posses- 
sion of  Bologna,  Imola,  Ravenna,  Romagna, 
the  Marches  of  Ancona,  &c.  '  No  man  that 
warrethj  says  St.  Paul,  'entangkth  himself 
with  the  affairs  of  this  life.1  (a  Tim.  ii.  4.) 
And  the  Pope,  who  claims  to  be  chief  of  the 
Church  militant,  entangles  himself  more  with 
the  things  of  this  life  than  any  emperor  or 
king.  We  must  relieve  him  from  all  this 
burden.  Let  the  Emperor  put  into  the  hands 
of  the  Pope  the  Bible  and  mass-book,  in  order 
that  his  holiness  may  leave  government  for 
kings,  and  keep  to  preaching  and  praying."35 

He  was  quite  as  earnest  against  the  Pope's 
ecclesiastical  authority  in  Germany,  as  against 
his  temporal  power  in  Italy.  "  As  a  first 
step,"  says  he,  "  it  behoves  us  to  expel  from 
all  the  German  States  the  Pope's  legates,  and 
the  pretended  benefits  which  they  sell  us  at 
their  weight  in  gold,  and  which  are  mere  im- 
postures. They  take  our  money,  and  for 
what? — for  legalizing  ill-gotten  gains;  for 
dissolving  the  sacredness  of  oaths  ;  for  teach- 
ing us  to  break  faith ;  for  instructing  us  in 
sin,  and  leading  us  directly  to  hell.  Hear 
this,  O  Pope  !  not  *  most  holy,'  but  most  sin- 
ning! May  God,  from  his  throne  on  high, 
hurl  thy  throne  ere  long  to  the  bottomless  pit !" 

The  Christian  tribune  proceeded.  Having 
summoned  the  Pope  to  his  bar,  he  cited  before 
him  all  the  corruptions  which  followed  in  the 
train  of  the  Papacy,  and  began  to  sweep  from 
the  floor  of  the  Church  the  rubbish  that  en- 
cumbered it.  He  commenced  with  the  monks. 

"  Now,  then,  I  come  to  that  slothful  crew 
who  promise  much,  but  do  little.  Bear  with 
me,  my  friends ;  I  mean  you  well :  what  I 
have  to  say  to  you  is  a  truth  both  sweet  and 
bitter;  it  is,  that  no  more  cloisters  must  be 
built  for  mendicant  friars.  God  knows  we 
have  enough  already — and  would  to  heaven 
they  were  all  levelled  with  the  ground  !  Va- 
gabonding through  a  country  never  has  done 
and  never  can  do  good." 

The  marriage  of  ecclesiastics  comes  next. 
It  was  the  first  time  that  Luther  had  spoken 
on  that  subject. 

"To  what  a  condition  is  the  clergy  fallen! 
and  how  many  priests  do  we  find  burdened 
with  women  and  children,  and  their  bitter  re- 
morse, while  no  one  comes  to  their  aid  !  It 
may  suit  the  Pope  arid  the  bishops  to  let  things 
go  on  as  they  list,  and  that  which  is  lost  con- 
tinue lost:  be  it  so.  But,  for  my  part,  I  will 
deliver  my  conscience.  1  will  open  my  mouth 
freely :  let  pope,  bishop,  or  whoever  will,  take 


miseries  innumerable.  What  is  to  be  done  ? 
What  resource  for  so  many  pastors,  irreproach- 
able in  every  thing,  except  that  they  live  in 
secret  commerce  with  a  woman  to  whom  they 
would,  with  all  their  heart,  be  joined  in  wed- 
lock? Ah  !  let  them  set  their  consciences  at 
rest ;  let  them  take  this  woman  for  their  law- 
ful wife,  let  them  live  virtuously  with  her, 
without  troubling  themselves  whether  it  please 
the  pope  or  not.  The  salvation  of  the  soul  is 
of  more  consequence  than  tyrannous  and  arbi- 
trary laws,  which  come  not  from  the  Lord." 

It  is  in  this  way  that  the  Reformation  sought 
to  restore  purity  of  morals  in  the  Church. 
The  Reformer  continued : 

"  Let  festivals  be  abolished,  and  none  ob- 
served but  Sunday:  or,  if  it  is  wished  to 
keep  the  great  Christian  festivals,  let  them  be 
celebrated  only  in  the  morning,  and  the  rest 
of  the  day  be  regarded  as  a  working-day. 
For  since  people  do  nothing  on  feast-days  but 
drink,  play,  run  into  vice,  or  waste  their  time 
in  idleness,  there  is  much  more  offence  to  God 
on  these  days  than  on  others." 

He  then  turns  to  the  dedication  of  churches, 
which  he  designates  mere  taverns;  and  next 
notices  the  customary  fasts  and  the  different 
religious  fraternities.  He  insists  not  only 
against  the  abuses  of  these  things,  but  aims 
to  put  an  end  to  schisms.  "  It  is  time,"  he 
says,  "that  we  should  take  a  serious  interest 
in  the  affair  of  the  Bohemians ;  that  we  should 
lay  aside  hatred  and  envy,  and  unite  with  ' 
them."  He  proposes  some  excellent  measures 
of  conciliation,  and  adds:  "It  is  thus  that 
we  ought  to  convince  heretics  by  Scripture, 
following  in  this  the  example  of  the  early 
fathers,  and  not  exterminate  them  by  fire. 
According  to  the  contrary  course  the  execu- 
tioners would  be  the  best  teachers  in  the  world. 
Oh  !  would  to  God  that  on  both  sides  we 
would  stretch  out  the  right  hand  of  brotherly 
humility,  instead  of  erecting  ourselves  in  the 
opinion  of  our  strength  of  argument  and  right. 
~harity  is  more  needed  than  the  Roman  Pa- 
sacy.  I  have  done  all  in  my  power.  If  the 
Pope  and  his  adherents  offer  opposition,  on 
-heir  own  heads  must  rest  the  responsibility. 
The  Pope  ought  to  be  willing  to  surrender 
>very  thing — authority,  wealth,  and  honour — 
f  by  so  doing  he  could  save  one  soul.  But 
IB  would  rather  see  the  whole  universe  perish 
han  yield  a  hair's-breadth  of  the  power  he 
las  usurped!  I  am  clear  of  these  things".36 

After  this,  Luther  turns  to  the  universities 
and  schools : 

"  I  fear  much,"  he  says,  "  that  the  universi- 
ies  will  be  found  to  be  great  gates  leading 
down  to  hell,  unless  they  take  diligent  care 


offence  at  it!     I  say,  then,  that,  according  to   to  explain  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  to  engrave 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


157 


them  in  the  hearts  of  our  youth.  I  would  not 
advise  any  one  to  place  his  child  where  the 
Holy  Scriptures  are  not  regarded  as  the  rule 
of  life.  Every  institution  where  God's  word 
is  not  diligently  studied  must  become  cor- 
rupt."37 Weighty  words!  which  governments, 
fathers,  and  the  learned  in  all  ages,  would  do 
well  to  consider. 

Towards  the  close  of  his  appeal,  he  reverts 
to  the  Empire  and  the  Emperor: 

"  The  Pope,"  he  says,  "  not  being  able  to 
manage  the  ancient  masters  of  the  Roman 
empire,  bethought  himself  of  the  plan  of  ap- 
propriating their  title  and  empire,  and  then 
giving  them  to  us  Germans.  Thus  it  has 
happened  that  we  have  become  vassals  of  the 
Pope.  The  Pope  took  possession  of  Rome, 
extorting  from  the  Emperor  an  oath  not  to  re- 
side there;  and  hence  it  is  that  the  Emperor 
is  Emperor  of  Rome,  without  Rome!  We 
have  the  name,  and  the  Pope  the  country  and 
its  cities.  We  have  the  title  and  arms  of  the 
Empire :  the  Pope  monopolizes  its  treasure, 
power,  privileges,  and  liberties.  He  devours 
the  kernel,  and  we  are  put  off  with  the  shell. 
It  is  thus  that  the  pride  and  tyranny  of  Rome 
have  at  all  times  abused  our  simplicity. 

"  But  may  God,  who  has  given  us  such  an 
empire,  now  stand  by  us !  Let  us  act  worthily 
of  our  name,  our  title,  and  our  arms;  let  us 
preserve  our  liberty  !  and  let  the  Romans  learn 
what  it  is  that  God  has  given  us  by  their 
hands.  They  boast  of  having  given  us  an 
empire.  Well,  then,  let  us  take  it,  for  it  is  ours. 
Let  the  Pope  abandon  Rome,  and  all  he  holds 
possession  of  in  the  Empire.  Let  him  cease 
his  taxes  and  extortions !  Let  him  restore  to 
us  our  liberty,  our  power,  our  property,  our 
honour,  our  souls  and  bodies!  Let  the 
Empire  be  what  an  empire  ought  to  be,  and 
Jet  the  sword  of  princes  no  longer  be  lower- 
ed before  the  hypocritical  pretensions  of  a 
Pope!" 

There  is  a  lofty  reason  in  these  words,  be- 
sides their  force  and  persuasion.  Did  ever, 
before,  any  orator  make  such  an  appeal  to  the 
whole  nobility  of  the  empire,  and  the  Emperor 
himself?  Far  from  wondering  that  so  many 
of  the  German  States  separated  themselves 
from  Rome,  ought  we  not  rather  to  be  asto- 
nished that  all  Germany  did  not  rise  en  masse 
and  retake  from  Rome  that  imperial  power 
which  the  Popes  had  with  so  much  effrontery 
usurped  1 

Luther  terminates  this  bold  harangue  with 
these  words : 

"I  can  easily  believe  that  I  may  have  held 
too  high  a  tone,  that  I  may  have  proposed 
many  things  which  will  appear  impossible, 
and  attacked  many  errors  with  too  much  vehe- 
mence. But  what  can  I  do?  Let  the  world 
be  offended  rather  than  God  !  They  can  but 
take  my  life.  Again  and  again  I  have  offered 
peace  to  my  adversaries.  But  God  has,  by 
their  own  instruments,  compelled  me  continu- 
ally to  uplift  a  louder  and  a  louder  voice 
against  them.  I  have  one  indictment  in  re- 
serve against  Rome.  If  their  ears  itch  to 
know  what  it  is,  I  will  utter  it  aloud.  Dost 


thou  know,  O  Rome!  dost  thou  not  know 
well  what  I  mean  ?...." 

Allusion  is  probably  made  here  to  a  tract 
on  Popery  which  Luther  intended  to  give  to 
the  world,  but  which  has  not  been  published. 
The  prior  Burkhard  wrote  at  the  time  to  Spen- 
gler :  "  There  is  also  a  little  book  de  execrandd 
venere  Romanurum  ,•  but  it  is  kept  back."  The 
title  indicated  the  probability  that  it  would 
afford  great  occasion  of  scandal.  There  is 
reason  to  rejoice  that  Luther  had  the  modera- 
tion not  to  publish  this  work. 

"If  my  cause  is  just,"  continued  he,  "it 
will  be  its  lot  to  be  condemned  on  earth,  and 
espoused  only  by  Christ  in  heaven.  Let  them 
come  on  then,  popes,  bishops,  priests,  monks, 
and  doctors !  let  them  bring  forth  all  their 
zeal,  and  let  loose  all  their  rage  !  Verily,  it 
is  their  part  to  persecute  the  truth,  as  every 
age  has  witnessed." 

But  where  did  the  monk  acquire  so  clear  a 
perception  of  public  affairs,  which  the  States 
of  the  Empire  themselves  often  found  it  diffi- 
cult to  estimate  correctly]  What  could  em- 
bolden this  obscure  German  to  stand  up  in  the 
midst  of  his  own  long-enslaved  nation,  and  to 
strike  such  mighty  blows  against  the  papal 
authority  ?  What  is  this  mysterious  strength 
which  inspires  him1?  May  we  not  answer 
that  he  had  heard  these  words  of  God,  ad- 
dressed to  one  of  the  holy  men  of  old  :  "  Be- 
hold, I  have  made  thy  face  strong  against 
their  faces ;  as  an  adamant,  harder  than  flint, 
have  I  made  thy  forehead  :  fear  them  not." 

Addressed  to  the  German  Nobility,  Luther's 
appeal  soon  reached  all  those  for  whom  it  had 
been  written.  It  spread  through  Germany 
with  wonderful  rapidity.  His  friends  trem- 
bled ;  Staupitz,  and  those  who  preferred  a 
moderate  course,  thought  the  blow  too  severe. 
"  In  these  days,"  answered  Luther,  "  whatever 
is  quietly  mooted,  falls  into  oblivion,  and  no 
one  troubles  himself  about  it."38  At  the  same 
time,  he  evinced  perfect  simplicity  and  humili- 
ty. He  had  no  conception  of  the  prominent 
part  he  was  to  perform.  "I  know  not  what 
to  say  of  myself,"  he  wrote;  "perhaps  I  am 
the  precursor  of  Philip,  (Melancthon,)  and, 
like  Elias,  am  preparing  the  way  for  him  in, 
spirit  and  in  power.  And  it  is  he  who  will 
one  day  trouble  Israel  and  the  house  of  Ahsb."c9 

But  there  was  no  need  to  wait  for  another 
than  him  who  had  already  appeared.  The 
house  of  Ahab  was  already  shaken.  The 
Appeal  to  the  German  Nubility  had  appeared 
on  the  26th  of  June,  1520 ;  and  in  a  short  timo 
4000  copies  were  sold, — an  extraordinary 
number  for  that  period.  The  astonishment 
was  universal.  This  writing  produced  a  pow- 
erful sensation  among  all  the  people.  The 
force,  the  spirit,  the  clearness,  and  the  noble 
daring  which  reigned  throughout  it  rendered 
it  a  most  popular  tract.  In  short,  it  was  felt 
by  the  common  people  as  proceeding  from  one 
who  loved  them.  The  hesitating  views  of 
very  many  wise  men  were  clearly  brought  out, 
and  the  usurpations  of  Rome*  were  made  evi- 
dent to  the  minds  of  all.  No  one  at  Wittem- 
berg  any  longer  doubted  that  the  Pope,  was 


158 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


Antichrist.  Even  the  Elector's  court,  so  cir- 
cumspect and  timid,  manifested  no  disappro- 
bation, and  seemed  to  wait  the  result.  But 
the  nobility  and  the  people  did  not  wait.  The 
whole  nation  was  roused ;  the  voice  of  Luther 
had  deeply  moved  it;  henceforth  it  was  gained 
over,  and  rallied  round  the  standard  that  he 
raised.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  favour- 
able to  the  Reformer  than  this  publication. 
In  palaces,  in  the  castles  of  the  nobles,  in  the 
citizens'  dwellings,  and  even  in  the  cottages 
of  the  peasantry,  all  were  now  prepared,  and 
as  though  cased  in  steel,  against  the  sentence 
of  condemnation  which  was  about  to  fall  upon 
this  prophet  of  the  people.  All  Germany  was 
in  a  flame;  and  whenever  the  Pope's  bull 
might  come,  it  would  not  avail  to  extinguish 
the  conflagration. 

At  Rome  every  thing  was  ready  for  the  con- 
demnation of  the  defender  of  the  Church's 
liberties.  That  Church  had  long  lived  in  pro- 
found security.  For  many  years  the  monks 
of  Rome  had  accused  Leo  X.  of  caring  for 
nothing  but  luxury  and  pleasure,  and  wast- 
ing time  in  hunting,  plays,  and  music,  while 
the  Church  was  nodding  to  its  ruin.40  Now, 
at  length  aroused  by  the  clamours  of  Eck, — 
who  had  come  from  Leipsic  to  invoke  the 
power  of  the  Vatican, — the  Pope,  the  cardi- 
nals, the  monks,  and  all  Rome  were  awake 
to  the  sense  of  danger  and  intent  on  saving 
the  Papacy. 

In  fact,  Rome  was  brought  into  the  neces- 
sity of  having  recourse  to  measures  of  stem 
severity.  The  gauntlet  was  thrown  down ; 
the  combat  must  be  to  the  death. — It  was  not 
the  abuses  of  the  Pontiff's  authority  itself— 
that  Luther  had  attacked.  At  his  bidding,  the 
Pope  was  required  to  descend  meekly  from 
his  throne,  and  become  again  a  simple  pastor 
or  bishop  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber.  All  the 
dignitaries  of  the  Roman  hierarchy  were  re- 
quired to  renounce  their  riches  and  worldly 
glory,  and  again  become  the  elders  and 
deacons  of  the  churches  of  Italy.  All  that 
splendour  and  power,  which  had  for  centuries 
dazzled  the  West,  was  to  vanish  away  and 
give  place  to  the  humble  simplicity  of  wor- 
ship of  the  first  Christians.  Doubtless  God 
could  have  wrought  these  changes,  and  He 
will  do  so  in  his  own  time ;  but  they  could  not 
be  looked  for  from  man.  And  even  if  a  people 
had  been  found  so  disinterested  and  courage- 
ous as  to  be  willing  to  overturn  the  ancient  and 
costly  edifice  of  the  Roman  Church,  thousands 
of  priests  and  bishops  would  have  put  forth 
their  hands  to  save  it  from  its  fall.  The  Pope 
had  received  his  power  under  the  express  con- 
dition of  defending  the  dominion  confided  to 
him.  Rome  believed  herself  to  be  set  by  God 
for  the  government  of  the  Church.  We  can- 
not, therefore,  be  surprised  that  she  stood  pre- 
pared to  hurl  the  most  terrible  judgments. 
And  yet  for  a  while  she  hesitated.  Many  car- 
dinals, and  the  Pope  himself,  had  no  wish  to 
resort  to  severe  measures.  The  statesmanlike 
Leo  was  well  aware  that  a  sentence,  the  exe- 
cution of  which  depended  on  the  rather  doubt- 
ful consent  of  the  civil  power,  might  seriously 


compromise  the  authority  of  the  Church.  He 
saw  besides  that  the  violent  measures  already 
resorted  to  had  but  increased  this  evil.  Might 
not  this  Saxon  monk  be  gained  over]  asked 
the  politicians  of  Rome.  Was  it  possible  that 
the  Church's  power,  aided  by  Italian  artifice, 
should  fail  to  accomplish  its  object  1  Nego- 
tiation must  yet  be  tried. 

Eck,  therefore,  found  many  difficulties  to 
contend  with.  He  tried  every  expedient;  la- 
bouring incessantly  to  prevent  any  concessions 
to  what  he  deemed  heresy.  In  his  daily  walks 
through  Rome  he  loudly  vaunted  his  anger, 
and  called  for  vengeance.  He  was  quickly 
joined  by  the  fanatical  party  of  the  monks. 
Emboldened  by  these  allies,  he  besieged  the 
Pope  and  the  cardinals  with  fresh  courage. 
According  to  him,  any  attempt  at  conciliation 
was  useless.  Such  efforts,  said  he,  are  mere 
fancies  and  remote  expectations.  He  knew 
the  danger,  for  he  had  wrestled  with  the  auda- 
cious monk.  He  saw  the  necessity  for  cutting 
off  this  gangrened  member,  lest  the  disorder 
should  spread  throughout  the  body.  The  vehe- 
ment disputer  of  Leipsic  met  and  removed  ob- 
jection after  objection,  and  with  difficulty  per- 
suaded the  Pope.41  He  was  resolved  to  save 
Rome  in  spite  of  herself.  He  left  no  stone 
unturned.  For  hours  together  he  continued  in 
close  deliberation  with  the  Pontiff.42He  excited 
the  court  and  the  convents,  the  people  and 
the  church.  "  Eck  is  moving  against  me," 
says  Luther,  "the  lowest  depths  of  hell;  he 
has  set  the  forest  of  Lebanon  in  a  blaze."43At 
length  he  carried  his  point.  The  politic  coun- 
sellors were  overborne  by  the  fanatics  who 
were  admitted  to  the  papal  councils.  Leo  gave 
way.  The  condemnation  of  Luther  was  de- 
termined on,  and  Eck  began  to  breathe  freely. 
His  pride  was  flattered  by  the  thought  that  he 
had  decided  the  ruin  of  his  heretical  rival,  and 
thus  saved  the  Church.  "  It  was  well,"  said  he, 
"that  I  came  at  this  time  to  Rome,  for  the  er- 
rors of  Luther  were  but  little  known  there.  It 
will  one  day  be  known  how  much  I  have  done 
in  behalf  of  this  cause."44 

Thus  did  God  send  out  a  spirit  of  infatua- 
tion upon  the  doctors  of  Rome.  It  had  be- 
come necessary  that  the  separation  between 
truth  and  error  should  be  effected,  and  it  was 
error  that  was  destined  to  make  the  separation. 
Had  matters  been  brought  to  an  accom- 
modation, it  could  only  have  been  at  the 
expense  of  truth;  but  to  take  away  from  truth 
the  smallest  portion  of  itself  is  paving  the  way 
for  its  utter  loss  and  annihilation.  In  this  re- 
spect Truth  resembles  the  insect  which  is  said 
to  die  if  deprived  of  one  of  its  antennae.  Truth 
requires  to  be  entire  and  perfect  in  all  its 
members,  in  order  to  the  manifestation  of  that 
power  by  which  it  is  able  to  gain  wide  and 
salutary  victories  and  extend  its  triumphs 
to  future  ages.  Blending  a  little  error  with 
truth,  is  like  casting  a  grain  of  poison  into  a 
full  dish ;  that  grain  suffices  to  change  the 
quality  of  the  food,  and  death,  slow  but  cer- 
tain, is  the  result.  The  defenders  of  the  doc- 
trine of  Christ,  against  the  attacks  of  its  ad- 
versaries, guard  its  advanced  outworks  as 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


159 


jealously  as  the  citadel  itself;  for  the  enemy 
once  in  possession  of  the  least  important  of 
these  posts,  is  not  far  removed  from  conquest. 
The  Roman  Pontiff,  at  the  period  we  are  treat- 
ing of,  determined  upon  rending  asunder  the 
Church,  and  the  portion  which  he  has  con- 
tinued to  hold,  though  still  magnificent,  hides 
in  vain,  under  outward  pomp  and  ceremony, 
the  principle  that  is  undermining  its  existence. 
Where  the  word  of  God  is,  there  only  is  life. 
Luther,  courageous  as  he  was,  would  proba- 
bly have  been  silent  if  Rome  herself  had  kept 
silence,  or  shown  any  desire  to  make  conces- 
sions. But  God  had  not  allowed  the  Reforma- 
tion to  be  dependent  on  the  weakness  of  man's 
heart;  Luther  was  in  the  hands  of  One  whose 
eye  penetrated  results.  Divine  Providence 
made  use  of  the  Pope  to  break  every  link  be- 
tween the  past  and  the  future,  and  to  throw 
the  Reformer  into  a  course  altogether  un- 
known, and  leading  he  knew  not  whither.  The 
Papal  Bull  was  Rome's  bill  of  divorce  ad- 
dressed to  the  pure  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  in 
the  person  of  one  who  was  then  standing  as 
her  humble  but  faithful  representative;  and 
the  Church  accepted  it,  that  she  might  thence- 
forward hold  only  from  her  H.ead  who  is  in 
heaven. 

Whilst  at  Rome  the  condemnation  of  Lu- 
ther was  sought  for  with  violent  animosity,  an 
humble  priest,  an  inhabitant  of  one  of  the  rude 
towns  of  Switzerland,  who  never  had  any  in- 
tercourse with  the  Reformer,  had  been  deeply 
affected  at  the  thought  of  the  blow  which 
hung  over  him,  and  whilst  even  the  intimates 
of  the  doctor  of  Wittemberg  were  silent  and 
trembling,  this  Swiss  mountaineer  formed  the 
resolution  to  do  his  utmost  to  arrest  the  dread- 
ed bull!  His  name  was  Ulric  Zwingle. 
William  Des  Faucons,  secretary  to  the  Pope's 
Legate  in  Switzerland,  and  intrusted  by  the 
Legate  with  his  duties  during  his  absence, 
was  his  friend.  "  As  long  as  I  live,"  said  the 
Nuncio  ad  interim  only  a  few  days  before, 
"you  may  rest  assured  of  every  thing  on  my 
part  that  can  be  expected  from  a  true  friend." 
The  Swiss  priest,  trusting  to  this  assurance, 
repaired  to  the  office  of  the  Roman  Nuncio,  (so 
at  least  we  may  conclude  from  one  of  his  let- 
ters.) It  was  not  for  himself  that  he  feared 
the  dangers  into  which  faith  brings  the  be- 
liever :  he  knew  that  a  disciple  of  Christ  must 
be  ever  ready  to  lay  down  his  life.  "  All  that 
I  ask  of  Christ  for  myself,"  said  he  to  a  friend 
to  whom  he  at  the  time  unbosomed  his  anxiety 
respecting  Luther,  "  is  that  I  may  support  the 
afflictions  which  await  me  like  a  man.  I  am 
a  vessel  of  clay  in  his  hands;  let  him  break 
me  in  shivers  or  strengthen  me  as  seems  good 
to  him."45  But  the  Swiss  preacher  dreaded  the 
consequences  to  the  Church  of  so  severe  a 
blow  struck  at  the  Reformer.  He  laboured  to 
persuade  the  representative  of  Rome  to  inform 
the  Pope  on  the  matter,  and  to  employ  all  the 
means  in  his  power  to  deter  him  from  excom- 
municating Luther.46-' The  dignity  of  the  holy 
see  itself  is  concerned  in  it,"  said  he ;  "  for  if 
things  come  to  such  a  pass,  Germany,  en- 
thusiastically attached  to  the  Gospel  and  its 


teacher,  will  be  sure  to  treat  the  Pope  and  his 
anathemas  with  contempt."47  The  effort  was 
unavailing,  and  it  appears  that,  even  at  the 
time  it  was  made,  the  blow  was  already  struck. 
Such  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  path 
of  the  Saxon  doctor  and  that  of  the  Swiss 
priest  were  so  ordered  as  to  meet  together.  We 
shall  again  find  the  latter  in  the  course  of 
this  history,  and  shall  behold  him  developing 
his  character,  and  growing  by  degrees  to  lofty 
stature  in  the  church  of  the  Lord. 

The  condemnation  of  Luther  once  deter- 
mined on,  new  difficulties  arose  in  the  bosom, 
of  the  consistory.  The  divines  proposed  to 
proceed  immediately  to  fulminate  the  sentence; 
the  civilians,  on  the  contrary,  desired  to  com- 
mence by  a  citation.  "  Was  not  Adam,"  said 
they,  appealing  to  their  colleagues,  "  cited 
before  he  was  condemned!  'Adam,  where 
art  thou  V  said  the  Lord.  In  the  instance  of 
Cain  likewise:  «  Where  is  thy  brother  Abel?' 
asked  the  Eternal."  To  these  singular  argu- 
ments drawn  from  holy  Writ,  the  canonists 
added  considerations  derived  from  natural  law. 
"  Evidence  of  a  crime,"  they  said,  "  cannot 
take  from  any  criminal  the  right  of  defending 
himself  against  the  charge."*8  It  is  pleasing 
to  trace  such  principles  of  equity  in  a  Romish, 
synod.  But  these  scruples  did  not  suit  the 
theologians  of  the  assembly,  who,  carried 
away  by  passion,  thought  only  of  setting  to 
work  quickly.  It  was  finally  arranged  that 
Luther's  doctrine  should  be  condemned  imme- 
diately; and  that  as  to  himself  and  his  adhe- 
rents, a  term  of  sixty  days  should  be  granted 
them ;  after  which,  if  they  did  not  recant  their 
opinions,  they  should  be  all  ipso  facto  excom- 
municated. De  Vio,  who  had  returned  from 
Germany  sick,  had  himself  carried  on  his 
couch  to  the  assembly,  unwilling  to  miss 
this  petty  triumph,  which  afforded  him  some 
consolation.  Though  defeated  at  Augsburg, 
he  claimed  to  take  part  at  Rome  in  condemn- 
ing the  unconquerable  monk,  whom  his  learn- 
ing, acuteness,  and  authority  had  failed  to 
humble.  Luther  was  not  there  to  answer: 
hence  the  boldness  of  De  Vio.  On  the  15th 
of  June  the  sacred  college  agreed  on  the  con- 
demnation, and  gave  their  approbation  to  the 
celebrated  bull. 

"  Arise,  O  Lord  !"  said  the  Roman  Pontiff, 
speaking  at  this  solemn  moment  as  Vicar  of 
God  and  Head  of  the  Church,  "arise,  and 
remember  the  reproaches  wherewith  fools  re- 
proach thee  all  day  long.  Arise,  O  Peter! 
remember  thy  holy  Roman  Church,  mother  of 
all  the  churches,  and  mistress  of  the  faith. 
Arise,  O  Paul !  for  a  new  Porphyry  is  hero, 
attacking  thy  doctrines  and  the  holy  popes, 
our  predecessors.  Finally,  arise,  O  assembly 
of  all  the  saints!  holy  Church  of  God!  and 
intercede  for  us  with  God  Almighty."49 

The  Pope  proceeds  to  cite,  as  pernicious, 
scandalous,  and  corrupt,  forty-one  propositions 
of  Luther,  in  which  the  latter  explained  the 
"sound  doctrine"  of  the  gospel.  The  follow- 
ing are  included  in  the  propositions  con- 
demned : — 

"To  deny  that  sin  remains  in  the  infant 


160 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


after  baptism  is  to  trample  under  foot  St.  Paul 
and  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 

"A  new  life  is  the  best  and  highest  peni- 
tence." 

"To  burn  heretics  is  contrary  to  the  will 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,"  &c.t  &c. 

"As  soon  as  this  bull  shall  be  published," 
continues  the  Pope, "  the  bishops  are  to  search 
diligently  for  the  writings  of  Martin  Luther 
in  which  these  errors  are  contained,  and  to 
burn  them  publicly  and  solemnly  in  the  pre- 
sence of  the  clergy  and  of  the  laity.  As  to 
Martin  himself,  what  is  there,  in  the  name  of 
Heaven,  that  we  have  not  done"?  Imitating 
the  goodness  of  God  Almighty,  we  are  ready, 
notwithstanding,  to  receive  him  again  into  the 
bosom  of  the  Church  ;  and  we  allow  him  sixty 
days  to  forward  to  us  his  recantation  in  writ- 
ing, attested  by  two  prelates ;  or,  rather, 
(which  would  be  more  satisfactory,)  to  pre- 
sent himself  before  us  in  Rome,  that  none 
may  any  more  doubt  his  obedience.  In  the 
mean  time,  he  must  from  this  moment  cease 
preaching,  teaching,  and  writing,  and  commit 
his  works  to  the  flames.  And  if  he  do  not 
recant  within  the  space  of  sixty  days,  we,  by 
these  presents,  sentence  himself  and  his  adhe- 
rents as  open  and  contumacious  heretics." 
The  Pope  afterwards  pronounces  a  long  train 
of  excommunications,  maledictions,  and  inter- 
dicts against  Luther  and  all  his  partisans, 
with  orders  to  seize  their  persons  and  send 
them  to  Rome.50  It  is  easy  to  guess  what 
would  have  become  of  these  generous  confes- 
sors of  the  Gospel  in  the  dungeons  of  the 
Papacy. 

The  storm  was  thus  gathering  over  the  head 
of  Luther:  the  bull  was  published;  and  for 
centuries  Rome  had  not  uttered  the  sentence 
of  condemnation  without  following  it  with  the 
stroke  of  death.  This  murderous  message 
from  the  seven-hilled  city  was  to  reach  the 
Saxon  monk  in  his  cloister.  The  moment 
was  well  chosen.  The  new  Emperor,  who 
had  so  many  reasons  for  cultivating  friendly 
relations  with  the  Pope,  would  no  doubt  hasten 
to  recommend  himself  by  sacrificing  to  him 
an  obscure  monk.  Leo  X.,  the  cardinals,  and 
all  the  partisans  of  Rome  exulted,  fancying 
they  saw  their  enemy  at  their  feet. 

While  the  eternal  city  was  thus  agitated, 
events  of  more  tranquil  character  were  pass- 
ing at  Wittemberg.  Melancthon  was  shed- 
ding there  a  soft  but  brilliant  light.  Near 
two  thousand  auditors  from  Germany,  Eng- 
land, the  Netherlands,  France,  Italy,  Hunga- 
ry, and  Greece,  were  frequently  assembled 
around  him.  He  was  twenty-four  years  of 
age,  and  had  not  taken  orders.  Every  house 
in  Wittemberg  was  open  to  this  young  pro- 
fessor, so  learned,  and  at  the  same  time  so 
amiable.  Foreign  universities,  Ingolstadt  in 
particular,  sought  to  attract  him  within  their 
walls.  His  friends  at  Wittemberg  resolved 
to  retain  him  among  them,  by  inducing  him 
to  marry.  Although  he  desired  a  partner  for 
his  dear  Philip,  Luther  declared  he  would  not 
be  his  adviser  in  this  affair.  Others  took  that 
part  upon  themselves.  The  young  doctor 


was  a  frequent  visitor  at  the  house  of  the  bur 
gomaster  Krapp,  who  belonged  to  an  ancient 
family.  Krapp  had  a  daughter  named  Cathe- 
rine, of  a  mild  and  amiable  character,  and 
great  sensibility.  Melancthon's  friends  urged 
him  to  ask  her  in  marriage;  but  the  young 
scholar  was  buried  in  his  books,  and  would 
not  hear  of  any  thing  else.  His  Greek  au- 
thors and  his  Testament  formed  his  delight. 
He  met  the  arguments  of  his  friends  with 
other  arguments.  At  length  his  consent  was 
obtained.  The  necessary  steps  were  taken 
for  him  by  his  friends,  and  Catherine  was 
given  to  him  for  a  wife.  He  received  her 
very  coldly,  and  said,  with  a  sigh,5I"God  has 
then  willed  it  so!  I  must  forego  rny  studies 
and  my  pleasures,  in  compliance  with  the 
wishes  of  my  friends."52  Yet  he  was  not  in- 
sensible to  Catherine's  merits.  "  Her  cha- 
racter and  education,"  said  he,  "are  such  as 
I  might  have  desired  of  God.  Af|t,a  o  ©soj 
ffx^cupoiT'o.*  And  truly  she  is  deserving  of 
a  better  husband."  The  match  was  agreed 
on  during  the  month  of  August;  the  espousals 
took  place  on  the  25th  of  September,  and  at 
the  end  of  November,  the  marriage  was  cele- 
brated. Old  John  Luther,  with  his  wife  and 
daughters,  came  to  Wittemberg  on  this  occa- 
sion; and  many  learned  and  distinguished 
persons  attended  at  the  celebration  of  the 
wedding.53 

The  young  bride  was  as  remarkable  for  her 
warmth  of  affection  as  the  young  professor  for 
his  coldness  of  manner.  Ever  full  of  anxiety 
for  her  husband,  Catherine  was  alarmed  by 
the  least  appearance  of  danger  to  the  object 
of  her  affection.  When  Melancthon  proposed 
to  take  any  step  that  might  compromise  his 
safety,  she  overwhelmed  him  with  entreaties 
to  renounce  his  intention.  "I  was  obliged," 
wrote  Melancthon,  on  one  of  these  occasions, 
"  I  was  obliged  to  yield  to  her  weakness ; — it 
is  our  lot."  How  many  instances  of  unfaith- 
fulness in  the  Church  may  have  a  similar  ori- 
gin !  Perhaps  to  the  influence  of  Catherine 
we  should  attribute  the  timidity  and  fears  for 
which  her  husband  has  been  often  blamed. 
Catherine  was  no  less  tender  and  affectionate 
as  a  mother  than  as  a  wife.  She  gave  liberally 
to  the  poor.  "  Forsake  me  not,  O  God,  when 
I  am  old  and  grayheaded !"  Such  was  the 
ordinary  ejaculation  of  this  pious  and  timid 
soul.  The  heart  of  Melancthon  was  soon 
won  over  by  the  affection  of  his  wife.  When 
he  had  once  tasted  the  sweets  of  domestic  life, 
he  became  fully  sensible  of  their  value.  He 
was  formed,  indeed,  to  relish  them,  and  no- 
where was  he  more  happy  than  with  his  Ca- 
therine and  his  children.  A  French  traveller, 
having  one  day  found  the  "  master  of  Germa- 
ny" rocking  the  cradle  of  his  child  with  one 
hand,  and  holding  a  book  in  the  other,  started 
with  surprise.  But  Melancthon,  without  being 
disconcerted,  explained  to  him  with  so  much 
earnestness  the  high  value  of  children  in  the 
sight  of  God,  that  the  stranger  left  the  house 


*  May  God  bring  the  affair  to  a  happy  issue  !- 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  212.) 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


161 


wiser,  to  use  his  own  words,  than  he  had 
entered  it. 

The  marriage  of  Melancthon  added  a  do- 
mestic hearth  to  the  Reformation.  There 
was  thenceforward  in  Wittemberg  one  family 
whose  house  was  open  to  all  those  who  were 
breathing  the  new  life.  The  concourse  of 
strangers  was  immense.54  People  came  to 
Melancthon  concerning  a  thousand  different 
matters;  and  the  established  rule  was  to  re- 
fuse nothing  to  any  one.55  The  young  profes- 
sor was  especially  disinterested  on  occasions 
of  doing  good.  When  his  money  was  spent, 
he  would  secretly  part  with  his  table  service 
to  some  dealer,  but  little  concerning  himself 
for  the  loss  of  it,  so  that  he  might  have  where- 
withal to  relieve  the  distressed. 

Accordingly,  "  it  would  have  been  impos- 
sible," says  his  friend  Camerarius,  "  to  have 
provided  his  own  wants  and  those  of  his 
family,  if  a  divine  hidden  blessing  had  not 
furnished  him  from  time  to  time  with  the 
means."  His  good-nature  was  extreme.  He 
had  some  ancient  gold  and  silver  medals,  re- 
markable for  their  legends  and  impressions. 
One  day  he  was  showing  them  to  a  stranger 
who  was  on  a  visit.  "  Take  any  one  you 
would  like,"  said  Melancthon  to  him. — "  I 
would  like  them  all,"  answered  the  stranger. 
"  I  own,"  says  Philip,  "  I  was  at  first  offended 
at  this  unreasonable  request :  nevertheless,  I 
gave  them  to  him."56 

There  was  in  the  writings  of  Melancthon 
a  delightful  odour  of  antiquity,  which  gave 
them  an  inexpressible  charm,  while  it  did  not 
prevent  the  savour  of  Christ  from  being  at  the 
same  time  exhaled  from  every  part  of  them. 
There  is  not  one  of  his  letters  to  his  friends, 
in  which  one  is  not  naturally  reminded  of  the 
wisdom  of  Homer,  of  Plato,  of  Cicero,  and 
of  Pliny — CHRIST  remaining  always  his  Mas- 
ter and  his  God.  Spalatin  had  desired  of 
him  an  explanation  of  this  saying  of  Jesus 
Christ:  "  Without  me,  ye  can  do  nothing." 
(John  xv.  5.)  Melancthon  referred  him  to 
Luther:  " '  Cur  agam  gestum  spectante  Ros 
cio,'  to  use  the  words  of  Cicero,"*-  said  he. 
He  then  continues:  "The  passage  teache 
that  we  must  be  absorbed  by  Christ,  so  that 
we  ourselves  should  no  longer  act,  but  that 
Christ  should  live  in  us.  As  the  divine  na- 
ture has  been  made  one  body  with  man  in 
Christ,  so  should  man  be  incorporated  by  faith 
with  Jesus  Christ." 

This  celebrated  scholar  usually  retired  to 
rest  shortly  after  supper.  At  two  or  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning  he  was  at  work.57  It 
was  during  these  early  studies  that  his  best 
works  were  composed.  His  manuscripts 
were  usually  laid  on  his  table,  exposed  in 
view  of  all  who  went  in  and  out,  so  that  he 
was  robbed  of  several  of  them.  When  he  had 
invited  any  friends  to  his  house,  he  requested 
one  or  other  of  them,  before  sitting  down  to 
table,  to  read  some  short  composition,  either 
in  prose  or  verse.  When  he  made  a  journey, 

*  *Why  should  I  speak  in  the  presence  of  Ros- 
cius  ?— (Corp.  Reform.  Ep.  Apr.  13,  1520.) 


always  took  with  him  some  young  persons 
as  companions.  He  conversed  with  them  in 
a  manner  both  instructive  and  entertaining. 
[f  conversation  flagged,  each  was  required  to 
recite  in  turn  some  passages  from  the  ancient 
poets.  He  frequently  resorted  to  irony,  tem- 
pering it,  however,  by  much  sweetness.  "  He 
does  but  prick  the  skin,"  said  he,  speaking 
of  himself,  "  he  never  inflicts  a  wound." 

Learning  was  his  passion.  The  great  ob- 
ject of  his  life  was  to  diffuse  a  love  of  letters 
and  general  information.  Let  us  not  forget 
that  the  literature  highest  in  his  estimation 
was  the  Holy  Scripture,  and  only  subordi- 
nately  the  literature  of  the  heathen.  "I  de- 
vote myself,"  said  he,  "  to  one  thing  only ; 
the  defence  of  learning.  We  must  by  our 
example  kindle  the  admiration  of  youth  for 
knowledge,  and  lead  them  to  love  it  for  its 
own  sake,  not  for  the  gain  that  is  to  be  made 
of  it.  The  ruin  of  letters  brings  with  it  the 
destruction  of  all  that  is  good :  religion, 
morals,  the  things  of  God,  and  the  things  of 

man.58 The  better  a   man  is,   the 

greater  is  his  desire  to  preserve  knowledge; 
for  he  knows  that  of  all  plagues  ignorance  is 
the  most  pernicious." 

Some  time  after  his  marriage  Melancthon 
went  to  Bretten,  in  the  Palatinate,  in  com- 
pany with  Camerarius  and  some  other  friends, 
on  a  visit  to  his  affectionate  mother.  As 
soon  as  he  caught  a  view  of  his  native  town, 
he  alighted,  and  kneeling  down  thanked  God, 
for  having  permitted  him  to  see  it  once  more. 
Margaret,  embracing  her  son,  almost  swooned 
for  joy.  She  pressed  him  to  fix  his  abode  at 
Bretten,  and  was  urgent  in  entreaties  that  he 
would  continue  in  the  faith  of  his  fathers. 
Melancthon  excused  himself,  but  with  much 
moderation  and  reserve,  from  fear  of  wound- 
ing his  mother's  conscience.  He  grieved  at 
parting  from  her;  and  whenever  any  travel- 
ler brought  him  news  from  his  native  town, 
he  was  as  merry,  he  said,  as  if  going  back  to 
childhood  itself.  Such,  in  the  touching  pri- 
vacy of  domestic  life,  was  the  man  who  was 
one  of  the  chief  instruments  of  the  religious 
revolution  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

The  family  peace  and  busy  studies  of  Wit- 
temberg were  shortly  after  disturbed  by  a 
tumult.  The  students  quarrelled  and  came  to 
blows  with  the  citizens.  The  rector  betrayed 
great  want  of  energy.  The  grief  of  Melanc- 
thon on  witnessing  the  excesses  of  these  dis- 
ciples of  learning  may  be  easily  imagined. 
Luther  was  indignant.  His  was  not  the  cha- 
racter that  would  conciliate  by  undue  conces- 
sions. The  disgrace  these  disorders  brought 
upon  the  university  deeply  wounded  him.59 
He  ascended  the  pulpit,  and  preached  with 
great  force  against  these  seditions ;  calling 
on  both  parties  to  submit  themselves  to  the 
magistrates.60  His  discourse  occasioned  great 
irritation.  "Satan,"  said  he,  "not  being 
able  to  prevail  against  us  from  without,  seeks 
to  injure  us  from  within.  I  do  not  fear  him ; 
but  1  fear  lest  the  anger  of  God  should  fall 
upon  us  for  not  having  fully  received  his 
word.  In  these  last  three  years,  I  have  been 


162 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


thrice  exposed  to  great  danger:  in  1518  at 
Augsburg,  in  1519  at  Leipsic,  and  now  in 
1520,  at  Wittemberg.  It  is  neither  by  wis- 
dom, nor  by  violence,  that  the  renovation  of 
the  Church  will  be  accomplished,  but  by 
humble  prayer,  and  a  bold  faith,  that  shall 
range  Jesus  Christ  on  our  side.61  O  my  friend, 
join  thy  prayers  to  mine,  that  the  evil  spirit 
may  not  be  permitted  to  use  this  little  spark, 
to  kindle  a  vast  conflagration." 

But  more  terrible  conflicts  awaited  Luther. 
- — Rome  was  brandishing  the  sword,  with 
which  she  was  about  to  strike  the  preacher 
of  the  Gospel.  The  rumour  of  the  condem- 
nation which  was  about  to  fall  upon  him,  far 
from  depressing  the  Reformer,  increased  his 
courage.  He  took  no  pains  to  parry  the  stroke 
of  this  haughty  power.  It  is  by  striking  yet 
more  terrible  blows  himself,  that  he  will 
baffle  those  of  his  adversaries.  While  the 
Transalpine  congregations  were  fulminating 
their  anathemas  against  him,  he  was  planning 
to  carry  the  sword  of  the  word  into  the  midst 
of  the  Italian  states.  Letters  from  Venice 
spoke  of  the  favour  with  which  the  opinions 
were  there  received.  He  ardently  desired  to 
send  the  Gospel  beyond  the  Alps.  But 
evangelists  were  required  to  be  the  bearers 
of  it.  "  I  could  wish,"  said  he,  "  that  we 
had  living  books,  that  is  to  say,  preachers, 
and  that  we  could  multiply  and  protect  them 
in  all  places,  that  they  might  convey  to  the 
people  the  knowledge  of  divine  things.62  The 
Prince  could  not  undertake  a  work  more 
worthy  of  himself.  If  the  people  of  Italy 
were  to  receive  the  truth,  our  cause  would 
then  be  unassailable."  It  does  not  appear 
that  this  project  of  Luther  was  realized.  At 
a  later  period,  it  is  true,  some  preachers  of 
the  Gospel,  Calvin  himself  among  others,  re- 
sided for  a  while  in  Italy:  but  at  this  time  no 
steps  were  taken  to  accomplish  Luther's  plan. 
He  had  looked  for  help  to  one  of  the  princes 
of  this  world.  Had  he  appealed  to  men  in 
humble  station,  but  full  of  zeal  for  the  king- 
dom of  God,  the  result  might  have  been  very 
different.  At  the  period  we  are  recording, 
the  idea  was  general  that  every  thing  must 
be  done  by  governments ;  and  the  association 
of  private  individuals,  an  agency  by  which 
in  our  days  such  great  things  are  accom- 
plished in  Christendom,  was  almost  unknown. 

If  Luther  was  not  successful  in  his  plans 
for  spreading  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  to 
distant  countries,  he  was  hut  the  more  zealous 
in  preaching  it  at  home.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  he  delivered,  at  Wittemberg,  his  discourse 
on  the  office  of  the  mass.^In  this  discourse  he 
declaimed  against  the  numerous  sects  of  the 
Romish  Church,  and  reproached  her,  with 
justice,  for  her  want  of  unity.  "The  multi- 
plicity of  laws  in  matters  of  conscience,"  he 
exclaims,  "  has  filled  the  world  with  sects  and 
divisions.  The  hatred  thence  engendered  be- 
tween priests,  monks,  and  laity,  is  even 
greater  than  that  which  exists  between  Chris- 
tians and  Turks.  Nay,  more  than  this ; 
priests  are  mortal  enemies  to  priests,  and 
monks  to  monks.  Each  is  devoted  to  his 


own  sect,  and  despises  all  others.  The  unity 
and  love  of  Christ  is  broken  up  and  destroyed." 
— He  then  attacks  the  opinion  that  the  mass 
is  a  sacrifice  and  has  any  power  in  itself. 
"  The  better  part  of  every  sacrifice,  and  con- 
sequently of  the  Lord's  Supper,"  he  says,  "is 
in  the  word  and  the  promises  of  God.  With- 
out faith  in  this  word  and  in  these  promises, 
the  sacrament  is  but  dead ;  it  is  a  body  with- 
out a  soul,  a  cup  without  wine,  a  purse  with- 
out money,  a  type  without  fulfilment,  a  letter 
without  meaning,  a  casket  without  jewels,  a 
sheath  without  a  sword." 

The  voice  of  Luther  was  not,  however,  con- 
fined within  the  limits  of  Wittemberg,  and  if 
he  did  not  find  missionaries  to  carry  his  in- 
structions to  distant  parts,  God  had  provided 
a  missionary  of  a  new  kind.  Printing  was 
destined  to  supply  the  place  of  preachers  of 
the  Gospel.  The  press  was  to  constitute  a  bat- 
tery which  should  open  a  breach  in  the  Roman 
fortress.  The  mine  had  been  charged  by  Lu- 
ther, and  the  explosion  shook  the  edifice  of 
Rome  to  its  foundations.  His  famous  tract  on 
the  Babylonian  Captivity  of  the  Church  appear- 
ed on  the  6th  of  October,  1520.64  Never  had 
any  one  evinced  such  courage  in  circum- 
stances so  critical. 

In  this  work  he  begins  by  setting  forth,  with 
admirable  irony,  all  the  advantages  for  which 
he  is  indebted  to  his  enemies : 

"  Whether  I  will  or  no,"  says  he,  "  I  learn 
more  and  more  every  day,  urged  on  as  I  am 
by  so  many  celebrated  masters.  Two  years 
ago  I  attacked  indulgences  ;  but  with  such  fal- 
tering indecision  that  I  am  now  ashamed  of  it. 
It,  however,  is  not  to  be  wondered  at ;  for  then 
I  had  to  roll  forward  the  rock  by  myself." 

He  then  returns  thanks  to  Prierias,  to  Eck, 
to  Emser,  and  to  his  other  adversaries.  "1 
denied,"  he  continued,  "  that  the  Papacy  was 
from  God,  but  admitted  that  it  stood  by  hu- 
man right.  But  now,  after  having  read  all  the 
subtleties  on  which  these  worthies  set  up  their 
idol,  I  know  that  Papacy  is  nothing  but  the 
reign  of  Babylon,  and  the  violence  of  the 
mighty  hunter  Nimrod.  I  therefore  request 
all  my  friends,  and  all  booksellers,  that  they 
will  burn  the  books  I  have  before  written  on 
this  subject,  and  in  their  stead  substitute  this 
single  proposition  : — '  The  Papacy  is  a  gene- 
ral chase,  led  by  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  and 
having  for  its  object  the  snaring  and  ruinino1 
of  souls.'  "65 

Luther  afterwards  attacks  the  errors  that 
prevailed  with  respect  to  the  sacraments, 
monastic  vows,  &c.  He  reduces  the  seven 
sacraments  of  the  Church  to  three;  Baptism, 
Penitence,  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  He  ex- 
plains the  true  nature  of  the  latter.  He  then 
passes  on  to  baptism,  and  it  is  here  especially 
that  he  establishes  the  excellence  of  Faith, 
and  makes  a  powerful  attack  upon  Rome. 
God,"  he  says,  "has  preserved  to  us  this 
sacrament  alone  pure  from  human  traditions. 
God  has  said  :  4  He  that  believeth,  and  is  bap- 
tized, shall  be  saved.'  This  promise  of  God 
ought  to  be  preferred  to  the  glory  of  all  works, 
to  all  vows,  satisfactions,  indulgences,  and 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


163 


everything  which  man  has  invented.  Now  on 
this  promise,  received  by  faith,  depends  our 
salvation.  If  we  believe,  our  heart  is  strength- 
ened by  the  divine  promise ;  and  though  a  be- 
liever should  be  bereft  of  all  beside,  this  pro- 
mise which  he  believes  will  never  forsake  him. 
"With  this  he  will  be  able  to  withstand  the  ad- 
versary who  assaults  his  soul.  It  will  be  his 
support  in  the  hour  of  death,  and  his  plea  at 
the  judgment-seat  of  God.  In  all  his  trials  it 
will  be  his  consolation  that  he  can  say  :  God 
is  faithful  to  his  promise  :  I  have  received  the 
pledge  of  it  in  baptism  :  if  God  is  for  me,  who 
can  be  against  me?  Oh,  how  rich  is  the  bap- 
tized Christian !  nothing  can  ruin  him,  but  his 
own  refusal  to  believe. 

"  Perhaps  the  baptism  of  little  children  may 
be  objected  to  what  I  say  as  to  the  necessity 
of  faith.  But  as  the  word  of  God  is  mighty 
to  change  the  heart  of  an  ungodly  person,  who 
is  not  less  deaf,  nor  less  helpless  than  an  in- 
fant— so  the  prayer  of  the  Church,  to  which 
all  things  are  possible,  changes  the  little 
child,  by  the  operation  of  faith  which  God 
pours  into  his  soul,  and  thus  purifies  and  re- 
news it."66 

Having  explained  the  doctrine  of  baptism, 
Luther  makes  use  of  it  as  a  weapon  against 
the  Papacy.  If  the  Christian  really  finds  all 
his  salvation  in  renewal  by  baptism  through 
faith,  what  need  has  he  of  the  prescriptions 
of  Rome? 

"  For  this  reason,"  says  Luther,  "I  declare 
that  neither  Pope,  nor  bishop,  nor  any  other 
man  living,  has  authority  to  impose  the  least 
thing  upon  a  Christian  without  his  own  con- 
sent. Whatever  is  done  otherwise,  is  done  by 
an  arbitrary  assumption.67  We  are  free  from  all 
men.  The  vow  which  we  have  made  in  bap- 
tism is  of  itself  sufficient,  and  more  than  we 
can  ever  fulfil.68  All  other  vows,  then,  may  be 
dispensed  with.  Let  whoever  enters  into  the 
priesthood  or  joins  a  monastic  order,  be  as- 
sured that  the  labours  of  a  monk  or  of  a  priest, 
however  arduous,  differ  in  no  respect,  as  to 
their  value  in  the  sight  of  God,  from  those 
of  a  peasant  working  in  the  field,  or  of  a 
woman  attending  to  the  duties  of  her  house.69 
God  esteems  all  things  according  to  the  faith 
whence  they  proceed.  And  it  often  happens 
that  the  simple  labour  of  a  serving  man  or 
woman  is  more  acceptable  to  God  than  the 
fastings  and  works  of  a  monk,  because  in  these 
last  faith  is  wanting.  Christian  people  are 
the  true  people  of  God,  carried  captive  to  Ba- 
bylon, and  there  stripped  of  what  they  had 
acquired  by  their  baptism." 

Such  were  the  means  by  which  the  reli- 
gious revolution,  we  are  relating,  was  accom- 
plished. The  necessity  of  faith  was  first  es- 
tablished, and  then  the  Reformers  applied  it 
to  demolish  and  bring  to  dust  the  prevailing 
superstitions.  It  was  with  that  power,  which 
is  of  God,  and  which  can  remove  mountains, 
that  they  advanced  against  so  many  errors. 
These  words  of  Luther,  and  many  other  simi- 
lar appeals,  circulating  far  and  wide  through 
cities,  convents,  and  country  places,  became 
the  leaven  which  leavened  the  whole  mass. 
22 


Luther  terminated  this  work  on  the  Baby- 
lonian Captivity  with  these  words: — 

"  I  hear  that  new  papal  excommunications 
have  been  concocted  against  me.  If  this  be 
so,  this  book  may  be  regarded  as  a  part  of  my 
future  *  recantation.'  The  rest  will  follow 
shortly,  in  proof  of  my  obedience;  and  the 
whole  will,  by  Christ's  help,  form  a  collec- 
tion such  as  Rome  has  never  yet  seen  or  heard 
of." 

After  this,  all  hope  of  reconciliation  be- 
tween the  Pope  and  Luther  must  necessarily 
have  vanished.  The  incompatibility  of  the 
faith  of  the  Reformer  with  the  Church's 
teaching  could  not  but  be  evident  to  the  least 
discerning.  But  at  this  very  time  fresh  ne- 
gotiations had  just  commenced.  About  the 
end  of  August,  1520,  and  five  weeks  before 
the  publication  of  the  "  Babylonian  Capti- 
vity," the  chapter  of  the  Augustines  was 
assembled  at  Eisleben.  The  venerable  Stau- 
pitz  resigned  on  this  occasion  the  office  of 
Vicar-general  of  the  order,  and  Wenceslaus 
Link,  who  had  accompanied  Luther  to  Augs- 
burg, was  invested  with  that  dignity.  The 
indefatigable  Miltitz  arrived  suddenly  during 
the  sitting  of  the  chapter.70  He  was  eagerly 
bent  on  reconciling  the  Pope  and  Luther. 
His  self-love,  his  avarice,  but  above  all  his 
jealousy  and  hatred  were  interested  therein. 
The  vainglorious  boasting  of  Eck  had  thrown 
him  into  the  shade;  he  knew  that  the  doctor 
of  Ingolstadt  had  disparaged  him  at  Rome, 
and  he  would  have  made  any  sacrifice  to  baffle 
the  plots  of  his  troublesome  rival  by  the 
prompt  conclusion  of  peace.  The  religious 
bearing  of  the  question  gave  him  little  or  no 
concern.  One  day,  as  he  himself  relates,  he 
was  at  table  with  the  Bishop  of  Meissen  ;  and 
the  guests  had  drank  pretty  freely,  when  a 
new  work  of  Luther's  was  brought  in.  It 
was  opened  and  read  ;  the  bishop  went  into 
a  passion:  the  official  swore;  but  Miltitz 
laughed  heartily.71  Miltitz  dealt  with  the  Re- 
formation as  a  man  of  the  world  ;  Eck  as  a 
theologian. 

Stimulated  by  the  arrival  of  Dr.  Eck,  Mil- 
titz addressed  to  the  chapter  of  the  Augus- 
tines a  discourse  delivered  with  a  very  marked 
Italian  accent,  thinking  by  this  means  to 
impose  upon  his  good  countrymen.72  "  The 
whole  order  of  the  Augustines  is  compromised 
in  this  affair,"  said  he :  "  Point  out  to  me,  I 
pray  you,  some  means  of  restraining  Luther."73 
"  W7e  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  doctor," 
answered  the  fathers,  "  and  we  should  not 
know  what  advice  to  give  you."  They  rested 
their  answer,  doubtless,  on  the  fact  of  Luther 
having  been  released  by  Staupitz  at  Augs- 
burg from  his  obligations  as  concerned  their 
order.  Miltitz  persisted.  "Let  a  deputation 
of  this  venerable  chapter  wait  on  Luther,  and 
request  him  to  write  a  letter  to  the  Pope, 
assuring  him  that  he  has  never  laid  any  plots 
against  his  person.74  That  will  suffice  to  ter- 
minate the  affair."  The  chapter  yielded  to 
the  proposal  of  the  Nuncio,  and  commissioned, 
doubtless  at  his  desire,  Staupitz  the  late  Vicar- 
general,  and  Link  his  successor,  to  confer 


164 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


with  Luther.  The  deputation  set  out  imme- 
diately for  Wittemberg,  bearing1  a  letter  from 
Miltitz  addressed  to  the  doctor;  and  full  of 
expressions  of  high  repect.  "There  was  no 
time  to  lose,"  said  he;  "the  thunder,  already 
suspended  over  the  head  of  the  Reformer,  was 
about  to  burst;  and  then  all  would  be  over." 

Neither  Luther,  nor  the  deputies,  who  were 
favourable  to  his  opinions,  entertained  a  hope 
that  any  thing  would  be  gained  by  writing  to 
the  Pope.75  But  this  in  itself  was  a  reason  for 
not  refusing  compliance  with  the  suggestion. 
The  letter  could  but  be  a  matter  of  form,  which 
would  make  still  more  apparent  the  justice  of 
Luther's  cause.  •*  This  Italian  of  Saxony," 
(Miltitz,)  thought  Luther,  "  has  doubtless  his 
own  private  interest  in  view  in  making  this 
request.  Well, be  it  so;  I  will  write,  in°strict 
conformity  with  truth,  that  I  have  never  en- 
tertained any  design  against  the  Pope's  person. 
I  must  be  on  my  guard,  and  not  be  too  stern 
in  my  hostility  to  the  see  of  Rome.  Yet  it 
shall  be  sprinkled  with  salt."76 

But  shortly  after  this,  the  doctor  heard  of 
the  arrival  of  the  bull  in  Germany ;  on  the  3d 
of  October,  he  declared  to  Spalatin  that  he 
would  not  write  to  the  Pope,  and  on  the  6th 
of  the  same  month  he  published  his  book  on 
the  "  Babylonian  Captivity."  Still  Miltitz 
was  not  disheartened. — His  wish  to  humble 
Eck  made  him  dream  of  impossibilities.  On 
the  2d  of  October  he  had  written  in  full  con- 
fidence to  the  Elector:  "All  will  go  well; 
but  for  God's  sake,  do  not  any  longer  delay 
paying  me  the  pension  which  you  and  your 
brother  have  allowed  me  for  some  years  past. 
I  must  have  money  to  gain  new  friends  at 
Rome.  Write  to  the  Pope,  present  the  young 
cardinals,  his  relations,  with  gold  and  silver 
pieces  of  your  Electoral  Highness's  coin,  and 
add  some  for  me  ;  for  I  have  been  robbed  of 
what  you  had  given  me."77 

Even  after  Luther  had  heard  of  the  bull, 
the  intriguing  Miltitz  was  not  discouraged. 
He  requested  a  conference  with  Luther  at 
Lichtenberor.  The  Elector  ordered  the  latter 
to  repair  thither.78  But  his  friends,  and  above 
all  the  affectionate  Melancthon,  opposed  his 
going.79  "  What,"  thought  they,  "  at  the  mo- 
ment of  the  appearance  of  the  bull  which 
enjoins  all  to  seize  Luther,  that  he  may  be 
taken  to  Rome,  shall  he  accept  a  conference, 
in  a  secluded  place,  with  the  Pope's  Nuncio! 
Is  it  not  clear  that  Dr.  Eck,  not  being  able  to 
approach  the  Reformer,  because  he  has  made 
his  hatred  too  public,  the  crafty  chamberlain 
has  undertaken  to  snare  Luther  in  his  toils'?" 

These  fears  could  not  restrain  the  doctor  of 
"Wittemberg.  The  Prince  had  commanded, 
and  he  resolved  to  obey.  "  I  am  setting  out 
for  Lichtenberg,"  he  wrote  on  the  llth  of 
October  to  the  chaplain:  "Pray  for  me." 
His  friends  would  not  desert  him.  On  the 
same  day,  towards  evening,  Luther  entered 
Lichtenberg  on  horseback,  surrounded  by  thirty 
horsemen,  amongst  whom  was  Melancthon. 
About  the  same  time,  the  Pope's  Nuncio  ar- 
rived, attended  only  by  four  persons.80  Might 
not  this  modest  escort  be  a  stratagem  to  in- 


spire Luther  and  his  friends  with  confidence? 
— Miltitz  was  urgent  in  his  solicitations;  he 
assured  Luther  that  the  blame  would  be 
thrown  on  Eck  and  his  foolish  boastings,  and 
that  all  would  be  arranged  to  the  satisfaction 
of  both  parties.81  "Well!"  answered  Luther, 
"  I  offer  to  keep  silence  for  the  future,  if  my 
adversaries  will  but  do  the  same.  I  will  do 
all  I  can  to  maintain  it."82 

Miltitz  was  overjoyed.  He  accompanied 
Luther  as  far  as  Wittemberg.  The  Reformer 
and  the  Papal  Nuncio  entered  the  city  side  by 
side,  while  Dr.  Eck  was  drawing  near  it, 
holding,  in  menacing  hands,  the  formidable 
bull,  which,  it  was  hoped,  would  extinguish 
the  Reformation.  "  We  shall  bring  the  affair 
to  a  happy  issue,"  wrote  Miltitz  forthwith  to 
the  Elector :  "  thank  the  Pope  for  his  rose, 
and  send  at  the  same  time  forty  or  fifty  florins 
to  the  cardinal  Quatuor  Sanctorum."*3 

Luther,  in  fulfilment  of  his  promise,  was  to 
write  to  the  Pope.  Before  bidding  an  eternal 
farewell  to  Rome,  he  resolved  once  more  to 
address  to  her  some  weighty  and  salutary 
truths.  His  letter  may  perhaps  be  regarded 
by  some  as  a  mere  caustic  composition,  a  bit- 
ter and  insulting  satire;  but  this  would  be  to 
mistake  his  feelings.  It  was  his  conviction 
that  to  Rome  were  to  be  attributed  all  the  ills 
of  Christendom :  bearing  that  in  view,  his 
words  are,  not  insults,  but  solemn  warnings. 
The  more  he  loves  Leo,  the  more  he  loves  the 
church  of  Christ;  he  resolves  therefore  to  dis- 
close the  greatness  of  the  evil.  The  energy 
of  his  affection  may  be  inferred  from  the 
strength  of  his  expressions.  The  moment  is 
arrived  for  heavy  blows.  He  reminds  us  of 
a  prophet,  for  the  last  time  traversing  the 
city,  reproaching  it  with  all  its  abominations, 
revealing  to  it  the  judgments  of  the  Eternal, 
and  crying  aloud :  "  Yet  a  few  days!" — The 
following  is  the  letter : 

"  To  the  Most  Holy  Father  in  God,  Leo  X., 
Pope  of  Rome,  all  happiness  and  prosperity 
in  Christ  Jesus  our  Lord.  Amen. 

"From  the  midst  of  this  violent  contest, 
which,  for  these  three  years  past,  I  have  waged 
with  abandoned  men,  I  cannot  refrain  from 
sometimes  turning  my  eyes  toward  you,  O 
Leo,  Most  Holy  Father  in  God.  And  although 
the  madness  of  your  impious  parasites  has 
compelled  me  to  appeal  from  your  sentence 
to  a  future  Council,  my  heart  has  never  been 
turned  away  from  your  Holiness;  and  I  have 
never  ceased,  by  prayers  and  sighs,  to  pray  to 
God  for  your  prosperity,  and  for  that  of  your 
pontificate.84 

•'  I  have  attacked,  it  is  true,  some  antichris- 
tian  doctrines,  and  I  have  inflicted  some  deep 
wounds  on  my  adversaries,  on  account  of  their 
impiety.  I  cannot  regret  this,  for  I  have  in 
this  Christ  for  an  example.  Of  what  use  is 
salt,  if  it  hath  lost  its  savour"?  or  the  sword- 
alade,  if  it  doth  not  cut1?85  Cursed  is  he  who 
doth  the  Lord's  work  coldly.  O,  most  excel- 
"ent  Leo,  far  from  having  conceived  any  evil 
design  against  you,  I  wish  you  the  most  pre- 
cious blessings  for  all  eternity.  One  thing 
only  have  I  done.  I  have  defended  the  word 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


165 


of  truth.  I  am  ready  to  give  way  to  every  |  man  court]  It  exceeds  the  very  Turks  in 
one,  in  every  thing:  but  as  regards  that  word,  vice  and  profligacy.  Once  as  the  gate  of  hea- 
I  will  not— I  cannot  abandon  it.89  He  who  i  ven,  it  is  become  the  jaws  of  hell  itself!  dis- 
expects  otherwise  of  me,  mistakes  me.  j  tending  and  kept  open  by  the  wrath  of  God,90 


It  is  true  that  I  have  attacked  the  court  of 
Rome ;  but  neither  yourself  nor  any  man  upon 
earth  can  deny  that  the  corruption  of  that 
court  is  greater  than  that  of  Sodom  or  Gomor- 
rah, and  that  there  is  no  hope  left  of  curing  its 
impiety.  True,  I  have  been  filled  with  horror, 
beholding  that  in  your  name  the  poor  of 
Christ's  flock  were  deceived.  I  have  opposed 
this,  and  will  continue  to  oppose  it;  not  that 
I  dream  of  effecting  anything  in  this  Babylon 
of  confusion,  against  the  opposition  of  syco- 
phants :  but  I  am  debtor  to  my  brethren,  that, 
if  possible,  some  of  them  may  escape  these 
terrible  scourges. 

"You  know  that  Rome,  for  many  years 
past,  has  inundated  the  world  with  every  thing 
destructive  to  soul  and  body.  The  Church 
of  Rome,  formerly  pre-eminent  for  sanctity, 
is  become  a  den  of  thieves,  a  scene  of  open 
prostitution,  a  kingdom  of  death  and  hell,  so 
that  Antichrist  himself,  if  he  were  to  appear, 
could  not  increase  its  iniquity.87  All  this  is  as 
clear  as  the  light  of  day. 

"And  you,  O  Leo,  are  all  this  while  as  a 
lamb  in  the  midst  of  wolves;  or  as  Daniel  in 
the  den  of  lions!  Unaided,  how  car,»  you 
resist  these  monsters'?  Perhaps  there  may  be 
three  or  four  cardinals  uniting  virtue  with 
learning.  But  what  are  these  among  so  many  1 
You  will  be  taken  off  by  poison,  even  before 
you  are  able  to  apply  a  remedy.  There  is  no 
hope  for  Rome ;  the  anger  of  God  has  gone 
forth,  and  will  consume  her.88  She  hates  re- 
proof, and  dreads  reform ;  .she  refuses  to  re- 
strain the  madness  of  her  impiety;  and  it  may 
be  said  of  her  as  of  her  mother:  '  We  would 
have  healed  Babylon,  but  she  is  not  healed: 
let  us  forsake  her.'89  Men  looked  to  you  and 
your  cardinals  to  apply  the  cure  to  all  this; 
but  the  patient  laughs  at  her  physician,  and 
the  steed  will  not  answer  to  the  reins. 

**  Full  of  affection  for  you,  most  excellent 
Leo,  I  have  ever  regretted  that,  formed  as  you 
are  for  a  better  age,  you  have  been  raised  to 
the  pontificate  at  such  a  period  as  this.  Rome 
is  not  worthy  of  you,  or  of  any  who  resemble 
you ;  she  deserves  no  other  ruler  than  Satan 
himself.  And  truly  it  is  he,  rather  than  your- 
self, who  reigns  in  that  Babylon.  Would  to 
God  that,  laying  aside  the  glory  which  your 
enemies  extol  so  highly,  you  could  exchange 
it  for  a  simple  pastorship,  or  subsist  on  your 
paternal  inheritance!  for  none  butJudases  are 
fit  for  such  state.  What  end,  then,  dear  Leo, 
is  served  by  you  in  this  court  of  Rome,  unless 
it  be  that  execrable  men  should,  under  cover 
of  your  name  and  power,  ruin  men's  fortunes, 
destroy  souls,  multiply  crimes,  and  lord  it  over 
the  faith,  the  truth,  and  the  whole  Church  of 
God  I  O,  Leo,  Leo !  you  are  the  most  unfor- 
tunate of  men,  and  you  sit  on  the  most  peril- 
ous of  all  thrones  !  I  tell  you  the  truth,  be- 
cause I  wish  you  well. 

"  Is  it  not  true  that  there  is  nothing  under 
heaven  more  corrupt  and  hateful  than  the  Ro- 


so  that  when  I  behold  so  many  poor  creatures 
throwing  themselves  into  it,  I  must  needs  cry 
aloud  in  the  midst  of  this  tempest,  that  some 
may  be  saved  from  the  frightful  abyss. 

"  This,  O  Leo,  my  Father,  is  the  reason 
why  I  have  inveighed  so  strongly  against  a 
see  which  dispenses  death  to  its  adherents. 
Far  from  conspiring  against  your  person,  I 
have  felt  that  I  was  labouring  for  your  safety, 
in  boldly  attacking  the  prison,  or,  rather,  the 
hell  in  which  you  are  confined.  To  do  the 
utmost  to  destroy  the  court  of  Rome,  is  but  to 
discharge  your  own  duty.  To  cover  it  with 
shame,  is  to  honour  Christ;  in  a  word,  to  be 
a  Christian,  is  to  be  nut  a  Roman. 

"  However,  seeing  that  I  was  losing  my 
time  in  succouring  the  See  of  Rome,  I  sent 
to  her  my  letter  of  divorce,  saying,  Farewell, 
Rome;  '  he  that  is  unjust,  let  him  be  unjust 
still ;  and  he  who  is  filthy,  let  him  be  filthy 
still ;'  and  then,  in  silence  and  retirement, 
applied  myself  to  the  study  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures. Then  it  was  that  Satan  stirred  up  his 
servant,  John  Eck,  a  great  enemy  of  Jesus 
Christ,  to  challenge  me  again  to  descend  into 
the  arena.  He  sought  to  establish  his  own 
primacy,  not  the  primacy  of  Peter;  and  with 
this  purpose,  to  conquer  Luther,  and  lead  him 
in  triumph  to  Rome,  upon  him  must  lie  the 
blame  of  the  defeat  which  has  covered  Rome 
with  shame." 

Luther  here  relates  what  had  passed  between 
himself  and  De  Vio,  Miltitz,  and  Eck ;  he  then 
continues : 

"  Now,  then,  I  come  to  you,  most  holy  Fa- 
ther, and,  prostrate  at  your  feet,  entreat  you 
to  restrain,  if  possible,  the  enemies  of  peace. 
But  I  cannot  retract  my  doctrines.  I  cannot 
consent  that  rules  of  interpretation  should  be 
imposed  on  Holy  Scripture.  The  word  of 
God,  the  source  whence  all  liberty  flows,  must 
be  left  free.91 

**  O  Leo,  my  Father !  do  not  listen  to  the 
flatterers  who  tell  you  that  you  are  not  a  mere 
man,  but  a  demigod,  and  that  you  may  right- 
fully command  whatever  you  please.  You 
are  the  '  servant  of  servants?  and  the  place 
where  you  are  seated  is  of  all  places  the  most 
dangerous  and  the  most  miserable.  Put  no 
faith  in  those  who  exalt  you,  but  rather  in 
those  who  would  humble  you.  I  may  be  bold 
in  presuming  to  teach  so  sublime  a  Majesty, 
which  ought  to  instruct  all  men.  But  I  see 
the  dangers  which  surround  you  at  Rome;  I 
see  you  driven  first  one  way,  then  another,  on 
the  billows  of  a  raging  sea;  and  charity 
obliges  me  to  warn  you  of  your  danger,  and 
urge  you  to  provide  for  your  safety. 

"That  I  may  not  appear  in  your  Holiness's 
presence  empty-handed,  I  present  you  with  a 
little  book  which  has  been  dedicated  to  you, 
and  which  will  apprize  you  with  what  subjects 
I  may  occupy  myself— in  case  your  flatterers 
shall  permit  me.  It  is  but  a  trifle  in  appear- 
ance, yet  its  contents  are  important:  for  it 


166 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


comprises  a  summary  of  the  Christian's  life. 
I  am  poor,  and  have  nothing  more  to  offer  you ; 
and  indeed  is  there  any  thing-  you  have  need 
of,  save  spiritual  gi fts  ]  I  commend  myself  to 
the  remembrance  of  your  Holiness,  praying  that 
the  Lord  Jesus  may  ever  preserve  you!  Amen !" 

The  little  book  which  Luther  presented  in 
token  of  respect  to  the  Pope,  was  his  discourse 
of  "the  liberty  of  the  Christian."  The  Re- 
former shows  incontrovertibly  in  this  treatise, 
that  the  Christian,  without  infringement  of  the 
liberty  which  faith  gives  him,  may  submit  to 
every  external  ordinance,  in  a  spirit  of  liberty 
and  love.  Two  truths  are  the  basis  of  his  ar- 
gument :  "  A  Christian  is  free,  and  all  things 
are  his.  A  Christian  is  a  servant,  and  sub- 
ject in  all  things  unto  all.  He  is  free,  and 
has  all  things  by  faith  ;  he  is  a  subject  and  a 
servant  in  love." 

He  first  shows  the  power  of  faith  in  render- 
ing the  Christian/ree  .•  "  Faith  unites  the  soul 
with  Christ,  as  a  spouse  with  her  husband," 
says  Luther  to  the  Pope.  "  Every  thing 
which  Christ  has,  becomes  the  property  of  the 
believing  soul  :  every  thing  which  the  soul 
has,  becomes  the  property  of  Christ.  Christ 
possesses  all  blessings  and  eternal  life :  they 
are  thenceforward  the  property  of  the  soul. 
The  soul  has  all  its  iniquities  and  sins :  they 
are  thenceforward  borne  by  Christ.  A  bless- 
ed exchange  commences :  Christ  who  is  both 
God  and  man,  Christ  who  has  never  sinned, 
and  whose  holiness  is  invincible,  Christ  the 
Almighty  and  Eternal,  taking  to  himself  by 
his  nuptial  ring  of  Faith,  all  the  sins  of  the 
believer,  those  sins  are  lost  and  abolished  in 
him ;  for  no  sins  dwell  before  his  infinite 
righteousness.  Thus  by  faith  the  believer's 
soul  is  delivered  from  all  sins,  and  clothed 
with  the  eternal  righteousness  of  her  bride- 
groom Christ.  0  happy  union !  the  rich,  the 
noble,  the  holy  Bridegroom  takes  in  marriage 
his  poor,  guilty,  and  despised  spouse,  delivers 
her  from  every  evil,  and  enriches  her  with  the 
most  precious  blessings.92-Christ,  a  king  and 
a  priest,  shares  this  honour  and  glory  with  all 
Christians.  The  Christian  is  a  king,  and  con- 
sequently possesses  all  things;  he  is  a  priest, 
and  consequently  possesses  God.  And  it  is 
faith,  not  works,  which  brings  him  all  this  ho- 
nour. A  Christian  is  free  from  all  things, — 
above  all  things, — faith  giving  him  richly  of 
all  things!" 

In  the  second  part  of  his  discourse,  Luther 
presents  the  other  side  of  the  truth.  "Although 
the  Christian  is  thus  made  free,  he  voluntarily 
becomes  a  servant,  that  he  may  act  towards 
his  brethren  as  God  has  acted  towards  himself 
by  Jesus  Christ."  "I  will  serve,"  he  says, 
"freely,  joyfully,  gratuitously,  a  Father  who 
has  thus  shed  upon  me  all  the  abundance  of 
his  blessings  :  I  will  become  all  things  to  my 
neighbour,  as  Christ  has  become  all  things  for 
me." — "From  Faith,"  continues  Luther, 
"  flows  the  love  of  God ;  from  love  flows  a 
life  of  liberty,  charity,  and  joy.  O  how  noble 
and  exalted  is  the  Christian's  life!  but,  alas! 
none  know  it,  and  none  preach  it.  By  faith 
the  Christian  ascends  to  God ;  by  love  he  de- 


scends to  man ;  and  yet  abides  ever  in  God. 
Such  is  true  liberty,  a  liberty  which  as  much 
surpasses  every  other  as  the  heavens  are  high 
above  the  earth." 

This  was  the  work  with  which  Luther  ac- 
companied his  letter  to  Leo  X. 

While  the  Reformer  was  thus  addressing 
himself  for  the  last  time  to  the  Roman  Pontiff, 
the  bull  which  excommunicated  him  was 
already  in  the  hands  of  the  dignitaries  of  the 
German  Church,  and  at  the  doors  of  Luther's 
dwelling.  The  Pope  had  commissioned  two 
high  functionaries  of  his  court,  Carracioli  and 
Aleander,  to  carry  it  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Mentz,  desiring  him  to  see  to  its  execution. 
But  Eck  himself  appeared  in  Saxony,  as  herald 
and  agent  in  the  great  effort  of  the  Pontiff. 
The  doctor  of  Ingolstadt  had  had  better  oppor- 
tunities than  any  other  of  knowing  the  force 
of  Luther's  blows:  he  had  seen  the  danger, 
and  had  stretched  forth  his  hand  to  support 
the  tottering  power  of  Rome.  He  imagined 
himself  the  Atlas  destined  to  bear  up  on  his 
robust  shoulders  the  old  Roman  world,  which 
was  ready  to  crumble  into  ruin.  Elated  with 
the  success  of  his  journey  to  Rome,  proud  of 
the  commission  which  he  had  received  from 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  and  of  the  bull  he  bore 
in  his  hands,  and  which  contained  the  con- 
demnation of  his  unconquerable  rival,  his  pre- 
sent mission  was  in  his  eyes  a  greater  triumph 
than  all  the  victories  he  had  gained  in  Hunga- 
ry, in  Bavaria,  in  Lombardy,  and  Saxony,  and 
from  which  he  had  previously  derived  so  much 
credit.  But  all  this  pride  was  about  to  be 
humbled.  By  intrusting  to  Eck  the  publica- 
tion of  the  bull,  the  Pope  had  committed  an 
error  which  was  destined  to  destroy  its  im- 
pression. So  marked  a  distinction,  granted 
to  a  man  who  did  not  hold  any  elevated  rank 
in  the  Church,  offended  minds  that  were  sus- 
ceptible of  offence.  The  Roman  Bishops,  ac- 
customed to  receive  the  bulls  of  the  Pope  di- 
rect, took  it  amiss  that  the  present  bull  should 
be  published  in  their  dioceses  by  this  unex- 
pected Nuncio.  The  nation  which  had  ridi- 
culed the  pretended  victor  in  the  conferences 
at  Leipsic,  when  he  fled  to  Italy,  saw  with 
astonishment  and  indignation  the  same  person 
reappear  on  this  side  the  Alps,  armed  with 
the  insignia  of  a  pontifical  Nuncio,  and  with 
power  to  crush  men  whom  it  held  in  honour. 
Luther  regarded  this  sentence,  conveyed  to 
him  by  his  implacable  adversary,  as  an  act  of 
personal  vindictiveness.  This  condemnation 
appeared  to  him,  says  Pallavicini,  as  the  con- 
cealed poniard  of  a  mortal  enemy,  and  not  the 
lawful  axe  of  a  Roman  lictor.93  Accordingly 
this  writing  was  considered,  not  as  the  bull  of 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  but  as  the  bull  of  Dr. 
Eck.  Thus  the  force  of  the  blow  was  broken 
by  the  very  motives  which  had  provoked  it. 

The  chancellor  of  Ingolstadt  had  repaired  in 
haste  to  Saxony.  It  was  there  that  he  had 
given  battle,  it  was  there  that  he  wished  to 
parade  his  victory.  He  succeeded  in  getting 
the  bull  posted  up  at  Meissen,  at  Merseburg, 
and  at  Brandenburg,  toward  the  end  of  Sep- 
tember. But  in  the  first  of  these  towns  it  was 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


167 


placarded  in  a  place  where  nobody  could  read 
it,  and  the  bishops  of  these  three  dioceses  were 
in  no  haste  to  publish  it.  His  great  protector, 
Duke  George  himself,  forbade  the  council  of 
Leipsic  to  make  it  public  before  they  had  re- 
ceived the  order  of  the  Bishop  of  Merseburg, 
and  this  order  did  not  arrive  till  the  following 
year.  "  These  difficulties  are  but  for  form's 
sake,"  thought  Eck  at  first;  for  in  other  re- 
spects every  thing  seemed  to  smile  upon  him. 
Duke  George  sent  him  a  gilt  cup  and  a  few 
ducats;  Miltitz  himself,  who  had  hastened  to 
Leipsic  on  hearing  that  his  rival  was  arrived, 
invited  him  to  dinner.  The  two  Legates  were 
fond  of  the  luxuries  of  the  table,  and  Miltitz 
thought  that  he  could  not  have  a  better  oppor- 
tunity of  sounding  Dr.  Eck  than  over  their 
wine.  "When  he  had  drunk  pretty  freely," 
says  the  Pope's  chamberlain,  "  he  began  to 
boast  above  measure ;  he  displayed  his  bull, 
and  told  how  he  had  planned  to  bring  that  in- 
solent fellow,  Martin,  to  reason."94  But  it  was 
not  long  before  the  doctor  of  Ingolstadt  had 
occasion  to  observe  that  the  wind  was  turning. 
A  great  change  had  been  effected  at  Leipsic 
within  a  year.95  On  St.  Michael's  day,  some 
students  posted,  in  ten  different  places,  placards 
wherein  the  new  Nuncio  was  keenly  attack- 
ed. Taking  the  alarm,  he  sought  refuge  in 
the  convent  of  St.  Paul,  where  Tetzel  had 
already  found  an  asylum,  refused  all  visits, 
and  obtained  from  the  prior  a  promise  that  his 
juvenile  opponents  should  be  called  to  account. 
But  poor  Eck  gained  little  by  this.  The  stu- 
dents composed  a  ballad  upon  him,  and  sung 
it  in  the  streets.  Eck  overheard  it  from  his 
seclusion.  At  this  all  his  courage  vanished, 
and  the  formidable  champion  trembled  in  every 
limb.  Threatening  letters  poured  in  upon 
him.  A  hundred  and  fifty  students  arrived 
from  Wittemberg,  loudly  exclaiming  against 
the  Papal  envoy.  The  poor  Nuncio  could 
hold  out  no  longer. 

"  I  do  not  wish  him  to  be  killed,96"said  Lu- 
tber,  *'  but  I  hope  his  designs  will  be  frus- 
trated.' Eck  quitted  his  retreat  by  night,  re- 
tired clandestinely  from  Leipsic,  and  sought 
to  conceal  himself  at  Coburg.  Miltitz,  who 
relates  the  circumstance,  seemed  to  triumph  in 
it  even  more  than  the  Reformer.  But  his 
triumph  did  not  last  long.  The  chamberlain's 
plans  of  conciliation  all  failed,  and  his  end 
was  deplorable,  having,  while  in  a  state  of  in- 
toxication, fallen  into  the  Rhine  at  Mentz. 

By  degrees  Eck  resumed  courage.  He  re- 
paired to  Erfurth,  where  the  theologians  had 
shown  more  than  one  mark  of  their  jealousy 
of  the  Wittemberg  doctor.  He  required  that 
this  bull  should  be  published  in  that  city;  but 
the  students  seized  the  copies,  tore  them  in 
pieces,  and  threw  them  into  the  river,  saying, 
"  Since  it  is  a  bubble,  let  us  see  it  float."97 
"  Now,"  said  Luther,  on  hearing  of  this,  "  the 
paper  of  the  Pope  is  truly  a  bubble,  (bulla."} 
Eck  did  not  dare  to  show  himself  at  Wittem- 
berg: he  sent  the  bull  to  the  prior,  menacing 
him,  if  it  were  not  complied  with,  with  the 
ruin  of  the  university.  He  wrote  at  the  same 
lime  to  Duke  John,  brother  and  colleague  of 


Frederic :  "  Do  not  take  my  proceeding  amiss," 
said  he,  "for  I  am  contending  for  the  faith, 
and  my  task  costs  me  much  care  and  labour 
as  well  as  money."98  The  prior  declared,  that 
not  having  received  a  letter  from  the  Pope  ac- 
companying the  bull,  he  must  object  to  pub- 
lish it,  and  referred  the  matter  to  the  opinion 
of  the  lawyers.  Such  was  the  reception  which 
the  condemnation  of  the  Reformer  met  with 
from  the  learned  world. 

While  the  bull  was  producing  this  violent 
agitation  in  the  minds  of  the  Germans,  a 
solemn  voice  was  raised  in  another  country  of 
Europe.  One,  who  discerned  the  extensive 
schism  the  Pope's  bull  would  cause  in  the 
Church,  stood  forth  to  utter  a  word  of  warn- 
ing and  to  defend  the  Reformer.  This  was 
the  same  Swiss  priest  whom  we  have  already 
mentioned,  Ulric  Zwingle,  who,  without  any 
communication  or  previous  friendship  with 
Luther,  put  forth  a  tract  replete  with  discre- 
tion and  dignity,  and  the  earliest  of  his  nume- 
rous writings.99  A  fraternal  affection  seemed  to 
attract  him  towards  the  doctor  of  Wittemberg. 
"  The  piety  of  the  Pontiff,"  he  said,  "  requires 
of  him  that  he  should  joyfully  sacrifice  his 
dearest  interests  to  the  glory  of  Christ  his 
King,  and  to  the  general  peace  of  the  Church. 
Nothing  is  more  derogatory  to  his  true  digni- 
ty than  the  having  recourse  only  to  rewards 
and  terrors  for  its  defence.  The  writings  of 
Luther  had  not  even  been  read,  before  he  was 
decried  among  the  people  as  a  heretic,  a  schis- 
matic, and  even  as  Antichrist  himself.  None 
gave  him  warning,  no  one  refuted  him :  he  re- 
quested a  discussion,  and  it  was  thought  suf- 
ficient to  condemn  him.  The  bull  that  has 
been  issued  against  him  is  disapproved  even 
by  those  who  respect  the  Pope's  authority ; 
for  they  discern  in  every  part  of  it  traces  of 
the  impotent  hatred  of  a  few  monks,  and  not 
the  mildness  of  a  Pontiff  who  should  be  the 
vicar  of  a  Saviour  full  of  charity.  It  is  univer- 
sally acknowledged,  that  the  current  teaching 
of  the  Gospel  of  Christ  has  greatly  degene- 
rated, and  that  a  visible  and  signal  restoration 
of  laws  and  public  morals  is  requisite.100  Con- 
sult all  men  of  learning  and  virtue,  and  it  will 
be  found  that  the  more  perfect  their  sincerity 
and  their  attachment  to  the  truths  of  the  Gos- 
pel, the  less  are  they  stumbled  by  the  books 
of  Luther.  There  is  no  one  who  does  not  con- 
fess that  these  books  have  made  him  a  better 
man,  although,  perhaps,  there  may  be  some 
parts  not  to  be  approved.101  Let  men  of  pure 
doctrine  and  of  acknowledged  probity  be  select- 
ed ;  let  three  princes  above  all  suspicion,  the 
Emperor  Charles,  the  King  of  England,  and 
the  King  of  Hungary,  appoint  arbitrators:  and 
let  the  arbitrators  read  the  writings  of  Luther, 
let  him  be  heard  in  person,  and  let  whatever 
they  shall  determine  be  ratified.  Ntx^cuto 
YI  -tov  ~KpiGtov  TtatSfc'ia  xai  ato^ia  !"* 

This  suggestion  proceeding  from  Switzer- 
land was  not  attended  to.  It  was  necessary 
that  the  great  divorce  should  take  place;  it 


*  "  May  the  doctrine  and  truth  of  Christ  gain 
the  victory!" 


163 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


was  needful  that  Christendom  should  be  rent; 
the  remedy  for  the  evils  that  oppressed  it  was 
to  be  discovered  in  its  very  wounds. 

And,  indeed,  what  importance  could  be  at- 
tached to  this  resistance  on  the  part  of  a  few 
students,  priors,  and  priests  ?  If  the  strong  arm 
of  Charles  V.  should  unite  with  the  power  of 
the  Pope,  will  they  not  together  suffice  to  crush 
all  these  scholars  and  grammarians  1  Will  any 
be  able  to  withstand  the  combined  power  of  the 
Pontiff  of  Christendom  and  of  the  Emperor  of 
the  West  ?  The  blow  is  struck,  Luther  is 
excommunicated;  the  Gospel  seems  lost!  At 
this  awful  crisis,  the  Reformer  does  not  dis- 
guise from  himself  the  greatness  of  the  dan- 
ger in  which  he  is  placed.  He  looks  for  sup- 
port from  above,  and  prepares  to  receive,  as 
from  the  hand  of  the  Lord  himself,  the  blow 
which  seems  about  to  crush  him.  The  thoughts 
of  his  soul  were  gathered  before  the  throne  of 
God.  "  What  is  about  to  happen,"  said  he, 
44 1  know  not,  nor  do  I  care  to  know,  assured  as 
I  am  that  He  who  sits  on  the  throne  of  heaven 
has,  from  all  eternity,  foreseen  the  beginning, 
the  progress,  and  the  end  of  this  affair.  Let 
the  blow  light  where  it  may,  I  am  without 
fear.  Not  so  much  as  a  leaf  falls,  without  the 
will  of  our  Father.  How  much  rather  will  He 
care  for  us !  It  is  a  light  thing  to  die  for  the  Word, 
since  the  Word  which  was  made  flesh  hath  him- 
self died.  If  we  die  with  him,  we  shall  live  with 
him  ;  and  passing  through  that  which  he  has 
passed  through  before  us,  we  shall  be  where  he 
is  and  dwell  with  him  forever."102  At  times,  how- 
ever, Luther  was  unable  to  repress  his  contempt 
for  the  devices  of  his  enemies,and  we  find  in  him 
a  recurrence  of  that  mixture  of  sublimity  and 
irony  which  characterized  his  writings.  44 1 
know  nothing  of  Eck's  movements,"  said  he, 
44  except  that  he  has  arrived  with  a  long  beard, 
a  lono-  bull,  and  a  long  purse — ;  but  I  laugh 
at  his  bull."103 

It  was  on  the  third  of  October  that  he  was 
made  acquainted  with  the  Pap'al  rescript. 
44  At  last  then  this  Roman  bull  has  come  to 
hand,"  said  he,  4'I  despise  it; — and  resist  it 
as  impious,  false,  and  in  every  way  worthy 
of  Eck.  It  is  Christ  himself  who  is  therein 
condemned.  No  reasons  are  given  in  it;  I 
am  cited  to  appear,  not  that  I  may  be  heard, 
but  that  I  may  recant.  I  will  treat  it  as  a 
forgery,  although  I  believe  it  to  be  genuine. 
Oh,  that  Charles  the  Fifth  would  act  as  a 
man  !  oh,  that  for  the  love  of  Christ  he  would 
humble  these  demons!104!  glory  in  the  prospect 
of  suffering  for  the  best  of  causes.  Already  I 
feel  in  my  heart  more  liberty ;  for  I  now  know 
that  the  Pope  is  Antichrist,  and  that  his  chair 
is  that  of  Satan  himself." 

It  was  not  merely  in  Saxony  that  the  thun- 
ders-of  Rome  had  awakened  apprehension.  A 
private  family  in  Suabia,  which  had  been 
neutral  in  the  contest,  found  its  peace  suddenly 
disturbed.  Bilibald  Pirckheimer,  of  Nurem- 
berg, one  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of 
his  age,  who  had  lost  his  beloved  wife  Cres- 
centia  soon  after  their  union,  was  joined  in  the 
closest  bonds  of  affection  with  his  two  young 
sisters,  Charitas,  abbess  of  St.  Claire,  and 


Clara,  a  nun  in  the  same  convent.  These  two 
young  ladies  served  God  in  solitude,  and  di- 
vided their  time  between  study,  attendance  on 
the  poor,  and  meditation  on  eternity.  Bilibald, 
engaged  in  the  business  of  the  state,  sought 
relaxation  from  public  duties  in  the  corres- 
pondence which  he  kept  up  with  them.  They 
were  learned,  read  Latin,  and  studied  the 
Fathers  of  the  Church;  but  nothing  was  so 
dear  to  them  as  the  Holy  Scriptures.  They 
had  never  had  any  other  instructor  than  their 
brother.  The  letters  of  Charitas  are  distin- 
guished by  delicacy  and  amiable  feelings. 
Full  of  tender  affection  for  Bilibald,  she  dread- 
ed the  least  danger  that  approached  him. 
Pirckheimer,  to  reassure  this  timid  spirit, 
composed  a  dialogue  between  Charitas  and 
Veritas,  (Charity  and  Truth,)  in  which  Veri- 
tas  endeavours  to  strengthen  Charitas.105  No- 
thing can  be  more  touching,  or  more  fitted  to 
console  an  affectionate  and  anxious  heart. 

What  must  have  been  the  dismay  of  Chari- 
tas, when  a  rumour  was  spread  that  the  name 
of  Bilibald  was  posted  up  immediately  under 
the  Pope's  bull,  in  conjunction  with  the  name 
of  Luther !  In  fact,  Eck,  urged  on  by  blind 
fury,  had  associated  with  Luther  six  of  the 
mostdistinguished  persons  in  Germany;  name- 
ly, Carlstadt,  Feldkirchen,  and  Egranus,  who 
cared  very  little  for  his  proceedings,  and  Adel- 
man,  Pirckheimer,  and  his  friend  Spengler, 
whose  position  as  public  functionaries  ren- 
dered them  peculiarly  sensitive  to  reproach. 
The  agitation  was  great  in  the  convent  of  St. 
Claire.  How  could  the  disgrace  of  Bilibald 
be  endured  1  Nothing  is  more  painful  to  re- 
latives than  such  trials.  Pirckheimer  and 
Spengler  wrote  to  the  Pope,  affirming  that 
they  adhered  to  the  doctrines  of  Luther  only 
so  far  as  they  were  in  conformity  with  the 
Christian  faith.  Revenge  and  anger  had  been 
evil  counsellors  to  Eck.  The  reputation  of 
Bilibald  and  his  friends  brought  the  bull 
against  them  into  discredit;  and  their  charac- 
ter and  their  numerous  connections  increased 
the  general  irritation. 

Luther  at  first  pretended  to  doubt  the  au- 
thenticity of  the  bull.  44 1  find,"  said  he,  in 
his  first  writing  he  put  forth,  "  that  Eck  has 
brought  from  Rome  another  bull,  which  is  so 
like  himself,  that  it  might  be  named  Doctor 
Eck) — so  full  is  it  of  falsehood  and  error.  He 
gives  out  that  it  is  the  Pope's  doing;  whereas 
it  is  a  mere  piece  of  deception."  Having  al- 
leged reasons  for  his  doubts,  Luther  ends  by 
saying,  44I  require  to  see  with  my  own  eyes 
the  seal  and  strings,  the  very  words  and  sig- 
nature of  the  bull,  in  a  word,  every  thing  be- 
longing to  it;  otherwise  I  will  not  care  one 
straw  for  these  outcries."106 

Bnt  no  one,  not  even  Luther  himself,  doubt- 
ed that  the  bull  was  the  Pope's.  Germany 
waited  to  see  what  the  Reformer  would  do. 
Would  he  stand  firm?  All  eyes  were  turned 
towards  Wittemberg.  Luther  did  not  keep 
them  long  in  suspense.  He  answered  by  a 
tremendous  discharge  of  artillery,  publishing 
on  the  4th  of  November,  1520,  his  work 

Against  the  Bull  of  Antichrist." 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


169 


"  What  numberless  errors  and  frauds,"  said 
he,  "  have  crept  in  among  the  poor  deluded 
people  under  cover  of  the  Church  and  the  pre- 
tended infallibility  of  the  Pope !  how  many 
souls  have  t^us  been  lost!  how  much  blood 
shed !  how  many  murders  committed !  how 
many  kingdoms  laid  waste!" 

"I  can  discern  all  the  difference,"  said  he, 
ironically,  "  between  skill  and  malice,  and  I 
care  very  little  for  malice  so  unskilful.  To 
burn  books  is  an  act  so  easy,  that  even  child- 
ren may  perform  it;  how  much  more,  then, 
the  Holy  Father  and  his  illustrious  doctors  !107 
One  would  have  looked  for  some  more  cun- 
ning move.  Besides,  for  aught  I  care,  let 
them  destroy  my  works !  I  desire  nothing 
better ;  for  all  I  wanted  was  to  lead  Christians 
to  the  Bible,  that  they  might  afterwards  throw 
away  my  writings.!08Great  God,  if  we  had  but 
a  right  understanding  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
what  need  would  there  be  of  my  books!  By 
God's  grace,  I  arn  free,  and  bulls  can  neither 
soothe  nor  intimidate  me.  My  strength  and 
my  consolation  are  in  a  place  where  neither 
men  nor  devils  can  ever  reach  them." 

The  tenth  proposition  of  Luther,  condemned 
by  the  Pope,  was  couched  in  these  terms : 
"A  man's  sins  are  not  pardoned,  unless  he 
believes  that  they  are  pardoned  when  the 
priest  pronounces  absolution."  The  Pope, 
by  condemning  this  proposition,  denied  that 
faith  was  necessary  in  the  sacrament.  "  They 
pretend,"  exclaims  Luther,  "that  we  are  not 
to  believe  that  our  sins  are  pardoned,  when 
we  are  absolved  by  the  priest.  What  then 
are  we  to  do?  Hear  now,  0  Christians,  this 
great  news  from  Rome!  Condemnation  is 
pronounced  against  that  article  of  which  we 
profess  when  we  say,  'I  believe  in  the  Holy 
Ghost,  the  Christian  Church,  and  the  remis- 
sion of  sins.'  If  I  knew  that  the  Pope  had 
really  issued  this  bull  at  Rome,"  (which  he 
did  not  doubt,)  "and  that  it  had  not  been 
forged  by  that  arch-liar  Eck,  I  would  proclaim 
to  all  Christians  that  they  ought  to  hold  the 
Pope  as  the  very  Antichrist  the  Scripture 
speaks  of.  And  if  he  would  not  cease  from 
thus  publicly  proscribing  the  faith  of  the 
Church,  then  ...  let  the  temporal  sword  itself 
be  opposed  to  Azw,  rather  than  to  the  Turk ! . . . 
For  the  Turk  leaves  us  free  to  believe,  but  the 
Pope  forbids  it !" 

While  Luther  was  speaking  with  so  much 
energy,  new  dangers  were  gathering.  The 
plan  of  his  enemies  was  to  procure  his  expul- 
sion from  Wlttemberg.  If  Luther  could  be 
removed  from  Wittemberg,  Luther  and  Wit- 
temberg  would  both  be  ruined.  One  measure 
would  rid  Rome  of  her  heretic  doctor  and  of 
the  heretical  university.  Duke  George,  the 
Bishop  of  Merseburg,  and  the  Leipsic  theolo- 
gians were  clandestinely  labouring  for  this 
result.K9  Luther,  on  hearing  of  it,  remarked, 
"  I  leave  the  matter  in  God's  hands."I10T!iese 
intrigues  were  not  altogether  without  effect. 
Adrian,  professor  of  Hebrew  at  Wittemberg, 
suddenly  turned  against  the  doctor.  It  re- 
quired considerable  firmness  of  faith  to  bear 
up  against  the  weight  of  the  Pope's  bull. 


There  are  some  who  will  go  only  a  certain 
length  with  truth.  Such  was  Adrian.  Awed 
by  the  Pope's  sentence,  he  quitted  Wittem- 
berff,  and  repaired  to  Leipsic  to  Dr.  Eck. 

The  bull  was  beginning  to  take  effect.  The 
word  of  the  Pontiff  of  Christendom  still  car- 
ried force.  Fire  and  sword  had  long  since 
taught  submission.  The  stake  was  still  fixed 
and  the  fagots  piled  at  his  bidding.  Every 
thing  announced  that  an  awful  catastrophe 
was  about  to  put  an  end  to  the  audacious  re- 
bellion of  the  Augustfne  monk.  The  Pope's 
nuncios  had  made  urgent  representations  to 
the  young  emperor :  Charles  declared  that  he 
would  protect  the  ancient  religion ;  and  in 
some  of  his  hereditary  states  scaffolds  were 
raised  for  the  purpose  of  committing  the  writ- 
ings of  the  heretic  to  the  flames.111  Eccle- 
siastical dignitaries  and  counsellors  of  state 
attended  at  these  autos-da-fe.  Those  flames 
will  strike  terror  in  all  quarters,  said  the  Ro- 
man courtiers.  And  they  did,  indeed,  carry 
fear  to  many  timid  and  superstitious  minds; 
but  even  in  the  Emperor's  hereditary  states, 
the  only  part  of  his  dominions  where  the  clergy 
ventured  to  carry  the  bull  into  execution,  the 
people,  and  sometimes  the  higher  classes, 
often  treated  these  pontifical  demonstrations 
with  ridicule  or  indignation.  "  Luther,"  said 
the  doctors  of  Louvain,  in  an  audience  with 
Margaret,  who  at  that  time  governed  the  Low 
Countries,  "  Luther  is  undermining  the  Chris- 
tian faith."—"  Who  is  this  Luther  ?"  asked  the 
princess. — "An  ignorant  monk." — "Well," 
replied  she,  "do  you,  who  are  learned,  and  so 
many,  write  against  him.  The  world  will 
surely  believe  a  company  of  learned  men, 
rather  than  a  single  monk  of  no  learning." 
The  doctors  of  Louvain  preferred  an  easier 
method.  They  raised,  at  some  expense,  a 
vast  pile  of  wood.  The  multitude  flocked  to 
the  place.  Students  and  citizens  were  seen 
making  their  way  through  the  crowd  in  great 
haste,  carrying  under  their  arms  huge  volumes, 
which  they  threw  into  the  flames.  Their  ap- 
parent zeal  edified  the  monks  and  doctors; 
but  the  stratagem  was  soon  after  discovered  : 
it  was  the  Sermones  discipuli,  Tartaret,  and 
other  scholastic  and  popish  books,  which  had 
been  thrown  into  the  fire  instead  of  the  writ- 
ings of  Luther.112 

The  Count  of  Nassau,  viceroy  of  Holland, 
in  reply  to  the  solicitations  of  the  Domini- 
cans, to  be  permitted  to  burn  the  obnoxious 
books,  answered :  "  Go  preach  the  Gospel 
as  purely  as  Luther,  and  you  will  have  no 
reason  to  complain  of  any  one."  Conversa- 
tion turning  on  the  Reformer  at  a  banquet  at 
which  the  greatest  princes  of  the  empire  were 
present,  the  lord  of  Ravenstein  said  aloud  : 
"  After  the  lapse  of  four  whole  centuries,  a 
single  Christian  man  has  stood  forth  at  last, 
and  him  the  Pope  would  put  to  death."113 

Luther,  conscious  of  the  strength  of  his 
cause,  preserved  his  composure  amidst  all  the 
tumult  excited  by  the  bull.114"  Were  it  not  for 
your  exhortations,"  said  he  to  Spalatin,  "  I 
should  hold  my  peace;  assured  as  I  am,  that 
it  is  by  the  wisdom  and  the  power  of  God 


170 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


that  the  work  must  be  accomplished."115  Here 
was  the  man  of  a  timid  spirit  urging  openness 
of  speech,  while  the  man  of  native  resolution 
was  disposed  to  remain  silent.  The  reason 
was,  that  Luther  discerned  the  operation  of  a 
power  whose  agency  was  unnoticed  by  his 
friend.  "Be  of  good  cheer,"  continued  the 
Reformer,  "  it  was  Christ  that  began  all  this, 
— and  he  will  bring  it  to  its  appointed  issue; 
— even  though  my  lot  be  banishment  and 
death.  Jesus  Christ  is  here  present;  and 
He  that  is  in  us  is  mightier  than  he  that  is  in 
the  world."116 

But  duty  now  requires  him  to  speak,  that 
the  truth  may  be  made  manifest.  Rome  has 
assailed  him;  it  shall  be  seen  whether  he 
shrinks  from  her  blows.  The  Pope  has 
placed  him  under  the  ban  of  the  Church;  he 
will  place  the  Pope  under  the  ban  of  Chris- 
tianity. The  sentence  of  the  Pontiff  has 
hitherto  been  absolute :  he  will  now  oppose 
sentence  to  sentence,  and  the  world  shall  per- 
ceive which  is  the  word  of  power.  "  For  the 
peace  of  my  own  conscience,"  said  he,  "  I  am 
resolved  that  men  shall  no  longer  remain 
ignorant  of  the  danger  they  are  in;""7  and  forth- 
with he  took  steps  to  renew  his  appeal  to  a 
General  Council.  To  appeal  from  the  Pope 
to  a  council  was  in  itself  a  crime.  It  was, 
therefore,  by  a  fresh  violation  of  the  pontifical 
authority,  that  Luther  undertook  to  exonerate 
himself  from  the  offences  already  laid  to  his 
charge. 

On  the  17th  of  November,  a  notary  and  five 
witnesses,  of  whom  Cruciger  was  one,  as- 
sembled at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  in  one 
of  the  halls  of  the  Augustine  convent,  in 
which  Luther  resided.  There, — the  public 
functionary,  Sarctor  von  Eisleben,  being  in 
readiness  to  take  a  minute  of  his  protest, — the 
Reformer  in  a  solemn  tone  of  voice  spoke  as 
follows,  in  the  presence  of  the  witnesses  ; 

"  Forasmuch  as  a  General  Council  of  the 
Christian  Church  is  superior  to  the  Pope, 
especially  in  matters  of  faith; 

"  Forasmuch  as  the  authority  of  the  Pope 
is  not  superior,  but  inferior  to  Scripture,  and 
he  has  no  right  to  slay  Christ's  sheep,  or  cast 
them  into  the  jaws  of  the  wolf; 

"  I,  Martin  Luther,  an  Augustine,  and  Doc- 
tor of  the  Holy  Scriptures  at  Wittemberg,  on 
my  own  behalf,  and  on  behalf  of  such  as  stand 
or  shall  stand  on  my  side,  do,  by  this  instru- 
ment, appeal  from  his  holiness,  Pope  Leo,  to 
a  General  Christian  Council,  hereafter  to  be 
held. 

"  I  appeal  from  the  aforesaid  Pope  Leo ; 
first,  as  an  unjust,  hasty,  and  oppressive  judge, 
who  condemns  me  without  having  given  me 
a  hearing,  and  without  declaring  the  grounds 
of  his  judgment : — secondly,  as  a  heretic  and 
apostate,  misguided,  hardened,  and  condemn- 
ed by  Holy  Writ,  who  requires  me  to  deny 
the  necessity  of  Christian  faith  in  the  use  of 
the  sacraments  ;* — thirdly,  as  an  enemy,  an 
Antichrist,  an  adversary  of  the  Scriptures, 


*  The   German  copy  has  a  few  paragraphs 
which  are  not  in  the  Latin. 


and  a  usurper  of  their  authority,118  who  pre- 
sumes to  set  up  his  own  decrees  against  all 
the  declarations  of  the  word  of  God ; — fourthly, 
as  a  contemner,  a  calumniator,  a  blasphemer 
of  the  Holy  Christian  Church,  and  of  every 
free  Council,  who  asserts  that  \  Council  is 
nothing  in  itself. 

"Wherefore,  I  most  humbly  beseech  the 
most  serene,  illustrious,  excellent,  wise,  and 
worthy  lords,  Charles  the  Roman  Emperor, 
the  Electors,  princes,  counts,  barons,  knights, 
gentlemen,  cities,  and  municipalities  of  the 
whole  German  nation,  to  adhere  to  "this  my 
protest,  and  unite  with  me  to  resist  the  anti- 
christian  proceedings  of  the  Pope, — for  God's 
glory,  in  defence  of  the  Church  and  of  the 
Christian  faith,  and  to  uphold  the  free  Coun- 
cils of  Christendom;  and  Christ,  our  Saviour, 
will  richly  reward  them  by  his  everlasting 
grace.  But  if  there  be  any  who  set  my  en- 
treaties at  naught,  preferring  obedience  to  the 
Pope,  an  impious  man,119— rather  than  to  obey 
God,  I  do  hereby  disavow  all  responsibility 
on  their  account,  having  given  a  faithful 
warning  to  their  consciences ;  and  I  leave 
them  to  the  final  judgment  of  God,  together 
with  the  Pope  and  all  his  adherents." 

Such  was  Luther's  instrument  of  divorce  ; 
such  was  his  answer  to  the  Pontiff's  bull.  It 
was  a  deeply  momentous  declaration.  The 
charges  which  he  brought  against  the  Pope 
were  of  the  gravest  character,  nor  were  they 
lightly  preferred.  The  protest  was  circulated 
throughout  the  whole  of  Germany,  and  found 
its  way  into  most  of  the  courts  of  Christen 
dom. 

Luther,  however,  though  his  recent  ac* 
might  have  seemed  the  very  extremity  of 
daring,  had  another  and  a  still  bolder  measure 
in  contemplation.  He  was  determined  that 
in  nothing  would  he  be  behind  Rome.  The 
monk  of  Wittemberg  shall  do  all  that  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff  ventures  to  do.  Sentence 
against  sentence  he  has  already  pronounced  ; 
he  will  now  kindle  pile  for  pile.  The  de- 
scendant of  the  Medici  and  the  miner's  son 
have  encountered  each  other  in  the  lists,  breast 
to  breast;  and  while  that  conflict  continues 
with  which  the  world  is  destined  to  resound, 
not  a  blow  shall  be  struck  by  the  one  com- 
batant that  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  other. 
On  the  10th  of  December,  a  placard  was 
affixed  to  the  walls  of  the  university  of  Wit- 
temberg. It  contained  an  invitation  to  the 
professors  and  students  to  repair  at  the  hour 
of  nine  in  the  morning  to  the  east  gate,  beside 
the  Holy  Cross.  A  great  number  of  doctors 
and  youths  assembled,  and  Luther,  putting 
himself  at  their  head,  led  the  procession  to  the 
appointed  spot.  How  many  piles  had  Rome 
kindled  during  the  ages  of  her  domination ! 
Luther  was  now  to  make  a  better  application 
of  the  great  Romish  principle.  It  was  only 
of  some  musty  writings  that  he  sought  to  be 
rid,  and  fire  he  thought  could  never  be  em- 
ployed to  better  purpose.  A  scaffold  had 
already  been  erected.  One  of  the  oldest 
among  the  Masters  of  Arts  soon  set  fire  to  it. 
As  the  flames  arose,  Luther  drew  nigh,  and 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


171 


cast  into  the  midst  of  them  the  Canon  Law, 
the  Decretals,  the  Clementines,  the  Extra- 
vagants  of  the  Popes,  and  a  portion  of  the 
works  of  Eck  and  of  Emser.  When  these 
books  had  been  reduced  to  ashes,  Luther  took 
the  Pope's  'Bull  in  his  hand,  held  it  up,  and 
said  aloud  :  "  Since  thou  hast  afflicted  the 
Lord's  Holy  One,  may  fire  unquenchable  af- 
flict and  consume  thee !"  and  thereupon  he 
threw  it  into  the  flames.  He  then  with  much 
composure  bent  his  steps  towards  the  city, 
and  the  crowd  of  doctors,  professors,  and  stu- 
dents, with  loud  expressions  of  applause, 
returned  to  Wittemberg  in  his  train.  "  The 
Decretals,"  said  Luther,  "are  like  a  body 
whose  face  is  as  fair  as  a  virgin's;  but  its 
limbs  are  forceful  as  those  of  the  lion,  and  its 
tail  is  that  of  the  wily  serpent.  In  all  the 
papal  laws,  there  is  not  a  single  word  to  teach 
us  what  Jesus  Christ  truly  is.''120 — "  My  ene- 
mies," he  said  again,  "by  burning  my  books, 
may  have  disparaged  the  truth  in  the  minds 
of  the  common  people,  and  occasioned  the 
loss  of  souls ;  for  that  reason  I  have  burned 
their  books  in  my  turn.  This  is  a  mighty 
struggle  but  just  begun.  Hitherto  I  have 
been  only  jesting  with  the  Pope.  I  entered 
upon  this  work  in  the  name  of  God ; — He 
will  bring  it  to  a  close  without  my  aid,  by  his 
own  power.  If  they  dare  to  burn  my  books, 
—of  which  it  is  no  vain  boast  to  say  that 
they  contain  more  of  the  Gospel  than  all  the 
Pope's  books  put  together, — I  may  with  far 
better  reason  burn  theirs,  which  are  wholly 
worthless." 

Had  Luther  commenced  the  Reformation  by 
an  act  like  this,  the  consequences  might  have 
been  deplorable.  Fanaticism  might  have  been 
awakened  by  it,  and  the  Church  forced  into  a 
career  of  disorder  and  violence.  But  in  the 
first  stages  of  his  task,  the  Reformer  had  been 
satisfied  with  calmly  expounding  the  doctrines 
of  Scripture.  The  foundations  of  the  edifice 
had  been  cautiously  and  securely  laid.  In  the 
present  posture  of  affairs,  a  vigorous  blow, 
such  as  he  had  just  struck,  might  not  merely 
be  productive  of  no  ill  effect;  it  might  proba- 
bly hasten  the  moment  when  Christianity 
should  rejoice  over  the  downfall  of  the  power 
by  which  the  Christian  world  had  so  long 
been  held  in  thraldom. 

Luther  by  this  act  distinctly  announced  his 
separation  from  the  Pope  and  the  Papal 
Church.  After  his  letter  to  Leo,  such  an  an- 
nouncement might  in  his  estimation  be  neces- 
sary. He  now  accepted  the  excommunication 
which  Rome  had  pronounced.  He  proclaimed 
in  the  face  of  Christendom  that  between  him 
and  the  Pope  there  was  war  even  to  the  death. 
Like  the  Roman  who  burned  the  vessels  that 
had  conveyed  him  to  the  enemy's  shore,  he 
left  himself  no  resource,  but  to  advance  and 
offer  battle. 

We  have  seen  how  he  re-entered  Wittem- 
berg. On  the  following  morning,  the  hall  of 
the  academy  was  more  than  usually  crowded. 

had  been  excited,  a  deep  solemnity  prevailed, 
the  address  which  the  doctor  was  to  deliver 
23 


'was  the  subject  of  earnest  expectation.  Ha 
proceeded  with  a  portion  of  his  commentary 
upon  the  Psalms,  which  he  had  begun  in 
the  month  of  March  of  the  preceding  year. 
Having  finished  his  lecture,  he  paused  for  a 
few  moments,  and  then  he  said  with  great  vi- 
vacity :  «*  Be  on  your  guard  against  the  laws 
and  statutes  of  the  Pope.  I  have  burned  the 
Decretals,  but  that  is  mere  child's  play.  It  is 
time,  and  more  than  time,  that  the  Pope  him- 
self were  burned, — I  mean,"  he  immediately 
subjoined — "the 'papal  chair,  with  all  its  false 
doctrines,  and  all  its  abominations."  As- 
suming then  a  more  solemn  tone :  "  If  you  do 
not  with  your  whole  hearts  resist  the  impious 
usurpation  of  the  Pope,  you  cannot  be  saved. 
Whosoever  lakes  pleasure  in  the  Popish  doc- 
trine and  worship  will  be  lost  to  all  eternity  in 
the  world  to  come."121 

"  True,"  added  he,  "  if  we  reject  that  false 
creed,  we  must  expect  no  less  than  to  encoun- 
ter every  kind  of  danger — even  to  the  loss  of 
life.  But  far  better  it  is  to  expose  ourselves 
to  all  the  perils  that  this  present  world  can 
assail  us  with,  than  to  hold  our  peace!  So 
long  as  my  life  shall  last,  I,  for  my  part,  will 
never  cease  to  warn  my  brethren  of  the  wound 
and  plague  of  Babylon,  lest  any  of  those  who 
now  walk  with  us  should  slide  back  like  the 
rest  into  the  pit  of  hell." 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  effect  which 
was  produced  upon  the  auditory  by  this  dis- 
course, with  the  energy  of  which  we  our- 
selves cannot  fail  to  be  struck.  "  Not  a  man 
among  us,"  adds  the  candid  student  to  whom 
we  are  indebted  for  its  preservation,  "  unless 
he  be  a  senseless  block,  (as  all  the  Papists 
are,"  he  remarks  in  a  parenthesis) — "  not  a 
man  among  us  doubts  that  this  is  the  very 
truth.  It  is  evident  to  all  the  faithful,  that 
Doctor  Luther  is  an  angel  of  the  living  God;, 
commissioned  to  lead  back  the  sheep  of 
Christ's  flock  to  the  wholesome  pastures  from 
which  we  have  wandered."122 

This  discourse  and  the  act  which  preceded 
it  mark  an  important  epoch  in  the  Reforma- 
tion. In  his  heart,  Luther  had  been  alienated 
from  the  Pope  by  the  controversy  at  Leipsic. 
But  at  the  moment  when  he  burned  the  bull, 
he  declared  in  the  most  explicit  manner  his 
separation  from  the  Bishop  of  Rome  and  the 
Roman  Church,  and  his  adherence  to  the 
Church  universal,  as  founded  by  the  apostles 
of  Jesus  Christ.  At  the  east  gate  of  Wittem- 
berg he  kindled  a  flame  which  three  hundred 
years  have  not  yet  extinguished. 

"  The  Pope,"  said  he,  "  has  three  crowns : 
— I  will  show  you  why  ; — the  first  is  against 
God,  for  he  abrogates  religion; — the  second 
against  the  Emperor,  for  he  abrogates  the  se- 
cular power; — the  third  against  society  at 
large,  for  he  abrogates  marriage."123  When  he 
was  accused  of  too  much  violence  in  his  op- 
position to  Popery: — "Oh!"  he  replied, 
"  were  it  mine  to  choose,  my  testimony  against 
it  should  be  no  other  than  the  voice  of  thun- 
der, and  every  word  should  fall  like  the  fiery 
bolt."124 

This  undaunted  spirit  was  rapidly  commu- 


172 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


nicated  to  Luther's  friends  and  fellow-coun- 
trymen. The  nation  rallied  round  him.  Me- 
lancthon,  about  this  time,  addressed  to  the 
States  of  the  Empire  a  discourse  which,  for 
elegance  of  style  and  strength  of  reasoning1,  is 
worthy  of  its  amiable  author.  It  was  an  an- 
swer to  a  book  attributed  to  Emser,  but  pub- 
lished under  the  name  of  the  Roman  theologian 
Rhadinus.  Never  had  Luther  himself  spoken 
with  greater  energy  ;  and  yet  in  Melancthon's 
composition  there  is  a  grace  superadded,  which 
wins  it  way  to  the  heart. 

After  proving,  by  texts  quoted  from  Scrip- 
ture, that  the  Pope  is  not  superior  to  other 
bishops ; — "  What  hinders  us,"  he  asks  of 
the  States,  "  from  depriving  the  Pope  of  the 
authority  with  which  we  have  invested  him1?125 
It  is  a  matter  of  small  concern  to  Luther  that 
our  wealth — the  treasure  of  Europe — is  sent 
to  Rome.  What  grieves  him,  and  grieves  us 
also,  is,  that  the  Papal  laws  and  Pontifical  do- 
minion entail  upon  the  souls  of  men,  not  jeo- 
pardy merely,  but  absolute  ruin.  Every  man 
may  judge  for  himself,  whether  or  not  it  be- 
hoves him  to  dedicate  his  money  to  the  main- 
tenance of  Romish  luxury ;  but  to  form  a  judg- 
ment on  matters  of  religion  and  the  holy  mys- 
teries is  beyond  the  capacity  of  the  multitude. 
On  this  ground  does.  Luther  appeal  to  your 
faith  and  to  your  zeal ;  and  every  pious  man, 
if  not  openly,  at  least  by  secret  groans  and 
sighs,  joins  in  the  same  invocation.  Recollect 
that  you  are  Christians,  princes  of  a  Christian 
nation,  and  hasten  to  rescue  the  piteous  wreck 
of  Christianity  from  the  tyrannous  hand  of 
Antichrist.  They  who  would  persuade  you 
that  you  have  no  jurisdiction  over  these  priests 
are  deceiving  you  grossly.  Let  the  same  spirit 
that  animated  Jehu  against  the  priests  of  Baal, 
urge  you  by  that  memorable  example  to  crush 
the  Romish  superstition  ;  a  superstition  more 
detestable  by  far  than  the  idolatry  of  Baal 
itself."12"  Such  was  the  language  in  which  the 
mild  Melancthon  addressed  the  princes  of  Ger- 
many. 

Here  and  there  a  cry  of  alarm  was  raised 
among  the  friends  of  the  Reformation.  Men  of 
feeble  character,  ever  inclined  to  concession 
and  compromise,  and  Staupitz,  the  foremost 
of  this  class,  gave  utterance  to  sentiments  of 
deep  concern.  "  All  that  has  been  done  hith- 
erto," said  Luther  to  him,  "  has  been  mere 
play.  Remember  what  you  yourself  said ; — 
if  God  were  not  the  author  of  all  this,  it  never 
could  have  taken  place.  The  tumult  is  con- 
tinually growing  more  and  more  tumultuous  ; 
nor  do  I  think  that  it  will  ever  be  appeased 
until  the  last  day ."127This  was  Luther's  method 
of  encouraging*  the  timorous.  Three  centu- 
ries have  passed  away,  and  the  tumult  is  not 

44  The  Papacy,"  continued  he,  "  has  ceased 
to  be  what  it  was  yesterday,  and  the  day  be- 
fore. Excommunicate  me,  and  burn  my  writ- 
ings it  may, — ay,  and  put  me  to  death! — but 
that  which  is  now  going  forward  it  can  never 
stop.  We  stand  on  the  very  threshold  of 
some  wonderful  dispensation.128  When  I  burn- 
ed the  bull,  it  was  with  inward  fear  and  trem- 


bling ;  but  I  look  back  upon  that  act  with  more 
pleasure  than  upon  any  passage  of  my  life."129 

Here  we  cannot  but  pause,  delighted  to  trace 
the  image  of  the  future  so  vividly  impressed 
on  the  mighty  mind  of  the  Reformer.  "  O  my 
father,"  says  he  to  Staupitz  in  the  conclusion 
of  his  letter,  "  pray  for  the  word  of  God  and 
for  me !  I  am  hurried  along  by  these  billows, 
and  wellnigh  overwhelmed."130 

On  every  side,  then,  the  battle  is  now  be- 
gun. The  combatants  have  flung  away  their 
scabbards.  The  Word  of  God  has  reclaimed 
its  rightful  authority,  and  the  sentence  of  de- 
position has  gone  forth  against  him  who  had 
usurped  the  place  of  God.  The  agitation  per- 
vades every  class  of  the  community.  In  no 
age  has  there  been  a  lack  of  selfish  men,  who 
would  gladly  allow  mankind  to  slumber  on  in 
error  and  corruption  :  but  those  whose  hearts 
are  enlarged,  however  timid  by  natural  consti- 
tution, think  far  differently.  "  We  are  well 
aware,"  says  the  rnild  and  moderate  Melanc- 
thon, "  that  statesmen  are  averse  from  all  in- 
novation ;  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  in 
this  scene  of  mournful  confusion,  which  we 
call  human  life, — controversies,  however  just 
the  grounds  from  which  they  spring,  are  always 
chargeable  with  some  measure  of  evil.  Never- 
theless, it  is  necessary  that  God's  word  and 
his  commandments  should  have  preference  in 
the  Church  over  every  earthly  interest.131  The 
everlasting  anger  of  God  is  denounced  against 
such  as  endeavour  to  suppress  the  truth.  It 
was  Luther's  duty,  therefore, — a  Christian 
duty  from  which  he  could  in  no  way  escape, 
more  especially  as  he  held  the  office  of  a 
teacher  in  the  Church, — to  reprove  those  per- 
nicious errors  which  unprincipled  men  were 
so  shamefully  engaged  in  diffusing.  If  these 
disputes  engender  many  evils,  as,  to  my  great 
grief,"  he  adds,  "  I  perceive  that  they  do,  the 
fault  rests  with  those  who  first  propagated  er- 
ror, and  with  those  who  now,  with  diabolical 
malignity,  attempt  to  uphold  it." 

But  this  was  not  the  opinion  entertained  by 
all.  Luther  was  overwhelmed  with  reproach- 
es,— the  storm  burst  upon  him  from  every 
quarter. — "  He  stands  alone  !"  said  some. — 
"  He  teaches  new  doctrines  !"  said  others. 

"  Who  knows,"  replied  Luther,  deeply  con- 
scious of  the  vocation  he  had  received  from  on 
high, — "who  knows  whether  God  has  not 
called  and  chosen  me  for  this  very  purpose, 
and  whether  they  who  despise  me  have  not 
reason  to  fear  lest  they  be  found  despisers  of 
God  himself?122  Moses  was  alone  when  the 
Israelites  were  led  out  of  Egypt;  Elijah  was 
alone  in  the  time  of  King  Ahab  ;  Ezekiel  was 
alone  at  Babylon.  Godi  has  never  chosen  for 
his  prophet  either  the  high-priest  or  any  other 
person  of  exalted  rank  ;  he  has  generally  cho- 
sen men  of  a  mean  and  low  condition, — in  the 
instance  of  Amos,  even  a  simple  shepherd. 
The  saints  in  every  age  have  been  called  upon 
to  rebuke  the  great  of  this  world — Kings  and 
princes — priests  and  scholars — and  to  fulfil 
their  office  at  the  peril  of  their  lives.  Has  it 
not  been  thus  under  the  New  Testament  dis- 
pensation 1  Ambrose  in  his  time  stood  alone  j 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


173 


after  him,  Jerome  was  alone; — later  still,  Au- 
gustine was  alone.  I  say  not  that  I  am  a 
prophet;  but  I  say  that  they  have  the  more 
reason  to  fear,  because  I  am  alone  and  they  are 
many.133  Of  this  I  am  sure,  that  the  Word  of 
God  is  with  me,  and  that  it  is  not  with  them." 

" It  is  asserted  also,"  continues  he,  "that  I 
am  bringing  forward  novelties,  and  that  it  is 
impossible  to  believe  that  all  other  teachers 
for  so  long  a  time  have  been  in  error. 

"  No — these  are  not  novelties  that  I  preach  ! 
—But  I  affirm  that  the  doctrines  of  Christiani- 
ty have  been  lost  sight  of  by  those  whose  spe- 
cial duty  it  was  to  preserve  them — by  the 
learned — by  the  bishops.  I  doubt  not,  indeed, 
that  the  truth  has  still  found  an  abode  in  some 
few  hearts,  were  it  only  with  infants  in  the 
cradle.134  Poor  husbandmen  and  simple  child- 
ren, in  these  days,  understand  more  of  Jesus 
Christ  than  the  Pope,  the  bishops,  or  the  doc- 
tors. 

"I  am  accused  of  rejecting  the  holy  doctors 
of  the  Church.  I  reject  them  not,  but  since 
those  doctors  all  labour  to  prove  what  they 
write  by  the  Holy  Scriptures,  it  follows  that 
the  Scriptures  must  be  clearer  and  more  con- 
clusive than  their  writings.  Who  would 
ever  think  of  proving  what  is  in  itself  obscure 
by  the  help  of  something  obscurer  still  1  Ne- 
cessity, therefore,  obliges  us  to  have  recourse 
to  the  Bible,  as  all  the  doctors  have  done; 
and  to  test  their  writings  by  it, — for  the  Bible 
is  our  only  rule  and  standard. 

"  But  it  is  further  objected  that  men  high  in 
station  pursue  me  with  their  censures.  What 
then ! — do  not  the  Scriptures  clearly  show  that 
they  who  persecute  are  generally  in  the  wrong, 
and  they  who  suffer  persecution  in  the  right, 
— that  the  majority  has  always  been  on  the 
side  of  falsehood,  and  the  minority  only  on  the 
side  of  truth  ?  It  is  the  fate  of  truth  to  occa- 
sion an  outcry."135 

Luther  then  passes  under  review  the  vari- 
ous propositions  which  had  been  condemned 
by  the  bull  as  heretical;  and  demonstrates 
their  truth  by  arguments  drawn  from  Holy 
Scripture.  With  how  much  force,  in  particu- 
lar, does  he  maintain  the  doctrine  of  grace! 

"What,"  says  he,  "shall  we  say,  that  na- 
ture, antecedently  to,  and  unassisted  by,  grace, 
can  hate  sin,  flee  from  sin,  and  repent  of  it, 
while  yet,  after  grace  vouchsafed,  that  same 
nature  loves  sin,  seeks  it,  yearns  after  it,  and 
never  ceases  to  strive  against  grace  and  op- 
pose it, — this  being  the  burden  under  which 
the  saints  are  continually  groaning.  It  is  as 
though  you  were  to  tell  me  that  some  sturdy 
tree,  which  my  utmost  efforts  could  never 
bend,  would  bend  of  its  own  accord  were  it 
left  alone,  or  that  some  torrent  which  dikes 
and  dams  were  ineffectual  to  restrain  would 
check  its  own  course  if  all  these  impediments 
were  removed.  NO!  never  shall  we  attain 
to  repentance  by  considering  sin  or  its  conse- 
qcences,  but  only  by  fixing  our  contemplation 
on  the  wounded  Saviour,  and  on  the  love  of 
which  his  wounds  are  the  token.136  The  know- 
ledge of  sin  must  proceed  from  repentance, — 
not  repentance  from  the  knowledge  of  sin. 


That  knowledge  is  the  fruit, — repentance  the 
tree.  In  our  country  the  fruit  grows  on  the 
tree,  but  in  the  domain  of  his  Holiness  it 
would  seem  that  the  tree  grows  on  the  fruit!" 

The  intrepid  teacher,  though  protesting,  yet 
retracts  some  of  his  propositions.  Notwith- 
standing all  his  protestations,  Luther  retracts. 

But  our  surprise  will  cease,  when  we  learn 
the  manner  of  his  doing  this.  After  citing  the 
four  propositions  regarding  indulgences  which, 
had  been  condemned  by  the  bull,*  he  simply 
adds: 

"In  deference  to  the  holy  and  learned  bull, 
I  retract  all  that  I  have  ever  advanced  on  the 
subject  of  Indulgence.  If  my  books  deserved 
to  be  burned,  it  was  because  they  contained 
certain  concessions  to  the  Pope  in  respect  to 
that  doctrine  of  indulgences;  on  which  ac- 
count I  myself  now  condemn  them  to  the 
flames." 

Then  follows  another  retractation  in  respect 
to  John  Huss  :  "  I  now  say,  not  that  some  of 
the  articles  but  that  all  the  articles  propound- 
ed by  John  Huss  are  altogether  orthodox. 
The  Pope  in  condemning  Huss  has  condemn- 
ed the  Gospel.  I  have  gone  five  times  as  far 
as  he,  and  yet  I  greatly  fear  I  have  not  gone 
far  enough.  Huss  only  says  that  a  wicked 
Pope  is  not  a  member  of  the  Christian  Church; 
— I,  on  the  other  hand,  were  I  now  to  see  St. 
Peter  himself  seated  in  the  Roman  chair, 
would  deny  that  he  was  Pope  by  God's  ap- 
pointment." 

The  powerful  language  of  the  Reformer 
sunk  deep  into  men's  minds,  and  prepared 
them  for  enfranchisement.  Every  word  was 
a  living  spark  helping  to  spread  the  flame 
through  the  whole  nation.  But  an  important 
question  was  yet  to  be  decided.  Would  the 
Prince,  whose  territory  Luther  inhabited,  con- 
cur in  the  execution  of  the  bull,  or  would  he 
oppose  it?  This  question  was  not  easily  an- 
swered. The  Elector,  as  well  as  the  other 
princes  of  the  Empire,  was  then  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle.  It  was  there  that  the  crown  of 
Charlemagne  was  placed  on  the  head  of  the 
youngest,  and  yet  the  most  powerful  monarch 
of  Christendom.  The  pomp  and  magnificence 
displayed  on  that  occasion  surpassed  all  pre- 
vious example.  After  the  ceremony,  Charles 
the  Fifth,  attended  by  Frederic  and  the  other 
princes,  by  the  ministers  and  ambassadors, 
immediately  repaired  to  Cologne.  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  which  had  been  visited  by  the 
plague,  seemed  to  discharge  its  entire  popu- 
lation into  that  ancient  city  of  the  Rhine. 

Among  the  crowd  of  strangers  who  were 
then  received  within  its  walls,  were  the  Pope's 
two  nuncios,  Marino  Carracioli  and  Hierony- 
mus   Aleander.      Carracioli,   who  had   been 
employed  on  a  previous  embassy  to  Maximi- 
lian, was  authorized  to  congratulate  the  new 
Emperor,  and  to  treat  with  him  on  affairs  of 
state.     But  Rome  had  perceived  that  in  or'1 
to  bring  her  measures  for  the  extinction 
Reformation  to  a  successful  issu*' 
send  to  Germany  a  nuncio  sp^ 


The  19th  to  the  22 


174 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


with  that  service,  and  fitted  by  a  peculiar  cast 
of  mind,  and  by  a  union  of  dexterity  with 
activity,  for  its  accomplishment.  With  this 
view  Aleander  had  been  selected.137  This  in- 
dividual, who  at  a  later  period  was  invested 
with  the  cardinal's  purple,  was  descended,  it 
would  appear,  from  a  family  of  considerable 
antiquity,  and  not,  as  some  have  reported, 
from  a  Jewish  stock.  The  licentious  Borgia 
sent  for  him  to  Rome  to  make  him  secretary 
to  that  son  Caesar,  at  whose  very  name  all 
Rome  trembled.  "The  master  and  the  ser- 
vant were  well  matched,"  says  a  contem- 
porary writer,  intimating  thus  similarity  of 
character  between  Aleander  and  Alexander 
the  Sixth.  The  verdict  seems  too  severe. 
After  the  death  of  Borgia,  Aleander  give  him- 
self up  to  study  with  renewed  ardour.  His 
proficiency  in  Greek,  Hebrew,  Chaldee,  and 
Arabic,  gained  him  the  credit  of  being  the 
most  learned  man  of  his  age.  Whatsoever 
pursuit  he  engaged  in,  he  devoted  himself  to 
it  with  his  whole  heart.  The  zeal  with  which 
he  applied  himself  to  the  acquisition  of  lan- 
guages was  no  less  intense  than  that  which 
he  afterwards  displayed  in  persecuting  the 
Reformation.  His  services  were  next  en- 
gaged by  Leo  the  Tenth.  Protestant  histo- 
rians speak  of  his  epicurean  morals ;  Romish 
historians  celebrate  his  blameless  life.138  It 
appears  that  he  was  addicted  to  luxury,  to 
dramatic  entertainments,  and  public  shows. 
"  Aleander  lives  at  Venice  the  life  of  a  gro- 
velling epicurean  in  high  estate,"  said  his  old 
friend  Erasmus.  All  reports  agree  that  he 
was  a  man  of  imperious  character,  prompt  in 
his  actions,  ardent,  indefatigable,  imperious, 
and  devoted  to  the  Pope.  Eck  was  the  fiery 
and  intrepid  champion  of  the  schools;  Ale- 
ander, the  haughty  envoy  of  the  domineering 
Vatican.  He  seemed  born  to  be  a  Nuncio. 

Rome  had  every  thing  in  readiness  for  the 
destruction  of  the  monk  of  Wittemberg.  The 
part  which  Aleander  had  to  perform°as  the 
Pope's  representative  in  the  coronation  of  the 
Emperor,  he  regarded  as  only  a  subordinate 
commission,  adapted,  however,  to  promote 
his  main  design,  by  the  personal  consider- 
ation which  it  necessarily  secured  for  him. 
But  his  real  office  was  to  persuade  Charles  to 
crush  the  Reformation  in  its  birth.139  "The 
Pope,"  said  the  Nuncio,  as  he  gave  the  bull 
into  the  Emperor's  hands,  "  the  Pope,  who 
has  measured  his  strength  with  so  many 
mighty  princes,  will  find  little  difficulty  in 
dealing  with  these  grammarians."  Under 
that  contemptuous  designation  he  included 
Luther,  Melancthon,  and  Erasmus.  Erasmus 
himself  was  present  at  the  audience. 

Immediately  after  his  arrival  at  Cologne, 
Aleander,  acting  in  concert  with  Carracioli, 
made  it  the  object  of  his  most  strenuous  ef- 
forts that  the  heretical  writings  of  Luther 
should  be  publicly  burned  in  every  part  of 
the  empire,  but  more  particularly  under  the 
eyes  of  the  German  princes  assembled  in  that 
city.  Charles  the  Fifth  had  already  given 
his  consent,  so  far  as  concerned  his  hereditary 
dominions.  The  agitation  of  men's  minds  in 


'  this  juncture  was  extreme.  The  ministers 
I  of  Charles  and  the  Nuncios  themselves  were 
1  solemnly  warned  that  measures  like  these, 
instead  of  healing  the  wound,  would  inflame 
it.  "Do  you  imagine,"  they  were  asked, 
I  "that  the  doctrine  taught  by  Luther  exists 
only  in  those  books  which  you  are  now  con- 
demning to  the  flames  ]  It  is  deeply  engraven 
where  you  cannot  obliterate  it — in  the  hearts 
of  the  German  nation.140  If  you  mean  to  em- 
ploy force,  you  must  give  the  word  for  myriads 
of  swords  to  be  unsheathed,  and  a  countless 
multitude  of  victims  to  be  slaughtered.  Pil- 
ing a  few  fagots  together  to  burn  a  few 
sheets  of  paper  will  be  of  no  avail :  nor  does 
it  beseem  the  dignity  of  the  Emperor  or  that 
of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  to  employ  such  wea- 
pons."141 The  Nuncio  clung  to  his  fagots  not- 
withstanding. "  These  flames  that  we  shall 
kindle,"  said  he,  "are  a  sentence  of  condem- 
nation written  in  giant  characters,  conspicuous 
far  and  wide — to  the  learned  and  the  unlearn- 
ed— legible  even  to  such  as  can  read  no 
others." 

But,  after  all,  the  Nuncio  cared  little  about 
books  or  papers ;  Luther  himself  was  the 
mark  he  aimed  at.  "These  fires,"  he  re- 
marked again,  "  are  not  sufficient  to  purify  the 
pestilential  atmosphere  of  Germany ,142Though 
they  may  strike  terror  into  the  simple-minded, 
they  leave  the  authors  of  the  mischief  unpu- 
nished. We  must  have  an  imperial  edict 
sentencing  Luther  to  death."143 

Aleander  found  the  Emperor  less  compli- 
ant when  the  Reformer's  life  was  demanded, 
than  he  had  shown  himself  before,  when  his 
books  alone  were  attacked. 

"  Raised  as  I  have  been  so  recently  to  the 
throne,  I  cannot,"  said  Charles,  "without the 
advice  of  my  counsellors,  and  the  consent  of 
the  Princes  of  the  Empire,  strike  such  a  blow 
as  this  against  a  faction  so  numerous  and  so 
powerfully  protected.  Let  us  first  ascertain 
what  our  father,  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  thinks 
of  the  matter ;  we  shall  then  be  prepared  to 
give  our  answer  to  the  Pope."144  On  the  Elec- 
tor, therefore,  must  the  Nuncios  now  exer- 
cise their  artifices  and  the  power  of  their 
rhetoric. 

On  the  first  Sunday  of  November,  after 
Frederic  had  attended  mass  in  the  convent  of 
the  Cordeliers,  Carracioli  and  Aleander  de- 
manded an  audience  of  him.  He  received 
them  in  the  presence  of  the  Bishop  of  Trent 
and  of  several  of  his  counsellors.  Carracioli 
opened  the  interview  by  presenting  to  the 
Elector  the  Pope's  brief.  Of  a  milder  cha- 
racter than  Aleander,  he  thought  it  expedient 
to  gain  the  Prince  over,  if  possible,  by  fail 
speeches,  and  accordingly  began  by  compli 
menting  him  and  his  ancestors.  "  In  your 
Highness,"  said  he,  "are  reposed  all  our 
hopes  for  the  salvation  of  the  Church  and  the 
Holy  Roman  Empire." 

But  the  impetuous  Aleander,  resolved  to 
come  at  once  to  the  point,  stepped  abruptly 
forward  and  interrupted  his  colleague,  who 
modestly  gave  way  to  him.145  "  It  is  to  myself 
and  to  Eck,"  said  he,  "  that  the  affair  of  friar 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


175 


Martir 


tin  has  been  intrusted.  Consider  the  in- 
finite peril  into  which  this  man  is  plunging 
the  Christian  commonwealth.  Unless  a  re- 
medy be  speedily  applied,  the  fate  of  the 
Empire  is  sealed. "  Why  has  the  Empire  of  the 
Greeks  been  destroyed,  but  because  they  fell 
away  from  the  Pope  1  You  cannot  join  your- 
self to  Luther  without  being  dissevered  from 
Christ.146  In  the  name  of  his  Holiness,  I  re- 
quire of  you  two  things;  first,  that  you  cause 
Luther's  writings  to  be  burned  ;  secondly, 
that  you  inflict  upon  the  heretic  himself  the 
punishment  he  deserves,  or  else  that  you  de- 
liver him  up  a  prisoner  to  the  Pope.147  The 
Emperor  and  all  the  Princes  of  the  Empire 
have  signified  their  willingness  to  accede  to 
our  demands ; — you  alone  demur." 

Frederic  replied  by  the  mouth  of  the  Bishop 
of  Trent:  "This  is  a  matter  of  too  much  im- 
portance to  be  decided  instantly.  Our  deter- 
mination in  regard  to  it  shall  be  duly  commu- 
nicated to  you." 

The  position  in  which  the  Elector  was 
placed  was  a  difficult  one.  To  which  side 
shall  he  incline?  On  the  one  side  are  arrayed 
the  Emperor,  the  Princes  of  the  Empire,  and 
the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  whose  authority  Frede- 
ric, at  this  time,  has  no  thought  of  shaking 
off:  on  the  other  stands  a  monk,  a  poor  monk, 
for  against  Luther  alone  is  this  assault  level- 
led. The  reign  of  Charles  has  but  just  begun. 
Shall  Frederic,  the  oldest,  the  wisest  of  the 
sovereign  princes  of  Germany,  be  the  first  to 
kindle  discord  in  the  Empire?  And,  besides, 
how  shall  he  forfeit  the  praise  of  that  devotion 
which  led  him  in  earlier  days  on  his  long  pil- 
grimage to  the  sepulchre  of  Christ? 

But  there  were  voices  raised  to  plead  on  the 
opposite  part  also.  A  youthful  Prince,  who 
afterwards  wore  the  electoral  diadem,  and 
whose  reign  was  signalized  by  great  calami- 
ties— John  Frederic,  the  son  of  Duke  John, 
and  nephew  of  the  Elector,  having  been  edu- 
cated by  Spalatin,  and  having  now  attained 
the  age  of  seventeen,  had  had  his  heart  deeply 
imbued  with  a  love  of  the  truth,  and  was  ar- 
dently attached  to  Luther.148  When  he  saw  him 
pursued  by  the  anathemas  of  Rome,  he  em- 
braced his  cause  with  the  fervour  of  a  young 
Christian,  and  the  spirit  of  a  young  Prince. 
He  wrote  to  the  Reformer,  and  also  to  his 
uncle,  and  with  dignified  earnestness  besought 
the  latter  to  protect  Luther  against  his  ene- 
mies. On  the  other  hand,  Spalatin, — often, 
it  must  be  confessed,  in  too  timid  a  strain, — 
as  well  as  Pontanus,  and  the  other  counsellors 
who  were  with  the  Elector  at  Cologne,  repre- 
sented to  the  Prince  that  he  could  not  abandon 
the  Reformer.149 

Amidst  this  general  agitation,  one  man 
remained  unmoved :  it  was  Luther  himself. 
While  his  friends  were  invoking  the  assist- 
ance of  the  great  to  save  him  from  destruction, 
the  monk,  in  his  cloister  at  Wittemberg,  had 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  his  part, 
rather,  to  rescue  the  great  of  this  world  from 
their  imminent  peril.  "If  the  Gospel,"  he 
wrote  to  Spalatin,  "were  of  such  a  nature  that 
it  must  be  propagated  or  supported  by  earthly 


potentates,  God  would  not  have  committed  it 
to  the  hands  of  a  few  fishermen.150  It  is  not  to 
princes  or  to  pontiffs  that  the  task  is  assigned 
of  defending  God's  word.  Enough  for  them, 
if  they  can  themselves  escape  the  judgments 
of  the  Lord  and  his  Anointed.  I  speak  thus 
boldly,  that  they  may  be  led  to  acquaint  them- 
selves with  the  divine  Word,  and  may  find 
salvation  there." 

What  Luther  desired  was  about  to  be  ac- 
complished. The  same  faith  that  worked 
unseen  in  the  convent  of  Wittemberg,  was  to 
display  its  power  in  the  princely  halls  of  Co- 
logne. Frederic's  courage,  which  for  a  while, 
perhaps,  had  faltered,  soon  rose  again  to  its 
wonted  pitch.  He  shuddered  at  the  thought 
of  delivering  an  honest  man  into  the  hands  of 
his  implacable  enemies.  "Justice  must  have 
precedence  even  of  the  Pope :"  by  this  prin- 
ciple would  he  regulate  his  conduct. 

On  the  4th  of  November,  his  counsellors 
intimated,  in  his  name,  to  the  Papal  Nuncios, 
who  had  again  met  in  the  presence  of  the 
Bishop  of  Trent,  in  the  Elector's  palace,  that 
his  highness  had  seen  with  great  concern  the 
advantage  which  Doctor  Eck  had  taken  of  his 
absence,  to  involve  many  persons  in  the  sen- 
tence of  condemnation,  who  were  not  particu- 
larized in  the  bull ;  that  since  his  departure 
from  Saxony,  multitudes,  very  probably,  of 
every  class,  the  learned  as  well  as  the  unlearn- 
ed, the  clergy  as  well  as  the  laity,  had  joined 
themselves  to  Luther,  and  become  parties  to 
his  appeal  ;151  that  neither  his  Imperial  Majesty 
nor  any  one  else  had  yet  made  it  appear  to 
him  that  Luther's  writings  had  been  refuted, 
or  demonstrated  to  be  fit  only  for  the  flames ; 
that  he  demanded,  therefore,  that  Doctor  Lu- 
ther should  be  furnished  with  a  safe-conduct, 
and  permitted  to  answer  for  himself  before  a 
tribunal  composed  of  learned,  pious,  and  im- 
partial judges." 

After  this  announcement,  Aleander,  Carra- 
cioli,  and  their  followers  withdrew  for  a  while 
to  hold  a  consultation.152  This  was  the  first 
occasion  on  which  the  Elector  had  publicly 
declared  his  intentions  in  regard  to  the  Re- 
former. The  Nuncios  had  expected  him  to 
adopt  a  very  different  course.  The  affair  hav- 
ing been  brought  to  that  stage  in  which  his 
continued  neutrality  would  expose  him  to  dan- 
gers, the  full  extent  of  which  no  foresight 
could  measure,  they  thought  that  he  would  no 
longer  hesitate  to  give  up  the  obnoxious  monk. 
So  Rome  had  reasoned.  But  her  machina- 
tions were  now  to  be  baffled  by  a  power  which 
her  calculations  had  left  wholly  out  of  view — 
the  love  of  justice  and  truth. 

On  the  readmission  of  the  Nuncios  into  the 
audience-chamber,  "I  should  like  to  know," 
said  the  arrogant  Aleander,  "what  would  the 
Elector  think,  if  one  of  his  subjects  were  to 
appeal  from  his  judgment  to  that  of  the  King 
of  France,  or  some  other  foreign  sovereign." 
But,  perceiving  at  last  that  the  Saxon  coun- 
sellors were  not  to  be  wrought  upon,  "  Wo 
will  execute  t)ie  bull,"  said  he;  "we  will 
pursue  and  burn  the  writings  of  Luther.  As 
for  his  person,"  he  added,  affecting  a  tone  of 


176 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


disdainful  indifference,  "the  Pope  has  little 
inclination  to  imbrue  his  hands  in  the  blood 
of  the  unhappy  wretch." 

When  the  tidings  reached  Wittemberg  of 
the  reply  given  by  the  Elector  to  the  Nuncios, 
Luther's  friends  were  transported  with  joy. 
Melancthon  and  Amsdorff,  in  particular,  con- 
ceived the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  the  future. 
"The  German  nobles,"  said  Melancthon, 
"will  follow  the  guidance  of  the  Prince  whom 
they  revere  as  their  Nestor.  If  Homer  styled 
his  aged  hero  the  bulwark  of  the  Greeks,  why 
may  not  our  Frederic  be  surnamed  the  bulwark 
of  Germany?"™ 

Erasmus,  the  oracle  of  courts,  the  arbiter  of 
schools,  the  luminary  of  the  age,  was  then  at 
Cologne.  He  had  been  summoned  thither  by 
several  princes,  desirous  to  profit  by  his  coun- 
sels. Erasmus,  at  the  epoch  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, was  the  leader  of  that  party  which  held 
the  just  mean  between  the  other  two:  such, 
at  least,  was  his  own  persuasion, — a  mistaken 
one,  however;  for  when  truth  and  error  stand 
in  hostile  opposition,  justice  halts  not  on  the 
middle  ground.  He  was  the  chief  of  that 
philosophical  and  academic  party,  which,  for 
centuries,  had  been  attempting  to  correct  the 
abuses  of  the  Romish  Church,  but  still  with- 
out success.  He  was  the  representative  of 
human  wisdom, — a  wisdom  far  too  weak  to 
chastise  the  pride  of  Popery.  The  task  could 
be  achieved  only  by  the  wisdom  of  God,  which 
men  often  deem  foolishness,  but  at  the  voice 
of  which  the  mountains  crumble  into  dust. 
Erasmus  would  neither  thro  whim  self  into  the 
arms  of  Luther,  nor  yet  would  he  crouch  at 
the  footstool  of  the  Pope.  He  wavered,  and 
sometimes  lost  his  balance  between  the  two 
opposing  influences;  ever  and  anon  attracted 
towards  the  Reformer,  and  then  again  suddenly 
drawn  back  into  the  sphere  of  Romish  delu- 
sion. In  a  letter  addressed  to  Albert,  the 
Archbishop  of  Mentz,  he  had  declared  himself 
in  Luther's  favour.  "It  seems,"  said  he, 
"as  though  the  last  spark  of  Christian  piety 
were  about  to  be  extinguished ;  and  this  it  is 
that  has  stirred  up  the  heart  of  Luther; — his 
aim  is  not  distinction,  nor  is  he  seeking 
wealth."154  But  this  letter,  which  Ulric  Von 
Hiltten  imprudently  published,  was  the  cause 
of  so  much  annoyance  to  Erasmus,  that  he 
determined  to  observe  more  caution  for  the 
future.  Moreover,  though  he  lay  under  the 
charge  of  connivance  with  Luther,  the  unmea- 
sured language  employed  by  the  latter  gave 
him  serious  umbrage.  "Almost  all  good  peo- 
ple lean  towards  Luther,"  he  observed,  "but 
I  perceive  that  the  affair  will  end  in  rebellion. 
155  ..  I  do  not  wish  my  name  to  be  coupled 
with  his.156  It  injures  me,  and  does  him  no  j 
service." 157i' Be  it  so,"  replied  Luther;  "if 
that  displeases  you,  I  promise  you  that  I  will 
never  make  mention  of  you,  or  any  of  your 
friends."  Such  was  the  man  to  whom  the 
favourers  and  the  enemies  of  the  Reformer 
alike  addressed  themselves. 

The  Elector,  knowing  that  the  opinion  of  a 
man  so  highly  respected  as  Erasmus  would 
carry  great  weight  with  it,  requested  a  visit 


from  the  illustrious  Hollander.  Erasmus 
obeyed  the  invitation  on  the  5th  of  December. 
The  friends  of  Luther  regarded  the  interview 
with  some  measure  of  secret  alarm.  The 
Elector  was  standing  before  the  fire,  with  Spa- 
latin  by  his  side,  when  Erasmus  was  ushered 
into  the  chamber.  "  What  think  you  of  Lu- 
ther?" asked  Frederic  immediately.  The 
prudent  Erasmus,  surprised  by  the  question 
so  suddenly  put  to  him,  endeavoured  at  first 
to  evade  a  reply.  He  screwed  up  his  mouth, 
bit  his  lips,  and  remained  silent.  Hereupon 
the  Elector  raised  his  eyebrows,  (as  was  his 
custom,  Spalatin  tells  us,  when  he  meant  to 
force  an  explicit  answer  from  the  person  with 
whom  he  was  conversing,)  and  looked  Eras- 
mus steadfastly  in  the  face.158  The  latter,  at  a 
loss  how  to  extricate  himself  from  the  diffi- 
culty, replied  at  last,  in  a  half-jocular  tone: 
"  Luther  has  committed  two  grievous  sins;  he 
has  attacked  the  Pope's  crown  and  the  monks' 
bellies."159 The  Elector  smiled,  but  intimated 
to  his  visitor  that  he  was  in  earnest.  Eras- 
mus then,  casting  off  his  reserve,  replied  as 
follows  :  "  The  origin  of  all  these  dissensions 
is  the  hatred  the  monks  bear  to  learning,  and 
the  fear  that  besets  them  of  seeing  their  tyran- 
ny brought  to  an  end.  What  are  the  weapons 
of  their  warfare  against  Luther]  clamour,  ca- 
bal, malice,  and  slander.  The  more  virtuous 
a  man  is,  and  the  more  strongly  attached  to 
the  doctrines  of  the  Gospel,  the  less  does  he 
find  to  censure  in  Luther's  proceedings.160  The 
severity  of  the  bull  has  roused  the  indigna- 
tion of  all  good  men ;  for  they  find  in  it  none 
of  the  gentleness  that  befits  the  Vicar  of 
Christ.161  Two  universities  only,  out  of  the 
whole  number,  have  condemned  Luther;  and 
even  they  have  condemned  without  having 
convicted  him.  Let  them  not  deceive  them- 
selves; the  danger  is  greater  than  some  per- 
sons imagine.  There  are  difficulties  in  their 
way  which  will  not  easily  be  surmounted.162 
To  begin  the  reign  of  Charles  by  so  unpopu- 
lar an  act  as  Luther's  imprisonment,  would 
be  an  evil  omen  for  the  future.  The  world  is 
thirsting  for  gospel  truth :  let  us  beware  how 
we  resist  so  holy  a  desire.163  Let  the  whole 
question  be  examined  by  dispassionate  and 
competent  judges;  it  is  the  only  course  that 
can  be  followed,  consistently  with  the  dignity 
of  the  Pope  himself." 

Such  was  the  language  of  Erasmus  to  the 
Elector.  Its  frankness  may  perhaps  astonish 
us;  but  Erasmus  well  knew  to  whom  he  was 
speaking.  Spalatin  listened  to  it  with  de- 
light. When  Erasmus  took  his  leave,  he  ac- 
companied him  the  whole  way  to  the  house 
of  Count  von  Nuenar,  the  provost  of  Cologne, 
where  the  illustrious  scholar  resided.  The 
latter,  obeying  the  impulse  of  the  moment, 
when  he  found  himself  at  home,  sat  down, 
committed  to  writing  the  substance  of  what 
he  had  said  to  the  Elector,  and  gave  the  paper 
into  Spalatin's  hands.  The  fear  of  Aleander, 
however,  soon  took  possession  of  his  mind ; 
the  courage  he  had  felt  in  the  presence  of  the 
Elector  and  his  chaplain  forsook  him,  and  he 
entreated  Spalatin  to  let  him  have  that  un- 


HISTORY   OF  THE    REFORMATION. 


177 


puarded  paper  back  again,  lest  it  should  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  terrible  Nuncio.  But  it 
was  already  too  late. 

The  Elector,  feeling  himself  strengthened 
by  the  opinion  of  Erasmus,  assumed  a  more 
decided  tone  in  his  communications  with  the 
Emperor.  Erasmus  himself,  in  several  con- 
ferences, which  (like  those  granted  to  Nico- 
demus  of  old)  were  held  at  night,  laboured 
hard  to  persuade  the  Imperial  counsellors  that 
the  whole  affair  might  be  referred  to  the  judg- 
ment of  an  impartial  tribunal.164  He  probably 
hoped  that  he  himself  might  be  chosen  to  de- 
cide the  controversy  which  threatened  to  divide 
the  Cnristian  world.  His  vanity  would  have 
found  ample  gratification  in  such  an  office. 
But  at  the  same  time,  that  he  might  not  lose 
his  credit  at  Rome,  he  wrote  to  Leo  the  Tenth 
in  the  most  submissive  terms,  and  Leo  answer- 
ed his  letters  graciously ;  a  circumstance 
which  was  the  soufce  of  deep  mortification  to 
Aleander.165In  his  devotion  to  the  Pope's  cause, 
the  Nuncio  would  willingly  have  administer- 
ed a  severe  reproof  to  the  Pope  himself;  for 
Erasmus  gave  publicity  to  the  Pontiff's  let- 
ters, and  made  them  subservient  to  the  con- 
firmation of  his  own  credit.  Aleander  for- 
warded a  remonstrance  on  this  head  to  the 
Vatican.  The  reply  he  received  was  to  this 
effect :  "  Do  riot  appear  to  perceive  the  evil 
intentions  of  the  man.  Prudence  forbids  it. 
We  must  not  close  the  door  of  repentance 
against  him."166 

Charles,  himself,  adopted  a  system  of  equi- 
poise, which  consisted  in  flattering  both  the 
Pope  and  the  Elector,  and  manifesting  a  dis- 
position to  lean  alternately  to  the  one  side  or 
the  other,  according  to  the  shifting  exigency 
of  the  moment.  His  ministers  obscurely  in- 
timated to  Aleander  the  plan  which  their  mas- 
ter was  inclined  to  follow.  "  The  Emperor," 
said  they,  "will  be  regulated  in  his  conduct 
towards  the  Pope,  by  the  tenor  of  the  Pope's 
conduct  towards  himself;  he  does  not  choose 
to  increase  the  power  of  his  rivals,  particularly 
that  of  the  King  of  France."167  At  these  words, 
the  arrogant  Nuncio  gave  vent  to  his  indigna- 
tion. "  What,"  he  replied,  "  even  though  the 
Pope  should  relinquish  his  alliance  with  the 
Emperor,  must  the  Emperor  on  that  account 
relinquish  his  creed?  If  that  be  the  way  in 
which  he  means  to  avenge  himself,  bid  him 
tremble, — his  faithlessness  will  be  visited  on 
his  own  head."  But  the  Imperial  diploma- 
tists were  not  to  be  intimidated  by  the  Nun- 
cio's threats. 

Yet,  though  the  Roman  legates  had  failed 
to  bend  the  great  ones  of  this  world  to  their 
will,  the  inferior  agents  of  the  Papacy  suc- 
ceeded in  making  some  impression  on  the 
lower  ranks  of  men.  The  myrmidons  of  Rome 
had  heard  the  command  given  by  their  chief. 
Many  fanatical  priests  gladly  took  advantage 
of  the  bull  to  alarm  the  consciences  of  their 
hearers,  and  many  well-meaning  but  ill-in- 
structed ecclesiastics  deemed  it  a  sacred  duty 
to  obey  the  injunctions  of  the  Pope.  It  was 
in  the  confessional  that  the  struggle  against 
Rome  had  been  begun  by  Luther ;  it  was  in 


the  confessional  that  Rome  now  put  forth  her 
strength  against  the  adherents  of  the  Reform- 
er. Denied  all  public  recognition  of  its  validi- 
ty, the  bull,  nevertheless,  became  powerfully 
operative  in  these  solitary  tribunals.  «*  Have 
you  read  the  writings  of  Luther?"  was  the 
question  put  by  the  confessor: — "have  you 
them  in  your  possession  ? — do  you  regard 
them  as  true  or  heretical  V  And  if  the  pe- 
nitent hesitated  to  pronounce  the  prescribed 
anathema,  the  priest  refused  him  absolution. 
The  consciences  of  many  were  disturbed. 
Great  agitation  prevailed  amongst  the  people. 
This  dexterous  expedient  promised  fair  to 
bring  multitudes  once  more  under  the  Papal 
yoke,  who  had  but  now  been  won  over  to  the 
gospel.  Well  might  Rome  rejoice  that  six 
centuries  before*  she  had  created  a  tribunal  so 
admirably  adapted  to  secure  to  the  priesthood 
a  despotic  sway  over  the  conscience  of  every 
Christian.  So  long  as  that  tribunal  stands, 
her  empire  shall  not  be  overthrown. 

Luther  was  speedily  informed  of  what  was 
going  on.  With  none  to  aid  him  in  baffling 
this  device,  how  shall  he  act!  The  Word, 
the  testimony  of  Holy  Writ,  loudly  and  fear- 
lessly proclaimed — this  shall  be  his  weapon 
of  defence.  The  Word  shall  find  access  to 
those  troubled  consciences,  those  dismayed 
hearts, — and  they  shall  be  strengthened.  A 
powerful  impulse  was  needed,  and  powerfully 
was  the  voice  of  Luther  lifted  up.  He  ad- 
dressed the  penitents  in  a  tone  of  intrepid  dig- 
nity and  high-minded  contempt  for  all  second- 
ary considerations.  "  When  you  are  asked," 
said  he,  "  whether  or  not  you  approve  of  my 
books,  let  your  answer  be — '  You  are  a  con- 
fessor, not  an  inquisitor  nor  a  jailer.  It  is 
my  duty  to  confess  whatsoever  my  conscience 
prompts  me  to  disclose,  it  is  yours  to  abstain 
from  prying  into  the  secrets  of  my  heart. 
Give  me  absolution  first,  and  then  dispute 
with  Luther — with  the  Pope — with  whomso- 
ever you  please ;  but  beware  of  turning  the 
sacrament  of  penance  into  an  instrument  of 
strife  and  debate.'  And  if  the  confessor 
should  refuse  to  yield,"  said  Luther, "  I  would 
dispense  with  his  absolution.  Be  not  disquiet- 
ed ;  if  man  absolves  you  not,  God  will  ab- 
solve you.  Rejoice,  therefore,  that  you  are 
absolved  of  God  himself,  and  come  forward 
fearlessly  to  the  sacrament  of  the  altar.  The 
priest  will  have  to  answer  at  the  last  day  for 
the  absolution  he  has  withheld.  They  may 
deny  us  the  sacrament,  but  they  cannot  de- 
prive us  of  the  strength  and  grace  which  God 
has  attached  to  it.  It  is  not  their  will,  nor  any 
power  of  theirs,  but  our  own  faith  that  the 
Lord  has  made  essential  to  our  salvation. 
The  sacrament, — the  altar, — the  priest, — the 
church, — we  may  pass  them  all  by;  that 
word  of  God  which  the  bull  condemned  is 
more  than  all  these  things !  The  soul  may 
dispense  with  the  sacrament,  but  it  cannot 
live  without  the  Word.  Christ,  the  true 
bishop,  will  himself  supply  your  spiritual 
feast."168  

*  In  1215,  by  the  fourth  Lateran  Council  under 
Innocent  the  Third. 


178 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


Such  was  the  strain  of  Luther's  exhortation. 
That  animating  voice  pierced  the  recesses  of 
every  dwelling, —  of  every  troubled  bosom, 
— and  courage  and  faith  were  everywhere 
awakened  by  its  echoes.  But  it  was  not 
enough  for  him  to  stand  on  the  defensive, — he 
feit  that  he  must  become  the  assailant,  and  re- 
turn blow  for  blow.  A  book  had  been  written 
against  him  by  a  Roman  theologian,  named 
Ambrosius  Catharinus.  "  I  will  rouse  the 
choler  of  that  Italian  beast,"169  said  Luther.  He 
kept  his  word.  In  his  answer,  he  proved  by 
the  revelations  of  Daniel  and  St.  John,  by  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul,  St.  Peter,  and  St.  Jude, 
that  the  kingdom  of  Antichrist,  predicted  and 
described  in  the  Bible,  was  no  other  than  the 
Papacy.  "  I  know  for  certain,"  said  he,  in 
conclusion,  "  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  liveth 
and  reigneth.  In  the  strength  of  that  assu- 
rance I  could  face  ten  thousand  Popes,  and 
never  shrink.  May  God  visit  us  at  length  ac- 
cording to  his  infinite  power,  and  hasten  the 
day  of  the  glorious  coming  of  his  Son,  in 
which  he  shall  destroy  that  man  of  sin.  And 
let  all  the  people  say,  Amen."170 

And  all  the  people  did  say,  Amen  !  A  sa- 
ered  dread  took  possession  of  every  mind.  The 
image  of  Antichrist  seated  on  the  Pontifical 
throne  was  present  to  every  imagination. 
This  new  idea,  so  startlingly  displayed  by  Lu- 
ther to  his  contemporaries  in  the  glowing  co- 
lours of  prophetic  delineation,  gave  a  fearful 
shock  to  the  power  of  Rome.  Faith  in  the  di- 
vine Word  succeeded  to  that  unqualified  sub- 
mission which  had  hitherto  been  rendered  to 
the  Church,  and  the  Pope's  authority,  so  long 
regarded  with  the  deepest  reverence,'was  now 
the  object  of  general  detestation  and  terror. 

Germany  replied  to  the  Papal  bull  by  salut- 
ing Luther  with  redoubled  acclamations.  The 
plague  had  made  its  appearance  in  Wittem- 
berg,  yet  HCAV  students  were  continually  flock- 
ing to  the  university,  and  from  five  to  six 
hundred  disciples  were  statedly  assembled  to 
listen  to  the  lectures  of  Luther  and  Melanc- 
thon.  The  convent  chapel  and  the  city  church 
were  both  too  small  for  the  eager  crowd  that 
hung  on  the  lips  of  the  Reformer.  The  prior 
of  the  Augustines  was  in  constant  alarm,  lest 
the  buildings  should  give  way  under  the 
weight  of  the  throngs  that  filled  them.171  Nor 
was  this  excitement  confined  within  the  walls 
of  Wittemberg — all  Germany  partook  of  it. 
From  princes,  nobles,  and  scholars,  in  every 
quarter, — Luther  received  letters  that  spoke 
the  language  of  encouragement  and  of  faith. 
More  than  "thirty  such  letters  were  shown  by 
him  to  Spalatin.172 

On  one  occasion  the  Margrave  of  Branden- 
burg, accompanied  by  several  other  princes, 
came  to  Wittemberg,  to  pay  Luther  a  visit. 
"They  wanted  to  see  the  Man,"  as  he  him- 
self expresses  it.173  And  of  a  truth  all  wanted 
to  see  Ike  man  whose  voice  stirred  the  nations 
and  caused  the  Pontiff  of  the  West  to  totter 
on  his  throne. 

The  enthusiasm  of  Luther's  friends  grew 
stronger  every  day.  "  0,  the  unheard-of  folly 
of  Eraser!"  cried  Melancthon,  "that  he 


should  presume  to  measure  his  strength  with 
our  Hercules,  overlooking  the  finger  of  God 
in  what  has  been  done  by  Luther,  even  as  the 
I  king  of  Egypt  overlooked  it  in  the  acts  of 
Moses."174  The  mild  Melancthon  employed  the 
most  energetic  language  to  urge  forward  such 
as  appeared  to  him  to  be  falling  back,  or 
pausing  in  their  course.  "  Luther  has  arisen 
to  defend  the  truth,"  said  he,  addressing  John 
Hesse,  "and  dost  thou  keep  silence1?  He 
breathes  still — ay,  and  prospers, — in  spite  of 
all  the  wrath  and  fury  of  Pope  Leo.  Remember 
that  it  is  impossible  for  Romish  impiety  to 
give  a  sanction  to  the  Gospel.175  In  this  unhappy 
age  how  can  we  hope  that  a  Judas  or  a  Caia- 
phas, — a  Pilate  or  a  Herod  will  ever  be  want- 
ing to  uphold  the  evil  cause  ?  Stand  forth  then 
to  resist  such  adversaries,  in  the  might  of 
God's  holy  word." 

Besides  this,  caustic  satires  against  the 
most  conspicuous  among  the  Italian  agents  of 
the  Pope  were  circulated  through  all  the  pro- 
vinces of  the  empire.  Ulric  von  Hiitten  was 
indefatigable  in  his  exertions.  He  addressed 
letters  to  Luther,  to  the  Legates,  to  all  the 
most  considerable  personages  of  Germany. 
"  I  tell  thee — once  and  again  I  tell  thee,  O  Ma- 
rinus  !"  said  he  in  an  epistle  to  the  Legate 
Carracioli,  "  that  those  deceitful  mists  with 
which  you  blinded  our  eyes  are  scattered  for- 
ever; the  Gospel  is  preached,  the  truth  is 
made  known,  the  absurdities  of  Rome  are 
given  up  to  contempt, — your  decrees  are  un- 
heeded, and  null,— our  deliverance  is  at  hand."176 

Not  content  with  the  use  of  prose,  Hiitten 
had  recourse  also  to  verse.  He  published  his 
"  Outcry  on  the  Fire  raised  by  Luther."™  Ap- 
pealing in  this  poem  to  Christ  himself,  he 
besought  him  to  rebuke  in  his  fiery  displea- 
sure all  who  dared  to  deny  his  authority. 
Hiitten  was  not  inclined  to  stop  at  words  ; — 
he  was  eager  to  draw  his  sword  in  the  strug- 
gle. Luther  reproved  his  rash  designs.  "  1 
would  not  have  the  Gospel  supported  by  vio- 
lence and  carnage,"  said  he:  "I have  written 
to  Hiitten  to  tell  him  so."178 

The  celebrated  painter,  Lucas  Cranach, 
published  a  set  of  prints  under  the  title  of 
Christ's  Passion  and  Antichrist,-  representing 
on  one  side  the  glory  and  magnificence  of  the 
Pope;  on  the  other  the  humiliation  and  suf- 
ferings of  the  Redeemer.  Luther  composed 
the  inscriptions  for  these  prints.  They  pro- 
duced an  unexampled  effect.  The  people  re- 
nounced their  attachment  to  a  church  which 
appeared  in  every  particular  so  directly  op- 
posed to  the  example  of  its  founder.  "It  is 
an  excellent  work,"  said  Luther,  "for  the 
laity."179 

In  some  instances  those  who  attacked  the 
Papacy  employed  weapons  ill  suited  to  the 
sanctity  of  the  Christian  character  Emser 
bad  answered  Luther's  work,  addre&sed  "  To 
he  Goat  of  Leipsic,"  by  another,  inscribed 
"To  the  Bull  of  Wittemberg:"  the  appella- 
tion was  not  ill  chosen.  But  at  Magdeburg 
Emser's  book  was  hung  to  the  gallows,  with 
this  inscription:  "The  book  is  worthy  of  its 
place ;"  and  a  rod  was  hung  under  it,  to  denote 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


179 


the  punishment  due  to  the  author.180  At  Doeb- 
lin  there  was  written  under  the  Pope's  bull, 
in  derision  of  its  impotent  fury,  "The  nest  is 
here,  but  the  birds  are  flown."181 

The  students  of  Wittemberg,  taking  advan- 
tage of  the  carnival,  dressed  up  one  of  their 
own  number  in  garments  resembling  those 
worn  by  the  Pope,  and  carried  him  in  pompous 
procession,  though  in  a  manner  somewhat  too 
ludicrous,  as  Luther  remarks,  through  the 
streets  of  the  city.182  When  they  reached  the 
great  square  beside  the  river,  some  of  them, 
feigning  a  mutiny,  made  a  sudden  attempt  to 
throw  the  Pope  into  the  water.  His  Holiness, 
unwilling  to  submit  to  the  immersion,  took  to 
his  heels;  his  cardinals,  his  bishops,  and  fa- 
miliars of  every  degree  did  the  same;  the  stu- 
dents chased  them  from  street  to  street,  and 
every  corner  of  Wittemberg  enjoyed  the  spec- 
tacle of  some  Romish  dignitary  pursued  by 
the  jeers  and  shouts  of  the  excited  populace.183 
"The  enemy  of  Christ,"  says  Luther,  "who 
mocks  at  kings,  and  at  Christ  himself,  meets 
but  a  just  requital,  when  he  also  is  turned  into 
mockery."  Here,  in  our  judgment,  he  errs; 
the  spotless  dignity  of  truth  ought  not  to  be 
so  profaned.  In  the  conflicts  she  is  called 
upon  to  wage,  she  needs  not  such  auxiliaries 
as  songs,  or  caricatures,  or  the  mummeries  of 
a  carnival.  It  may  be,  indeed,  that  without 
these  popular  demonstrations,  her  success 
would  be  less  apparent ;  but  it  would  be  purer, 
and  consequently  more  durable. 

It  was  not  all  exultation  and  defiance,  how- 
ever, with  the  Reformer.  Behind  his  triumphal 
chariot,  drawn  joyously  along  by  enthusiastic 
and  devoted  adherents,  there  stood  the  slave 
to  remind  him  of  impending  evil.  Some  of 
his  friends,  at  this  time,  seemed  disposed  to 
retrace  their  steps.  Staupitz,  whom  he  called 
his  father,  appeared  to  be  wavering.  The 
Pope  had  accused  him,  and  Staupitz  had  de- 
clared himself  ready  to  submit  to  the  judgment 
of  his  Holiness.  "  I  fear,"  said  Luther,  "  that 
by  accepting  the  Pope  as  your  judge,  you  will 
seem  to  renounce  me  and  the  doctrines  which 
I  have  maintained.  If  Christ  loves  you,  he 
will  constrain  you  to  retract  your  letter.  Christ 
is  rejected,  stripped,  blasphemed  ;  this  is  not 
the  time  to  shrink  back,  but  to  sound  the 
onset.184  You  exhort  me  to  be  humble;  I,  on 
the  other  hand,  exhort  you  to  be  firm :  for  you 
have  too  much  humility,  as  I  have  too  much 
pride.  I  shall  be  called  a  proud  man,  I  know ; 
a  covetous  man,  an  adulterer,  a  homicide,  an 
antipope,  a  wretch  guilty  of  every  crime.  It 
matters  little, — so  that  no  one  can  charge  me 
with  having  impiously  kept  silence  while  the 
Lord  was  complaining,  ' I  looked  on  my  right 
hand  and  beheld  ,•  but  there  was  no  man  that 
would  know  meS  The  word  of  Christ  is  a 
word,  not  of  peace,  but  of  the  sword.  If  you 
will  not  follow  Christ,  let  me  advance  alone. 
I  will  press  forward,  and  the  prize  of  the  high 
calling  shall  be  mine."185 

Luther  thus,  like  a  consummate  general, 

kept  a  watchful  eye  on  the  face  of  the  battle; 

and  while  fresh  combatants  were  continually 

rushing  forward  at  his  bidding  into  the  thick- 

24 


est  of  the  fight,  he  failed  not  to  mark  where 
any  of  his  followers  were  beginning  to  give 
ground ;  nor  was  he  slow  to  rally  them  again 
beneath  their  adopted  standard.  His  warning 
voice  resounded  far  and  wide.  Letter  followed 
letter  in  rapid  succession.  Three  printing 
presses  were  incessantly  employed  in  multi- 
ing  the  copies  of  his  various  writings.186 

is  discourses  passed  from  hand  to  hand 
through  the  whole  nation;  supporting  the  agi- 
tated penitent  in  the  confessional,  giving  cou- 
rage to  the  faltering  convert  in  the  cloister, 
and  asserting  the  claims  of  evangelic  truth, 
even  in  the  abodes  of  princes. 

"Amid  the  storms  that  assailed  me,"  he 
wrote  to  the  Elector,  "  I  always  hoped  that  I 
should  be  permitted  to  enjoy  repose  at  last. 
But  I  now  see  that  this  was  one  of  the  thoughts 
of  man.  Day  after  day  the  waves  are  rolling 
higher,  and  on  every  side  the  ocean  hems  me 
in.  Fiercely,  indeed,  is  the  tern  pest  raging:137 
yet  I  still  grasp  the  sword  with  one  hand, 
while  with  the  other  I  build  up  the  walls  of 
Sion."188  His  former  ties  are  now  broken :  the 
arm  that  levelled  the  thunders  of  excommuni- 
cation against  him,  has  severed  them  forever. 
"Being  excommunicated  by  the  bull,"  said 
he,  "I  am  released  from  the  authority  of  the 
Pope  and  the  monastic  laws.  I  embrace  my 
deliverance  with  joy.  Yet  I  relinquish  not 
the  habit  of  my  order;  nor  do  I  leave  the  con- 
vent."189 And  still,  in  the  midst  of  all  this 
commotion,  he  recalls  to  mind  the  dangers  to 
which  his  own  soul  is  exposed  in  the  struggle. 
He  feels  the  necessity  of  watching  over  him- 
self. "Thou  dost  well  to  pray  for  me,"  he 
wrote  to  Pellican,  who  was  residing  at  Basle  ; 
"I  cannot  give  myself  up  as  I  ought  to  holy 
exercises;  life  is  a  cross  to  me.  Thou  dost 
well  in  exhorting  me  to  moderation;  I  feel  the 
need  of  it;  but  I  am  not  master  of  myself:  an 
impulse,  of  I  know  not  what  nature,  hurries 
me  away.  I  bear  enmity  to  no  man ;  but  I 
am  so  beset  with  enemies  myself,  that  I  can- 
not be  sufficiently  on  my  guard  against  the 
seductions  of  Satan.190  Pray  for  me,  then.  . . ." 

Thus  it  was  that  both  the  Reformer  and  the 
Reformation  were  led  forward  on  the  way 
which  God  had  marked  out  for  them.  The 
agitation  was  still  spreading  more  widely. 
Persons  who  might  have  been  expected  to 
prove  the  stanchest  adherents  of  the  hierarchy, 
began  now  to  share  in  the  general  movement. 
"Those  even,"  says  Eck,  with  considerable 
candour,  "on  whom  the  Pope  has  conferred 
the  best  benefices  and  the  richest  prebends, 
are  as  mute  as  so  many  senseless  stocks. 
There  are  many  of  them  even,  who  extol  Lu- 
ther as  a  man  filled  with  the  Spirit  of  God, 
and  call  the  defenders  of  the  Pope  sophists 
and  flatterers."191  The  Church,  apparently  in 
full  vigour,  supported  by  the  treasures,  the 
power,  the  armed  array  of  the  world, — but  in 
reality  exhausted,  enfeebled,  destitute  of  the 
love  of  God,  of  Christian  vitality,  of  devotion 
to  the  truth, — found  herself,  in  this  condition, 
opposed  to  a  company  of  simple-minded  but 
courageous  men,  who  had  learned  that  God  is 
with  them  who  contend  for  his  word,  and 


180 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


therefore  never  doubted  of  their  victory.  In 
all  ages  it  has  been  seen  how  great  is  the 
power  of  any  predominant  idea  to  work  upon 
the  inert  mass  of  mankind,  to  rouse  the  spirit 
of  a  nation,  and  to  urge  its  votaries  by  thou- 
sands, if  need  be,  into  the  field  of  battle  and 
the  very  jaws  of  death.  But  if  an  idea  whose 
origin  is  earthly  has  a  potency  so  great,  what 
limit  shall  we  set  to  the  power  of  one  commu- 
nicated from  above,  when  God  himself  has 
opened  men's  hearts  to  receive  it]  Not  often, 
indeed,  in  the  world's  history  has  such  a  power 
been  exerted ;  it  was  displayed,  however,  in 
the  infancy  of  Christianity ;  at  the  period  of 


the  Reformation  it  was  exhibited  again ;  and 
it  shall  be  witnessed  once  more  in  the  latter 
days.  Men  who  despised  the  riches  and  the 
grandeur  of  the  world,  and  were  content  to 
lead  a  life  of  poverty  and  privation,  began  now 
to  bestir  themselves  for  the  sake  of  that  most 
precious  of  all  treasures,  the  doctrine  of  truth 
and  grace.  All  the  elements  of  religious  feel- 
ing were  fermenting  in  the  agitated  bosom  of 
society,  and  a  glowing  enthusiasm  was  kin- 
dled in  men's  souls,  which  forced  them,  bj 
an  irresistible  impulse,  into  that  glorious  career 
opened  by  the  providence  of  God  for  the  moral 
renovation  of  their  race. 


BOOK  VII. 


THE     DIET     OF     WORMS. 

January  to  May,  1521. 

Difficulties — Luther  summoned  to  Worms — Public  Opinion — Efforts  of  Aleander — Fresh  charges 
against  Luther — Aleander  rouses  Rome — The  Bull  fulminated — Luther's  Motives — Political 

•  Councils — The  Confessor — And  the  Chancellor — Unavailing  Manoauvres — Erasmus's  Declara- 
tion— The  Briefs — The  Threats—The  Audience — Speech  of  Aleander — Rome's  Defence — Ap- 
peal to  Charles — Effects  of  the  Nuncio's  Speech — Feelings  of  the  Princes — Duke  George's 
Speech — Character  of  the  Reformation — Charles  gives  way — Public  Opinion — Luther's  Serenity 
— Death  and  no  Retractation — Summons — Safe-conduct — Fears  of  the  Elector — Holy  Thursday  at 
Rome — The  Pope  and  Luther — Luther's  Courage — Bugenhagen — Persecution  in  Pomerania— 
Amsdorff—  Schurff—  Hiitten  to  Charles  V. — Luther's  Farewell — Luther  at  Weimar — Cavalcade 
of  Erfurth — Justus  Jonas — Preaches  at  Erfurth — Faith  and  Works — The  People  and  Luther — 
Luther  to  Spalatin — A  Stratagem — Luther's  Resolution — Enters  Worms — Death-song — Capito 
and  the  Temporizers — Citation — His  Prayer — The  Strength  of  the  Reformation — Luther  repairs 
to  the  Diet — The  Diet — Luther  is  encouraged — Luther's  Answer — Luther's  Prudence — The 
Spaniards — Luther's  Vow — Luther  again  before  the  Diet — Luther's  Speech — Requires  Proof  of 
Error — A  Warning  Voice — Repeats  his  Speech  in  Latin — New  Attempt — Calm  in  the  Midst  of 
Tumult — Duke  Eric's  Offering — The  Elector  and  Spalatin — The  Emperor's  Message — The 
Safe-conduct  in  Danger — Enthusiasm  for  Luther — Conciliation — Concourse  to  Luther — Philip 
of  Hesse — Conference  at  Apb.  of  Treves' — Wehe's  Exhortation — Private  Conversation — Coch- 
leeus's  Proposal— Bursting  of  the  Wineglass — Conference  at  the  Hotel — Final  Conference  with 
the  Archbishop — End  of  the  Negotiations — Luther  ordered  to  quit  Worms — Luther's  Departure 
from  Worms — His  Letter  to  Cranach — Luther's  Letter  to  Charles  V.— The  Curate  of  Eisenach — 
Charles  signs  the  Decree  against  Luther — The  Edict  of  Worms — Luther  among  his  Relations—- 
The Ways  of  God — The  Wartburg — The  Reformation  under  a  Cloud. 


THE  Reformation  engendered  by  the  solita- 
ry struggles  of  a  broken  and  contrite  spirit,  in 
a  cell  of  the  convent  at  Erfurth,  had  been  gain- 
ing strength  from  the  moment  of  its  birth.  A 
man  of  humble  station,  holding  in  his  hand 
the  Word  of  life,  had  stood  erect  in  the  pre- 
sence of  earthly  dignities,  and  they  had  quail- 
ed before  him.  Armed  with  that  Word  alone, 
he  had  encountered  first  Tetzel  and  his  nume- 
rous host,  and  after  a  brief  resistance  those 
greedy  traffickers  had  been  driven  from  the 
field  ; — then  the  Roman  Legate  at  Augsburg, 
and  the  Legate  in  confusion  had  suffered  his 
prey  to  escape ; — then  again  the  learned  di- 
vines in  the  halls  of  Leipsic,  and  the  astonish- 
ed theologians  had  seen  the  weapons  of  their 
scholastic  logic  shivered  in  their  hands ; — 
lastly,  when  the  Pope  himself  had  started  from 
his  slumbers  to  launch  his  fiercest  lightnings 
at  the  head  of  the  offending  monk — that  same 
Word  had  again  been  the  safeguard  of  him 
who  trusted  in  it,  and  the  arm  of  the  spiritual 
despot  had  been  stricken  with  palsy.  One 


struggle  more  was  yet  to  be  endured ;  for  the 
Word  was  destined  to  triumph  over  the  Em- 
peror of  the  West,  over  the  kings  and  princes 
of  many  lands,  and  at  length,  having  humbled 
all  earthly  opposition,  to  be  exalted  in  the 
church,  and  there  to  reign  supreme  as  the  very 
Word  of  the  living  God. 

A  solemn  diet  was  about  to  be  convened,— 
the  first  assembly  of  the  German  States  since 
the  accession  of  Charles.     Nuremberg,  the 
city  in  which,  by  virtue  of  the  Golden  Bull, 
j  it  ought  to  have  been  held,  was  at  this  time 
afflicted  by  the  plague;  it  was  therefore  sum- 
I  moned  to  meet  at  Worms,  on  the  6th  of  Janua- 
|  ry,  1521. 1    Never  before  had  so  many  princes 
!  been  present  at  the  Diet ;  on  this  occasion  all 
j  were  desirous  of  taking  a  part  in  the  first  act 
|  of  the  young  Emperor's  government ;  all  were 
ambitious  of  displaying  their  own  grandeur. 
Among  the  rest,  the  young  Landgrave  Philip 
I  of  Hesse,  who  was  afterwards  to  play  so  im- 
portant a  part  in  the  Reformation,  arrived  at 
I  Worms  about  the  middle  of  January,  with  a 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


181 


train  of  six  hundred  cavaliers,  many  of  them 
highly  distinguished  for  their  military  prowess. 

A  more  powerful  motive,  however,  had 
actuated  the  electors,  the  dukes,  the  archbish- 
ops, the  landgraves,  the  margraves,  the  counts, 
the  bishops,  the  barons  and  lords  of  the  Em- 
pire, as  well  as  the  deputies  of  the  free  cities 
and  the  ambassadors  of  the  various  foreign 
sovereigns,  whose  gorgeous  retinues  were  now 
pouring  from  every  quarter  into  the  city  of 
Worms.  Intimation  had  been  given  that  the 
Diet  would  be  occupied  with  the  nomination 
of  a  Council  of  Regency  to  administer  the 
government  in  the  Emperor's  absence,  with 
the  question  regarding  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Imperial  Chamber,  and  with  other  weighty 
matters;  but  the  public  attention  was  chiefly 
fixed  upon  a  subject  distinct  from  all  these, 
but  which  the  Emperor  had  also  mentioned  in 
his  letters  of  convocation,  namely,  the  Re- 
formation. The  great  political  interests  of 
state  faded  into  insignificance  when  contrasted 
with  the  cause  of  the  monk  of  Wittemberg. 
This  was  the  main  topic  of  discourse  among 
the  dignified  personages  who  were  assembled 
in  Worms. 

Every  thing  indicated  that  the  Diet  would 
be  a  difficult  and  boisterous  one.  Charles,  at 
this  early  period,  had  not  yet  adopted  a  de- 
cided line  of  policy,  his  tutor  and  first  minis- 
ter died  while  the  assembly  was  sitting, — 
many  ambitious  designs  were  on  foot, — many 
conflicting  passions  at  work, — the  Spaniards 
and  the  Flemings  were  striving  hard  to  ex- 
clude each  other  from  the  confidence  of  their 
youthful  Sovereign, — the  Nuncios  were  busily 
pursuing  their  artful  schemes, — the  German 
rrinces  had  assumed  a  tone  of  independence. 
It  was  easy  to  foresee  that  a  struggle  was  at 
hand  in  which  all  the  subtleties  of  party  in- 
trigue would  find  ample  exercise.2 

How  was  Charles  to  act,  between  the  Pa- 
pal Nuncio  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Elector 
to  whom  he  was  indebted  for  his  crown  on  the 
other  1  How  avoid  giving  offence  either  to 
Aleander  or  to  Frederic?  The  former  was 
continually  urging  the  Emperor  to  execute  the 
Pope's  bull ;  the  latter  as  perseveringly  en- 
treated him  to  take  no  steps  against  the  monk 
until  he  should  have  allowed  him  a  hearing. 
Desirous  of  satisfying  both  these  contending 
parties,  the  young  Prince,  during  a  temporary 
residence  at  Oppenheim,  had  written  to  the 
Elector  to  bring  Luther  to  the  Diet,  on  the  as- 
surance that  no  injustice  should  be  practised 
against,  him,  that  he  should  be  protected  from 
all  violence,  and  that  a  free  conference  should 
be  allowed  him  with  men  qualified  to  discuss 
the  disputed  points. 

This  letter  from  Charles,  which  was  accom- 
panied by  others  from  his  minister  Chievres 
and  the  Count  of  Nassau,  threw  the  Elector 
into  great  perplexity.  He  well  knew  that  at 
any  moment  an  alliance  with  the  Pope  might 
become  necessary  to  the  young  and  ambitious 
Emperor,  and  that  Luther  in  that  case  would 
be  lost.  If  he  carried  the  Reformer  to  Worms, 
he  might  probably  be  conducting  him  to  the 
scaffold.  And  yet  the  Emperor's  orders  were 


peremptory.  The  Elector  desired  Spalatin 
to  inform  Luther  of  the  directions  he  had  re- 
ceived. "  Our  enemies,"  observed  the  chap- 
lain, "  are  straining  every  nerve  to  accomplish 
their  design."3 

The  friends  of  Luther  trembled,  but  he  him- 
self partook  not  of  their  fears.  His  health  at 
that  time  was  very  weak ;  but  this  he  heeded 
not.  "  If  I  cannot  perform  the  journey  to 
Worms  as  a  man  in  good  health,"  said  he  in 
his  answer  to  the  Elector,  "I  will  be  carried 
thither  in  a  litter.  For  since  the  Emperor  has 
summoned  me,  I  can  regard  it  only  as  the  call 
of  God.  If  they  intend  to  use  violence  against 
me,  as  they  probably  do,  for  assuredly  it  is 
with  no  view  of  gaining  information  that  they 
require  me  to  appear  before  them  ;  I  commit 
the  matter  into  the  hands  of  God.  He  still 
lives  and  reigns  who  preserved  the  three  Is- 
raelites in  the  fiery  furnace.  If  it  be  not  His 
will  to  save  me,  my  life  is  little  worth.  Let 
us  only  take  care  that  the  Gospel  be  not  ex- 
posed to  the  insults  of  the  ungodly,  and  let  us 
shed  our  blood  in  its  defence  rather  than  allow 
them  to  triumph.  Who  shall  say  whether  my 
life  or  my  death  would  contribute  most  to  the 
salvation  of  my  brethren  I  It  is  not  for  us  to 
decide.  Let  us  only  pray  God  that  our  young 
Emperor  may  not  begin  his  reign  by  imbruing 
his  hands  in  my  blood.  I  would  rather  perish 
by  the  sword  of  Rome.  You  remember  the 
judgments  with  which  the  Emperor  Sigis- 
mund  was  visited  after  the  murder  of  John 
Huss.  Expect  any  thing  from  me  but  flight  or 
recantation.  Fly  I  cannot,  still  less  can  I  re- 
cant."4 

Before  Luther's  letter  reached  him,  the 
Elector  had  formed  his  resolution.  This 
Prince,  whose  acquaintance  with  the  Gospel 
was  daily  increasing,  began  now  to  adopt  a 
more  decided  course.  He  was  sensible  that 
the  conference  at  Worms  could  lead  to  no  ad- 
vantageous result.  "  It  seems  to  me,"  he 
wrote  to  the  Emperor,  "  that  to  bring  Luther 
with  me  to  Worms,  would  be  an  undertaking 
of  much  difficulty.  I  beg  to  be  relieved  from 
it.  Moreover,  it  has  never  been  my  desire  to 
favour  his  doctrines,  but  only  to  prevent  him 
from  being  condemned  unheard.  The  Le- 
gates, without  waiting  for  your  sanction,  took 
measures  which  were  injurious  both  to  Lu- 
ther's honour  and  to  mine ;  and  I  have  reason 
to  fear  that  he  has  been  provoked  to  an  act  of 
imprudent  retaliation,  which,  in  the  event  of 
his  appearance  at  Worms,  might  place  him  in 
extreme  jeopardy."  The  Elector  alluded  to 
the  burning  of  the  Pope's  bull. 

But  the  report  of  Luther's  intended  appear- 
ance had  already  been  circulated  at  Worms. 
The  seekers  after  novelty  heard  it  with  joy, — 
the  Imperial  courtiers  with  alarm, — but  by 
none  was  it  received  with  so  indignant  a  feel- 
ing as  by  the  Papal  Legate.  Aleander,  on 
his  way  to  the  Diet,  had  had  opportunities  of 
seeing  to  what  extent  the  Gospel  proclaimed 
by  Luther  had  found  acceptance  in  every 
class  of  society.  Academicians,  lawyers, 
nobles,  the  inferior  clergy,  many  even  of  the 
monks,  and  vast  numbers  of  the  common  peo- 


182 


HISTORY   OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


pie,  had  embraced  the  Reformation.6  The  ad- 
herents of  the  new  doctrines  showed  a  fearless 
front,  their  language  was  frank  and  firm, — 
and,  on  the  contrary,  an  unconquerable  terror 
paralyzed  the  partisans  of  Rome.  The  Pa- 
pacy was  standing  yet,  but  those  who  were 
regarded  as  its  pillars  began  to  stagger,  for 
their  ears  had  already  caught  the  presages 
of  approaching  ruin; — presages  resembling 
that  faint  and  dubious  sound  which  alone 
gives  brief  warning  when  a  mountain  totters 
to  its  fall.6  Aleander,  in  the  course  of  his 
journey  to  Worms,  was  often  subjected  to  the 
severest  mortification.  When  he  had  occa- 
sion to  halt  in  any  spot  for  refreshment  or  re- 
pose, neither  collegians,  nor  nobles,  nor  priests, 
even  among  those  believed  to  be  favourable 
to  the  Pope's  cause,  would  venture  to  receive 
him,  and  the  haughty  Nuncio  was  obliged  to 
seek  shelter  in  the  meanest  inns.7  Alarmed 
by  these  symptoms,  Aleander  concluded  that 
his  life  was  in  danger.  He  arrived  at  Worms, 
with  that  idea  uppermost  in  his  mind,  and 
his  Roman  fanaticism  assumed  additional  bit- 
terness from  the  sense  of  personal  injury.  He 
had  immediate  recourse  to  every  means  within 
his  reach  to  prevent  the  audacious  appearance 
of  the  formidable  Luther.  "Would  it  not  be 
a  scandal,"  said  he,  "to  see  laymen  insti- 
tuting a  fresh  inquiry  into  a  cause  in  which 
the  Pope  has  already  pronounced  a  sentence 
of  condemnation]"  To  a  Roman  courtier, 
nothing  could  be  so  unwelcome  as  an  inquiry, 
— and,  moreover,  this  was  to  have  taken  place 
in  Germany,  not  at  Rome,  a  circumstance  in 
itself  deeply  affronting,  even  on  the  supposi- 
tion of  Luther  being  eventually  condemned 
without  a  dissentient  voice ;  but  such  result 
of  the  trial  was  uncertain.  Might  it  not  be 
feared  that  the  man  whose  powerful  eloquence 
had  already  done  such  deadly  mischief  might 
draw  aside  many  of  the  princes  and  lords  into 
the  path  of  perdition?  Aleander's  remon- 
strances with  Charles  were  of  the  most  urgent 
character,  he  entreated,  he  threatened,  he  spoke 
in  the  lofty  tone  of  one  who  represented  the 
Head  of  the  Church.8  Charles  gave  way,  and 
wrote  to  the  Elector  that  inasmuch  as  the 
time  allowed  to  Luther  had  expired,  he  was 
now  in  the  condition  of  a  man  actually  ex- 
communicated by  the  Pope,  and  consequently, 
if  he  would  not  retract  what  he  had  written 
Frederic  must  leave  him  at  Wittemberg.  But 
that  prince  had  already  commenced  his  jour- 
ney without  him.  "  I  beseech  the  Lord," 
said  Melancthon,  when  the  Elector  took  his 
departure,  "to  deal  graciously  with  our  so- 
vereign. On  him  rest  all  our  hopes  for  the 
revival  of  Christianity.  His  enemies  will 
stop  at  nothing,  xai  rtdv-ta  fa^tov  xu^tjOjUti'oi,* 
but  God  will  bring  to  nought  the  devices  of 
Achitophel.  As  for  us,  let  us  perform  our 
part  in  the  conflict  by  our  teachings  and  our 
prayers."  Luther  was  much  grieved  that  he 
was  forbidden  to  appear  at  WTorms.9 

It  was  not  enough  for  Aleander,  however, 


*  They  will  not  leave  a  stone  unturned.  (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  279.    24  Jan.) 


that  Luther  was  prevented  from  making  his 
appearance  at  the  Diet, — he  was  bent  on 
obtaining  his  condemnation.  He  returned 
incessantly  to  the  charge  with  the  princes, 
prelates,  and  other  members  of  the  assembly ; 
he  charged  the  Augustine  not  only  with  dis- 
obedience and  heresy,  but  also  with  sedi- 
tion, rebellion,  impiety  and  blasphemy.  But 
the  very  tones  of  his  voice  betrayed  the  pas- 
sions by  which  he  was  actuated.  "  Hatred 
and  the  thirst  of  vengeance,"  an  observer  re- 
marked, "are  his  motives,  rather  than  any 
true  zeal  for  religion;"*  and  in  spite  of  the 
frequency  and  the  vehemence  of  his  harangues 
he  persuaded  no  one.10  Some  reminded  him 
that  the  Pope's  bull  had  only  condemned  Lu- 
ther conditionally ;  others  allowed  indications 
to  escape  them  of  the  joy  they  felt  at  seeing 
the  pride  of  Rome  brought  down..  The  Em- 
peror's ministers  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
ecclesiastical  Electors  on  the  other,  affected 
extreme  coldness, — the  former,  in  order  that 
the  Pope  might  perceive  the  necessity  of  con- 
tracting an  alliance  with  their  master,  the  lat- 
ter that  he  might  be  compelled  to  purchase 
their  co-operation  at  a  higher  price.  A  con- 
viction of  Luther's  innocence  was  the  pre- 
vailing sentiment  in  the  assembly,  and  Ale- 
ander could  not  restrain  his  indignation. 

But  the  coldness  of  the  Diet  he  could  bet- 
ter have  brooked  than  the  coldness  which  was 
now  manifested  by  Rome.  Rome,  when  at 
length,  with  much  difficulty,  she  had  been 
induced  to  treat  the  attack  of  the  "drunken 
German"  as  a  serious  matter,  never  imagined 
that  a  bull  emanating  from  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  could  fail  to  reduce  him  at  once  to 
complete  and  abject  submission. — She  had 
relapsed  into  her  former  security,  and  neither 
bull  nor  coin  did  she  now  forward  to  Ger- 
many. Now,  without  money,  how  was  it 
possible  to  manage  an  affair  like  this?11  Rome 
must  be  roused,  and  Aleander  accordingly 
sounds  the  alarm.  "  Germany,"  he  wrote  to 
the  Cardinal  de  Medicis,  "is  falling  away 
from  Rome ; — the  Princes,  I  say,  are  falling 
away  from  the  Pope.  A  little  more  delay — 
a  little  more  compromise — and  the  case  be- 
comes hopeless! — Money!  Money!  or  Ger- 
many is  lost!"12 

At  this  cry  Rome  awakes ;  the  retainers  of 
the  Papacy,  assembled  in  the  Vatican,  cast 
aside  their  torpor,  and  hasten  to  forge  fresh 
thunders  of  direful  potency.  The  Pope  issues 
a  new  bull,  and  that  excommunication,  with 
which  hitherto  the  heretical  doctor  had  only 
been  threatened,  is  now  decidedly  pronounced 
against  him  and  against  all  his  adherents.13 
Rome,  by  thus  wilfully  snapping  asunder  the 
last  thread  that  yet  held  him  to  her  church, 
gave  Luther  more  liberty,  and  consequently 
more  power.  Assailed  by  the  papal  thunders, 
he  cast  himself,  with  a  more  ardent  love,  into 
the  arms  of  Christ.  Driven  from  the  out- 
ward temple,  he  felt  more  deeply  that  he 


*  (Hist.  Joh.  Cochlaei  de  actis  et  scriptis  Mar- 
tini Luiheri.  Par.  1556.  p.  27.  verso. — Cochlseus 
was  one  of  Luther's  greatest  enemies.  We  shall 
shortly  have  to  speak  of  him.) 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


183 


a  temple  himself,  inhabited  by  the  Holy 
Spirit. 

"It  is  a  glorious  thing  to  think  of,"  said  he, 
"  that  we  sinners,  believing  in  Christ  and  feed- 
ing on  his  flesh,  should  have  him  d wellingin  us, 
— in  all  his  power,  his  wisdom,  and  his  righte- 
ousness,— for  it  is  written,  '  Whosoever  believeth 
in  me,  in  him  I  abide."1  O  wonderful  abode  ! 
marvellous  tabernacle,  how  far  excelling  that 
which  was  set  up  by  Moses !  within,  how 
magnificently  adorned,  with  costly  hangings 
and  purple  veils  and  implements  of  gold  !  and 
yet  without,  even  like  that  other  tabernacle 
which  God  commanded  to  be  erected  in  the 
wilderness  of  Sinai  there  is  nothing  to  be  seen 
but  the  coarse  covering  of  ram's  skins  and 
goat's  hair.14  Often  does  the  Christian  stumble, 
and  in  his  outward  aspect  all  is  weakness  and 
reproach.  But  what  matters  it? — beneath 
that  infirmity  and  foolishness  of  his,  a  power 
lies  hid  which  the  world  cannot  know,  and 
which  yet  must  overcome  the  world ;  for 
Christ  abideth  in  him.  I  have  sometimes 
seen  Christians  halting  in  their  walk,  and 
ready  to  fall,  but  when  the  hour  came  that 
they  must  wrestle  with  the  enemy,  or  plead 
their  Master's  cause  before  the  world,  Christ 
on  a  sudden  stirred  within  them,  a*nd  so  strong 
and  valiant  did  they  then  become  that  Satan 
was  dismayed  and  fled  from  their  presence."15 

Such  an  hour  as  he  spoke  of  was  soon  to 
come  upon  himself;  and  Christ,  who  **  abode" 
with  him  was  then  to  be  his  present  help. 
Rome  in  the  mean  time  cast  him  off  in  scorn. 
The  Reformer  and  all  who  took  part  with 
him,  of  whatsoever  rank  or  degree,  were  ana- 
thematized, and  were  declared  to  have  forfeit- 
ed for  themselves  and  their  descendants  all 
their  honours  and  their  worldly  goods.  Every 
faithful  Christian  was  enjoined,  as  he  valued 
his  own  soul,  to  shun  all  intercourse  with  that 
accursed  crew;  in  every  place  where  the 
heresy  had  gained  a  footing,  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  priests  on  Sundays  and  holidays,  at  the 
hour  of  high  mass,  solemnly  to  publish  the 
sentence  of  excommunication.  The  sacred 
vessels  and  ornaments  were  to  be  removed 
from  the  altar, — the  cross  to  be  laid  on  the 
ground, — twelve  priests,  holding  torches  in 
their  hands,  were  to  light  them  first,  and  im- 
mediately to  dash  them  down,  and  extinguish 
them  by  trampling  them  under  foot ;  the 
bishop  was  then  to  proclaim  the  condemna- 
tion of  those  ungodly  men  ;  the  bells  were  to 
be  tolled ;  the  bishop  and  the  priests  in  con- 
cert were  to  chant  anathemas  and  maledic- 
tions ;  and  the  service  was  to  be  concluded  by 
a  discourse  of  unsparing  severity  against  Lu- 
ther and  his  adherents. 

Twenty-two  days  had  elapsed  since  the 
publication  of  the  sentence  at  Rome,  though 
it  probably  had  not  yet  transpired  in  Ger- 
many, when  Luther,  having  heard  that  it 
was  again  in  contemplation  to  summon  him  to 
Worms,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Elector, 
couched  in  such  terms  as  to  give  that  Prince 
the  option  of  communicating  it  to  the  Diet. 
Luther  was  anxious  to  correct  the  erroneous 
notions  entertained  by  the  Princes  who  com- 


posed that  august  assembly, — and  candidly 
to  explain  to  them  the  true  merits  of  a  cause 
so  little  understood.  "  I  rejoice  with  all  my 
heart,  most  serene  Prince,"  said  he,  "  that  his 
Imperial  Majesty  is  disposed  to  have  this  af- 
fair brought  before  him.  I  call  Christ  to  wit- 
ness that  it  is  the  cause  of  the  German  na- 
tion, of  the  Catholic  church,  of  the  Christian 
world, — of  God  himself, — not  the  cause  of  a 
solitary,  humble  individual.  I  am  ready  to 
repair  to  Worms,  provided  only  that  a  safe- 
conduct,  and  learned,  pious,  and  impartial 
judges  be  allowed  me.16  I  am  ready  to  answer 
for  myself, — for  it  is  not  in  the  spirit  of  reck- 
lessness, nor  for  the  sake  of  worldly  profit, 
that  I  have  taught  the  doctrine  which  is  laid 
to  my  charge  ; — I  have  taught  it  in  obedience 
to  my  conscience  and  to  my  oath  as  a  doctor 
of  the  Holy  Scriptures; — for  God's  glory 
have  I  taught  it, — for  the  salvation  of  the 
Christian  Church, — for  the  good  of  the  Ger- 
man people, — for  the  rooting  out  of  gross  su- 
perstition and  grievous  abuses, — the  cure  of 
innumerable  evils, — the  wiping  away  of  foul 
disgrace, — the  overthrow  of  tyranny,  blasphe- 
my, and  impiety  in  countless  forms." 

This  declaration,  made  at  so  critical  a  mo- 
ment of  Luther's  life  deserves  to  be  regarded 
with  deep  attention.  Here  we  see  the  motives 
by  which  he  was  actuated,  here  are  the  secret 
springs  which  gave  the  first  impulse  of  revi- 
val to  the  Christian  community.  We  find  no 
traces  here  of  monkish  emulation,  or  a  desire  to 
break  loose  from  the  restraint  of  monastic  vows. 

But  all  this  was  of  little  moment  to  mere 
politicians.  An  alliance  with  the  Pope  was 
every  day  becoming  more  necessary  to  the 
success  of  Charles's  designs.  Situated  as  he 
was  between  the  Pope  and  the  Elector,  he 
could  have  wished  either  to  separate  Frederic 
from  Luther,  or  to  satisfy  the  Pope  without 
offending  Frederic.  But  how  was  this  to  be 
accomplished  1  Many  of  his  courtiers  treated 
the  whole  affair  of  the  Augustine  monk  with 
that  contemptuous  indifference  which  politi- 
cians generally  affect  when  the  interests  of  re- 
ligion are  discussed.  "  Let  us  avoid  all  ex- 
treme measures,"  said  they.  "  Let  us  entangle 
Luther  in  negotiations,  and  silence  him  by 
the  help  of  some  partial  concessions.  To 
stifle  the  flame,  not  fan  it, — is  the  course  of 
true  policy.  If  the  monk  fall  into  the  trap, 
we  have  gained  our  object.  By  accepting  a 
compromise,  he  will  fix  a  gag  on  his  own 
mouth  arid  ruin  his  cause.  To  save  appear- 
ances, a  few  external  reforms  must  be  granted, 
— the  Elector  will  be  satisfied,  the  Pope  will 
be  conciliated,-  and  things  will  go  on  once 
more  in  the  ordinary  track." 

Such  was  the  plan  devised  by  the  confi- 
dants of  the  emperor.  The  doctors  of  Wit- 
temberg  appear  to  have  discovered  this  new 
artifice.  "They  are  trying  to  gain  men  over 
secretly,"  said  Melancthon,  "  and  mining  in 
the  dark."17  John  Glapio,  the  Emperor's  con- 
fessor, a  man  in  high  repute,  an  adroit  courtier, 
and  a  wily  monk,  was  charged  with  the  exe- 
cution of  the  scheme.  Glapio  possessed  the 
full  confidence  of  Charles,  who,  adopting  in 


184 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


this  particular  the  Spanish  custom,  abandoned 
to  him  almost  entirely  the  care  of  all  matters 
relating  to  religion.  Charles  had  no  sooner 
been  elevated  to  the  Imperial  throne,  than 
Leo  hastened  to  gain  the  good  will  of  Glapio 
by  marks  of  favour  which  the  confessor  warm- 
ly acknowledged.18  He  could  not  better  dis- 
charge his  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  Pontiff  than 
by  silencing  the  new-born  heresy,  and  accord- 
ingly he  applied  himself  to  the  work.19 

Among  the  counsellors  of  the  Elector  of 
Saxony,  one  who  held  a  conspicuous  place 
was  Gregory  Brack,  or  Pontanus,  a  man  dis- 
tinguished for  intelligence,  decision,  and  cou- 
rage, whose  skill  in  divinity  might  have 
shamed  all  the  doctors;  while  his  wisdom 
was  adequate  to  baffle  the  united  craft  of  all 
the  monks  in  the  court  of  Charles  the  Fifth. 
Glapio,  knowing  the  influence  which  the 
Chancellor  possessed,  requested  an  interview 
with  him,  and  introducing  himself,  as  though 
he  had  been  a  friend  of  the  Reformer :  "  I  was 
filled  with  joy,"  said  he,  in  a  kindly  tone, 
"  when  I  read  the  first  writings  of  Luther;  I 
looked  upon  him  as  a  vigorous  tree  that  had 
shot  forth  goodly  branches  and  gave  promise 
to  the  Church  of  the  most  precious  fruit. 
Many  others,  it  is  true,  had  entertained  the 
same  views  as  he ;  but  none  had  so  nobly  and 
undauntedly  proclaimed  the  truth.  But  when 
I  read  his  book  on  the  Babylonian  Captivity, 
I  felt  like  a  man  stunned  and  overwhelmed  by 
a  shower  of  blows  from  head  to  foot.  I  can- 
not believe,"  added  the  monk,  "  that  brother 
Martin  will  avow  himself  the  author  of  it;  it 
is  marked  neither  by  his  peculiar  style,  nor 
by  the  learning  he  elsewhere  evinces."  After 
some  discussion  the  Confessor  continued : 
*'  Conduct  me  to  the  Elector,  and  in  your 
presence  I  will  show  him  where  Luther  has 
erred."  • 

The  Chancellor  replied  that  the  business  of 
the  Diet  left  his  Highness  no  leisure,  and, 
moreover,  that  he  took  no  part  in  that  affair. 
The  monk,  to  his  great  vexation,  found  his 
request  eluded.  "Nevertheless,"  said  the 
Chancellor,  "  since  you  say  there  is  no  evil 
without  a  remedy,  be  pleased  to  explain 
yourself." 

Assuming  a  confidential  air,  the  Confessor 
answered,  "The  Emperor  earnestly  desires  to 
see  a  man  like  Luther  reconciled  to  the 
Church;  for  his  books  (before  the  publication 
of  the  treatise  on  the  Babylonian  Captivity} 
were  by  no  means  disagreeabletohisMajesty.20 
That  last  work  of  Luther's  was,  doubtless, 
written  under  the  irritation  of  feeling  excited 
by  the  bull.  Let  him  but  declare  that  he  had 
no  intention  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  Church, 
and  the  learned  of  every  nation  will  join  hands 
with  him.  Procure  me  an  audience  of  his 
Highness." 

The  Chancellor  waited  on  the  Elector  again. 
Frederic  well  knew  that  any  retractation  what- 
soever was  impossible.  "  Tell  the  Confessor," 
said  he,  "  that  I  cannot  comply  with  his  wish; 
but  continue  your  conference  with  him." 

Glapio  received  this  message  with  many 
demonstrations  of  respect;  and,  shifting  his 


ground,  he  said,  "Let  the  Elector  name  some 
persons  in  whom  he  places  confidence  to  deli- 
berate on  this  affair." 

THE  CHANCELLOR. — "The  Elector  does  not 
profess  to  be  Luther's  advocate."21 

THE  CONFESSOR. — "Well,  then,  you  and  I, 
at  least,  can  take  the  matter  up.  Christ  is 
my  witness  that  I  urge  this  from  love  to  the 
Church,  and  to  Luther  himself,  who  has 
opened  so  many  hearts  to  the  truth." 

The  Chancellor  having  refused  to  undertake 
a  task  which  properly  belonged  to  the  Reformer 
himself,  was  about  to  withdraw. 

"  Stay  !"  said  the  monk. 

THE  CHANCELLOR. — "  What  is  your  wish?" 

THE  CONFESSOR. — "  Let  Luther  deny  that 
he  is  the  author  of  the  Babylonian  Captivity." 

THE  CHANCELLOR. — "  But  the  Pope's  bull 
condemns  all  his  other  works." 

THE  CONFESSOR. — "That  was  because  of 
his  obstinacy.  If  he  disclaims  that  book,  the 
Pope,  in  virtue  of  his  plenary  authority,  can 
easily  reverse  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion. WThat  may  we  not  hope  for,  now  that 
we  have  so  excellent  an  Emperor?" 

Perceiving  that  these  words  had  made  some 
impression  on  the  Chancellor,  the  monk  fol- 
lowed them  "up  by  observing,  "  Luther  always 
wants  to  argue  from  the  Bible.  The  Bible — 
it  is  like  wax;  you  may  stretch  and  mould  it 
any  way  that  you  please.  I  would  undertake 
to  find  authority  in  the  Bible  for  doctrines 
more  extravagant  even  than  Luther's.  He 
runs  into  error  by  interpreting  every  word  of 
Christ  as  a  command."  Wishing  next  to  act 
upon  the  other's  fears,  he  added,  "  What 
would  the  issue  be,  if,  to-morrow  or  the  next 
day,  the  Emperor  were  to  have  recourse  to 
arms?  .  .  .  Think  of  that." 

The  Confessor's  artifices  were  not  yet  ex- 
hausted. "A  man  might  have  lived  ten  years 
in  his  company,"  says  Erasmus,  "without 
having  fathomed  him  at  last." 

"  What  an  excellent  book,"  said  he  to  the 
Chancellor  on  his  next  visit,  a  few  days  after- 
wards, "  is  that  work  of  Luther's  on  Christian 
liberty !  What  wisdom,  what  learning,  what 
wit  does  it  display!  it  is  the  production  of  a 
scholar,  indeed  !  ....  Let  men  of  irreproach- 
able character  be  chosen  on  both  sides,  and 
let  the  Pope  and  Luther  agree  to  abide  by  their 
judgment.  In  many  articles  it  is  past  a  doubt 
that  a  decision  would  be  in  Luther's  favour.22. . 
I  will  speak  to  the  Emperor  about  it  myself. 
Believe  me,  I  am  not  without  grounds  for 
what  I  say  to  you.  I  have  told  the  Emperor 
that  the  chastisements  of  God  would  fall  upon 
him  and  the  princes  also,  unless  the  Church, 
the  spouse  of  Christ,  were  cleansed  from  all 
those  stains  which  now  defile  her.  I  told  him, 
too,  that  God  had  raised  up  Luther,  and  given 
him  a  commission  to  reprove  men  for  their 
sins,  using  him  as  a  rod  to  punish  the  offences 
of  the  world."23 

These  words  we  may  receive  as  the  echo 
of  the  popular  voice  at  that  period,  and  as  tes- 
tifying the  opinion  which  was  then  entertained 
of  Luther,  even  by  his  enemies.  The  Chan- 
cellor, roused  by  what  the  monk  had  just  said, 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


185 


ild  not  help  expressing  his  surprise  that  his 
master  should  be  treated  with  so  little  defer- 
ence. "The  Emperor  holds  daily  consulta- 
tions on  this  affair,"  said  he,  "and  the  Elector 
is  invited  to  none  of  them.  He  thinks  it 
strange  that  the  Emperor,  to  whom  he  has 
rendered  some  service,  should  exclude  him 
from  his  councils." 

THE  CONFESSOR. — "I  was  never  present  at 
any  of  those  deliberations  but  once,  and  on 
that  occasion  I  heard  the  Emperor  resist  the 
importunities  of  the  Legates.  Five  years 
hence  it  will  be  seen  what  Charles  has  done 
for  the  reformation  of  the  Church." 

"The  Elector,"  replied  Pontanus,  "knows 
nothing  of  Luther's  intentions.  Let  him  be 
summoned  hither  to  speak  for  himself."24 

The  Confessor  replied,  with  a  deep  sigh, 
"I  call  God  to  witness  how  ardently  I  desire 
to  see  the  reformation  of  Christendom  accom- 
plished." 

To  slacken  the  course  of  the  affair,  to  keep 
Luther's  mouth  closed  in  the  mean  time — this 
was  the  sum  of  what  Glapio  aimed  at;  at  all 
events,  to  prevent  Luther  from  coming  to 
Worms.  To  the  nuncios,  the  monks,  and  the 
rest  of  the  papal  phalanx,  a  dead  man  return- 
ing from  the  other  world,  and  appearing  in  the 
midst  of  the  Diet,  would  not  have  been  so 
fearful  a  spectacle  as  the  bodily  presence  of 
the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg. 

"How  many  days  does  it  take  to  travel 
from  Wittemberg  to  Worms!"  inquired  the 
Confessor,  in  a  tone  of  affected  indifference; 
and  immediately  departed,  having  first  en- 
treated Pontanus  to  present  his  very  respectful 
salutations  to  the  Elector. 

Such  were  the  stratagems  practised  by  the 
courtiers.  The  firmness  of  Pontanus  discon- 
certed them  all.  That  upright  man  was  un- 
moved as  a  rock  throughout  the  whole  course 
of  these  proceedings.  And,  in  the  end,  the 
monks  themselves  fell  into  the  snare  which 
they  had  laid  for  their  enemies.  "The  Chris- 
tian," said  Luther,  in  his  figurative  language, 
"is  like  the  bird  tethered  beside  a  trap. 
Wolves  and  foxes  prowl  around  it,  and  at 
length  spring  upon  their  prey ;  but  they  fall 
into  the  pit  and  perish  there,  while  that  timo- 
rous bird  remains  unharmed.  Thus  it  is  that 
we  are  preserved  by  the  holy  Angels,  and 
those  devouring  wolves,  the  hypocrites  and 
persecutors,  are  restrained  from  doing  us  any 
hurt."25  Not  only  were  the  artifices  of  the 
Confessor  unavailing,  but  the  admissions  he 
had  made  confirmed  Frederic  in  his  opinion 
that  Luther  was  in  the  right,  and  that  it  was 
his  duty  to  protect  him. 

The  hearts  of  men  were  still  inclining  more 
strongly  towards  the  Gospel.  A  Dominican 
prior  proposed  that  the  Emperor,  the  Kings 
of  France,  Spain,  England,  Portugal,  Hun- 
gary, and  Poland,  the  Pope,  and  the  Electors, 
should  name  representatives,  to  whom  the  de- 
termination of  the  controversy  should  be  com- 
mitted. "A  case  like  this,"  it  was  urged, 
"  has  never  been  decided  by  the  Pope  alone."26  i 
Such  was  the  spirit  now  everywhere  preva-  j 
lent,  that  it  seemed  impossible  to  condemn  i 


Luther  without  having  heard  and  convicted 
him.27 

Aleander,  in  the  height  of  his  alarm,  dis- 
played unwonted  energy.  It  was  no  longer 
against  the  Elector  and  Luther  alone  that  he 
had  to  contend.  The  secret  negotiations  of 
the  Confessor,  the  plan  of  accommodation 
proposed  by  the  Dominican,  the  acquiescence 
of  Charles's  ministers,  the  coldness  of  Rornish 
piety  even  among  the  most  devoted  friends  of 
the  Pontiff — a  coldness  which  Pallavicini 
likens  to  that  produced  by  the  gush  of  some 
icy  stream,28— all  these  circumstances  Aleander 
viewed  with  a  foreboding  eye.  He  had  at 
length  received  from  Rome  the  money  he  had 
applied  for;  he  had  in  his  possession  briefs 
couched  in  the  strongest  language,  and  ad- 
dressed to  the  highest  authorities  in  the  Em- 
pire.29 Fearful  least  his  victim  should  escape 
him,  he  conceived  that  now  was  the  time  to 
strike  the  decisive  blow.  He  forwarded  the 
briefs  to  the  several  parties  to  whom  they 
were  directed,  he  scattered  silver  and  gold 
with  an  unsparing  hand,  he  lavished  the  most 
alluring  promises,  "  and  aided  by  his  three- 
fold machinery,"  says  the  Cardinal,  whose 
narrative  we  follow,  "made  a  fresh  effort  to 
draw  the  wavering  assembly  to  the  Pope's 
side."30  For  the  Emperor  he  planted  his  snares 
with  special  diligence.  He  took  advantage 
of  the  dissension  between  the  Flemish  and 
Spanish  ministers.  He  laid  incessant  siege 
to  the  Sovereign's  ear.  The  friends  of  Rome, 
waking  at  his  call  from  their  torpor,  pressed 
the  youthful  Charles  with  their  united  soli- 
citations. "Not  a  day  passes,"  wrote  the 
Elector  to  his  brother  John,  "but  measures 
hostile  to  Luther  are  brought  forward  !  his 
enemies  now  demand  that  he  should  be  placed 
under  the  ban  of  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor 
jointly;  to  injure  him  by  every  possible 
method  is  their  single  aim.  The  men  who 
parade  their  red  hats  before  us, — the  Romans 
and  their  followers, — pursue  this  work  with 
an  unwearied  zeal."31 

Aleander  did,  in  reality,  urge  the  condem- 
nation of  the  Reformer  with  an  impetuosity 
which  Luther  himself  designates  as  "incre- 
dible fury."32  The  Jlpostate  Nuncio,  as  Luther 
calls  him,33  was  on  one  occasion  transported 
by  his  anger  so  far  beyond  the  bounds  of  cau- 
tion, that  he  cried  aloud  :  "  If  ye  seek  to  shake 
off  your  allegiance  to  Rome,  ye  Germans! 
we  will  bring  things  to  such  a  pass,  that  ye 
shall  unsheath  the  sword  of  extermination 
against  each  other,  and  perish  in  your  own 
blood."34  "It  is  in  this  way  that  the  Pope 
feeds  Christ's  sheep,"  observes  the  Reformer. 

But  much  unlike  this  was  the  language  he 
used  himself.  For  his  own  sake  he  asked 
nothing.  "  Luther,"  said  Melancthon,  "  is 
ready  to  purchase  the  glory  and  advancement 
of  the  Gospel  at  the  cost  of  his  own  life."35 
But  he  trembled  when  he  thought  of  the 
calamities  of  which  his  death  might  be  the 
signal.  He  saw  a  misguided  people  aveng- 
ing his  martyrdom,  probably  by  shedding  the 
blood  of  Ins  adversaries,  and  especially  that 
of  the  priests.  He  deprecated  so  terrible  a 


186 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


responsibility.  "  God,"  said  he,  "  is  restrain- 
ing the  fury  of  his  enemies  ;  but  if  it  break 
loose  ....  then  shall  we  see  a  storm  burst- 
ing on  the  heads  of  the  priests  like  that  which 
formerly  swept  over  Bohemia  and  laid  it 
waste.  I  shall  not  have  to  answer  for  this, 
for  I  have  made  it  my  earnest  prayer  that  the 
German  Princes  would  oppose  the  Romans 
by  the  wisdom  of  their  counsel,  not  by  the 
sword.36  To  war  against  priests,  a  timid  and 
helpless  tribe,  is  to  war  against  women  and 
children." 

Charles  the  Fifth  did  not  long  hold  out 
against  the  solicitations  of  the  Nuncio.  The 
bigotry  he  inherited  from  his  Flemish  and 
Spanish  ancestors  had  been  successfully  fos- 
tered by  his  preceptor  Adrian,  who  at  a  later 
period  ascended  the  Pontifical  throne.  But 
it  was  necessary  to  obtain  the  concurrence  of 
the  States.  "  Convince  the  Diet"  said  the 
youthful  Monarch.  This  was  exactly  what 
Aleander  desired ;  it  was  agreed  that  he  should 
be  introduced  to  the  assembly  on  the  13th  of 
February. 

The  Nuncio  duly  prepared  himself  for  that 
solemn  audience.  It  was  a  weighty  task  that, 
had  been  imposed  upon  him ;  but  Aleander 
was  worthy  to  sustain  it.  He  was  not  merely 
the  Legate  and  representative  of  the  Sove- 
reign Pontiff,  invested  with  all  the  outward  dig- 
nity befitting  his  exalted  functions, — he  was 
also  one  of  the  most  eloquent  men  of  his 
age.  The  friends  of  the  Reformation  waited 
the  result  in  some  anxiety.  The  Elector, 
under  the  pretext  of  indisposition,  absented 
himself  from  the  sitting;  but  he  instructed 
some  of  his  counsellors  to  attend  and  to  take 
notes  of  the  Nuncio's  discourse. 

On  the  appointed  day,  Aleander  proceeded 
to  the  Imperial  Assembly.  The  feelings  of 
the  people  were  strongly  excited,  many  called 
to  mind  how  Annas  and  Caiaphas  had  gone 
to  the  judgment-hall  of  Pilate  to  demand  the 
death  of  him  "  who  perverted  the  nation"  At 
the  moment  when  the  Nuncio  had  his  foot 
upon  the  threshold,  the  usher  of  the  Diet, 
says  Pallavicini,  rudely  stepping  up  to  him, 
set  his  clenched  fist  against  his  breast  and 
thrust  him  back.37  "  He  was  a  Lutheran  in 
his  heart,"  adds  the  Romish  historian.  If  this 
anecdote  is  true,  it  certainly  shows  an  un- 
seemly excess  of  passion  in  the  individual, 
but  it  also  enables  us  to  judge  how  powerful 
an  effect  had  been  produced  by  Luther's 
teaching,  even  among  those  who  kept  the 
doors  of  the  Germanic  Council.  The  high- 
spirited  Aleander,  repressing  the  officer's  in- 
solence by  his  dignified  demeanour,  walked 
forward  and  entered  the  hall.  Never  had 
Rome  been  summoned  to  plead  her  cause 
before  so  august  an  assembly.  The  Nuncio 
placed  before  him  such  documents  as  he 
thought  necessary  to  certify  the  sentence  of 
condemnation,  together  with  the  writings  of 
Luther  and  the  Papal  bulls,  and  then,  silence 
having  been  proclaimed  in  the  Diet,  he  spoke 
as  follows: — 

"Most  august  Emperor!  most  potent 
Princes !  most  excellent  Deputies !  I  appear 


before  you  to  advocate  the  cause  which  en- 
gages the  warmest  affections  of  my  heart.  My 
office  is  to  guard  the  ever-hallowed  tiara  that 
rests  on  the  brows  of  my  master,  to  uphold 
that  Pontifical  throne  in  whose  defence  I 
would  gladly  deliver  my  body  to  the  flames, 
were  I  only  assured  that  the  newly-spawned 
heresy  which  I  stand  forth  to  denounce  would 
perish  along  with  me.* 

"  I  deny  the  assertion  that  the  controversy 
between  Luther  and  Rome  is  one  in  which 
the  Pope  alone  is  interested.  I  have  Luther's 
writings  here  before  me,  and  any  man  who 
has  his  eyesight  may  see  that  they  attack  the 
holy  doctrines  of  the  Church.  He  teaches 
that  those  alone  are  worthy  communicants, 
whose  consciences  are  filled  w.ith  sorrow  and 
confusion  on  account  of  their  sins,  and  that 
baptism  justifies  no  one  unless  he  hath  faith 
in  that  word  of  promise  of  which  baptism  is 
the  pledge.38  He  denies  the  necessity  of  good 
works  to  qualify  us  for  everlasting  glory.  He 
denies  that  we  have  liberty  and  power  to  obey 
the  law  of  nature  and  the  law  of  God.  He 
affirms  that  we  sin  of  necessity  in  all  our  ac- 
tions. Have  weapons  better  fitted  than  these 
to  sever  all  the  ties  of  morality  ever  been 
drawn  from  the  arsenal  of  hell  ]  .  .  .  .  He 
contends  for  the  abrogation  of  religious  vows. 
What  miserable  disorder  would  the  world 
behold,  if  those  who  were  designed  to  be  the 
leaven  of  their  race  were  to  cast  aside  their 
sacred  vestments,  forsake  the  temples  that 
once  resounded  with  their  holy  songs,  and 
plunge  at  once  into  adultery,  incest,  and  licen- 
tiousness ! 

"  Why  should  I  enumerate  all  the  crimes 
of  this  audacious  monk  ]  He  sins  against  the 
dead,  for  he  denies  the  existence  of  purgato- 
ry ;  he  sins  against  heaven,  for  he  says  that  he 
would  not  believe  an  angel  sent  from  heaven ; 
he  sins  against  the  church,  for  he  maintains 
that  all  Christians  are  priests;  he  sins  against 
the  saints,  for  he  treats  their  venerable  writ- 
ings with  contempt;  he  sins  against  Councils, 
for  he  calls  the  Council  of  Constance  an  as- 
sembly of  devils;  he  sins  against  the  secular 
power,  for  he  forbids  the  punishment  of  death 
to  be  inflicted  on  any  one  who  has  not  com- 
mitted a  mortal  sin.39  There  are  people  who 
tell  us  he  is  a  man  of  piety.  I  will  not 
impugn  his  private  character;  I  will  only 
remind  this  assembly  that  it  is  a  common 
thing  for  the  devil  to  deceive  men  under  the 
appearance  of  sanctity." 


*  Dummodo  mecum  una  monstrum  nascentig 
haeresis  arderet.  (Pallavicini,  i.  97.)  Secken- 
dorf,  and  after  him  other  Protestant  historians, 
have  asserted  that  Pallavicini  himself  is  the  author 
of  the  speech  which  he  puts  into  the  mouth  of 
Aleander.  It  is  true,  that  the  Cardinal  admits 
having  moulded  it  into  the  shape  in  which  he  pre- 
sents it  to  his  readers  ;  but  he  specifies  the  mate- 
rials he  has  used,  and  among  these  Aleander's 
letters  deposited  in  the  archives  of  the  Vatican. 
(Acta  Wormatiae,  fol.  66  and  99.)  I  think,  there- 
fore, that  to  reject  it  altogether  would  be  injudi- 
cious. I  have  collected  some  additional  passages 
of  the  speech  from  other  sources,  Protestant  and 
Romish. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


187 


Aleander  next  adverted  to  the  decree  of  the 
Council  of  Florence,  condemning  the  doctrine 
of  purgatory,  and  laid  the  Pope's  bull  regard- 
ing that  council  at  the  Emperor's  feet.  The 
Archbishop  of  Mentz  took  up  the  bull  and  gave 
it  into  the  hands  of  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne 
and  Treves,  who  received  it  reverently,  and 
handed  it  to  the  other  Princes.  The  Nuncio 
having  thus  preferred  his  charge  against  Lu- 
ther, proceeded  in  his  second  object,  the  jus- 
tification of  Rome. 

"  Luther  tells  us  that  at  Rome  the  lips  pro- 
fess what  the  life  belies.  If  this  be  true,  must 
not  the  inference  we  draw  from  it  be  exactly 
the  opposite  of  his  ]  If  the  ministers  of  any  re- 
ligion live  in  accordance  with  its  precepts, 
that  very  token  proves  the  religion  to  be  false. 
Such  was  the  religion  of  the  ancient  Romans. 
Such  is  that  of  Mahomet,  and  that  of  Luther 
himself;  but  such  is  not  the  religion  taught  us 
by  the  Roman  Pontiffs.  No !  the  doctrine 
they  profess  condemns  them  all  as  having 
failed  in  their  duty,  many  of  them  as  highly 
blameworthy,  some,  I  frankly  confess  it,  as 
deeply  criminal.40  .  .  By  that  doctrine  their 
actions  are  delivered  over  to  the  censure  of 
men's  tongues  while  they  live,  to  the  execra- 
tion of  history  after  their  death.41  Now  what 
pleasure,  or  what  profit,  I  ask,  can  the  Pon- 
tiffs have  proposed  to  themselves  in  inventing 
a  religion  like  this"? 

"  The  Church,  we  shall  be  told,  in  the  early 
ages  was  not  governed  by  the  Roman  pon- 
tiffs ....  and  what  is  the  inference  here  ]  If 
an  argument  like  this  is  to  have  any  weight, 
we  may  next  exhort  men  to  feed  upon  acorns, 
or  princesses  of  royal  blood  to  go  forth  and 
wash  their  garments  by  the  river  side." 

But  the  Nuncio's  main  attack  was  directed 
personally  against  his  antagonist  the  Reform- 
er. Adverting  indignantly  to  the  opinion  ex- 
pressed by  some,  that  Luther  ought  to  be  heard  : 
" Luther,"  cried  he,  "will  allow  himself  to 
be  set  right  by  no  one.  Long  ago  the  Pope 
summoned  him  to  Rome,  but  he  obeyed  not 
the  call.  The  Pope  then  required  him  to  ap- 
pear before  his  Legate  at  Augsburg,  and  he 
did  appear  there,  when  he  had  obtained  a  safe- 
conduct  from  the  Emperor, — that  is  to  say, 
when  the  Legate's  hands  were  tied,  and  the 
use  of  his  tongue  alone  allowed  him.42  .  . 
Oh,"  said  Aleander,  turning  towards  Charles, 
"I  beseech  your  Imperial  Majesty  not  to  do 
that  which  could  only  reflect  dishonour  upon 
your  name.  Meddle  not  with  an  affair  in 
which  the  laity  have  no  right  to  interpose. 
Discharge  the  duty  that  properly  devolves 
upon  you.  Let  Luther's  doctrines  be  proscribed 
by  your  authority  throughout  the  Empire, 
— let  his  writings  be  everywhere  committed 
to  the  flames.  Shrink  not  from  the  path  of 
justice.  There  is  enough  in  the  errors  of 
Luther  to  warrant  the  burning  of  a  hundred 
thousand  heretics.43  And  whom  have  we  to 
fear?  The  multitude1?  Their  insolence  makes 
them  formidable  while  the  battle  is  delayed, 
but  when  it  comes,  their  cowardice  will  ren- 
der them  contemptible.  Foreign  princes? 
Nay  !  the  King  of  France  has  issued  an  edict 
25 


to  prevent  Luther's  doctrine  from  gaining  an 
entrance  into  his  dominions ;  the  King  of 
England  is  preparing  to  combat  him  with  his 
own  royal  pen.  The  opinion  of  Hungary, 
Italy,  and  Spain,  it  is  for  yourself  to  declare, 
and  there  is  not  one  of  your  neighbours,  how 
great  soever  their  hatred  against  you,  who 
would  wish  you  so  much  mischief  as  this 
heresy  must  entail  upon  you.  For  if  our  enemy 
dwells  close  beside  us,  we  may,  perhaps,  de- 
sire that  the  ague  should  enter  his  house,  but 
not  the  plague.  What  are  all  these  Lutherans  ? 
A  motley  rabble  of  insolent  grammarians,  licen- 
tious priests,  disorderly  monks,  ignorant  advo- 
cates, degraded  nobles,  misled  and  perverted 
plebeians.  How  greatly  superior  is  the  Catho- 
lic party  in  numbers,  in  intelligence,  in  power  ! 
A  unanimous  decree  of  this  illustrious  as- 
sembly will  open  the  eyes  of  the  simple,  show 
the  unwary  their  danger,  determine  the  wa- 
vering, and  strengthen  the  weak-hearted.  But 
if  the  axe  be  not  laid  to  the  root  of  this  venom- 
ous plant, — if  the  death-blow  be  not  dealt 
against  it, — then  I  behold  it  covering  Christ's 
heritage  with  its  branches,  changing  the  vine- 
yard of  the  Lord  into  a  howling  wilderness, 
converting  God's  kingdom  into  a  haunt  of 
wild  beasts ;  plunging  Germany  into  the 
same  wretched  condition  of  barbarism  and  de- 
solation to  which  Asia  has  been  reduced  by 
the  superstition  of  Mahomet." 

The  Nuncio  concluded  his  address.  He  had 
spoken  for  three  hours.  His  impetuous  elo- 
quence had  produced  a  strong  sensation  in  the 
assembly.  The  Princes  looked  at  each  other, 
Cochlaeus  tells  us,  with  countenances  that  be- 
trayed excitement  and  alarm,  and  murmurs 
were  soon  heard  to  arise  from  various  quar- 
ters against  Luther  and  those  who  supported 
him.44  If  the  energetic  Luther  had  been  pre- 
sent to  reply  to  this  address ; — if,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  those  admissions  which  the  re- 
membrance of  the  infamous  Borgia,  his  former 
master,  had  wrung  from  the  Roman  orator,  he 
had  shown  that  the  very  arguments  by  which 
the  Nuncio  attempted  to  defend  Rome  were 
sufficient  to  condemn  her ;  if  he  had  demon- 
strated that  the  doctrine  which  bore  witness 
to  her  iniquity  was  not  that  invented  by  her, 
as  the  orator  had  said,  but  was  that  pure  re- 
ligion which  Christ  had  given  to  the  world,  and 
which  it  was  the  aim  of  the  Reformation  to 
re-establish  in  its  primitive  lustre;  if  he  had 
drawn  a  faithful  and  vivid  picture  of  the  errors 
and  abuses  of  the  Papacy,  and  pointed  out 
how  it  converted  the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ 
into  an  engine  of  self-aggrandizement  and 
spoliation ;  the  effect  of  the  Nuncio's  harangue 
would  have  been  utterly  and  at  once  destroyed  ; 
— but  no  one  rose  to  speak.  The  assembly 
continued  under  the  influence  of  the  address, 
and,  in  the  first  moments  of  agitation  and  ex- 
citement, it  manifested  a  strong  desire  to  root 
out  the  Lutheran  heresy  from  the  soil  of  the 
Empire.45 

Nevertheless  this  victory  was  won  in  ap- 
pearance only.    It  was  the  will  of  God  that 
Rome  should  have  an  opportunity  of  display- 
ing the  utmost  strength  of  her  cause  with  her 
R 


188 


HISTORV   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


utmost  skill.  The  greatest  of  her  orators  had 
spoken  in  this  assembly  of  Princes;  he  had 
said  all  that  Rome  had  to  say  in  her  own  be- 
half; but  to  many  of  those  who  heard  him, 
this  last  effort  of  the  Papacy  was  destined  to 
serve  as  a  sign  of  its  abasement.  If  the  open 
confession  of  truth  be  required  to  secure  it 
triumph,  so  also  the  unreserved  exhibition  of 
error  is  the  necessary  prelude  of  its  overthrow. 
Neither  of  them  can  accomplish  its  course  in 
secret.  The  light  brings  all  things  to  the 
test. 

A  few  days  were  sufficient  to  efface  the  im- 
pression produced  by  the  speech, — as  is  always 
the  case  when  an  orator  has  recourse  to  high 
sounding  words  to  cover  the  hollowness  of 
his  reasoning.  The  majority  of  the  Princes 
were  ready  to  sacrifice  Luther,  but  none  were 
disposed  to  abandon  the  rights  of  the  Empire, 
or  to  suppress  the  grievances  of  the  Germanic 
nation.  They  were  willing  enough  to  give 
up  the  insolent  monk  who  had  dared  to  speak 
out  so  plainly;  but  their  compliance  in  this 
particular  entitled  them,  as  they  thought,  to 
represent  to  the  Pope  more  urgently  the  justice 
of  a  reform,  demanded  by  the  concurrent  voice 
of  the  chiefs  of  the  nation.  And  accordingly 
it  was  the  most  determined  of  Luther's  per- 
sonal enemies,  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  who 
spoke  with  the  greatest  earnestness  against 
the  encroachments  of  Rome.  This  prince,  the 
grandson  of  Podiebrad,  King  of  Bohemia, 
though  offended  by  the  doctrine  of  grace 
taught  by  the  Reformer,  still  looked  forward 
with  hope  to  a  Reformation,  moral  and  eccle- 
siastical. The  chief  cause  of  his  irritation 
against  the  monk  of  Wittemberg  was,  that,  by 
those  obnoxious  doctrines  of  his,  he  was  spoil- 
ing the  whole  affair.  But  now,  when  he 
found  the  Nuncio  studiously  involving  Luther 
and  the  Reformation  of  the  Church  in  one  and 
the  same  sentence  of  condemnation,  Duke 
George  suddenly  stood  up  to  speak  in  the  as- 
sembly of  the  Princes,  to  the  great  astonish- 
ment of  those  who  knew  his  hostility  to  the 
Reformer.  "The  Diet,"  said  he,  "must  not 
lose  sight  of  the  grievances  of  which  it  has  to 
claim  redress  from  the  Court  of  Rome.  How 
numerous  are  the  abuses  that  have  crept  into 
our  dominions  !  The  annats,  which  the  Em- 
peror granted  of  his  free  will  for  the  good  of 
religion,  now  exacted  as  a  due;  the  Roman 
courtiers  daily  inventing  new  regulations  to 
favour  the  monopoly,  the  sale,  the  leasing  out 
of  ecclesiastical  benefices;  a  multitude  of  of- 
fences connived  at;  a  scandalous  toleration 
granted  to  rich  offenders,  while  those  who 
have  not  wherewithal  to  purchase  impunity 
are  severely  punished;  the  Popes  continually 
bestowing  reversions  and  rent-charges  on  the 
officers  of  their  palace  to  the  prejudice  of  those 
to  whom  the  benefices  rightly  belong;  the 
abbeys  and  convents  of  Rome  given  in  com- 
•mendam  to  cardinals,  bishops  and  prelates, 
who  apply  their  revenues  to  their  own  use, — 
so  that  in  many  convents  where  there  ought 
to  be  twenty  or  thirty  monks,  not  one  is  to  be 
found; — stations  multiplied  to  excess;  shops 
for  indulgences  opened  in  every  street  and 


I  square  of  our  cities, — shops  of  Saint  Anthony, 
of  the  Holy  Ghost,  of  Saint  Hubert,  of  Saint 
Vincent,  and  1  know  not  how  many  more ; — 
societies  contracting  at  Rome  for  the  privilege 
of  setting  up  this  trade, — then  purchasing  from 
their  bishop  the  right  of  exposing  their  mer- 
chandise to  sale:  and  finally,  to  meet  all  this 
outlay  of  money,  squeezing  and  draining  the 
last  coin  out  of  the  poor  man's  purse ;  indul- 
gences which  ought  to  be  granted  only  with  a 
view  to  the  salvation  of  souls,  and  procured 
only  by  prayer  and  fasting  and  works  of 
charity, — sold  for  a  price; — the  officials  of 
the  bishops  oppressing  men  of  low  degree 
with  penances  for  blasphemy,  or  adultery,  or 
drunkenness,  or  profanation  of  this  or  that 
festival, — but  never  addressing  so  much  as  a 
rebuke  to  ecclesiastics  who  are  guilty  of  the 
same  crimes  ; — penances  so  devised  as  to  be- 
tray the  penitent  into  a  repetition  of  his  offence, 
in  order  that  more  money  may  be  exacted  from 
him  :43 — these  are  but  a  few  of  the  abuses 
which  cry  out  on  Rome  for  redress.  All  shame 
is  laid  aside,  and  one  object  alone  incessantly 
pursued, — money !  evermore  money  ! — so  that 
the  very  men  whose  duty  it  is  to  disseminate 
the  truth  are  engaged  in  nothing  but  the  propa- 
gation of  falsehood,  and  yet  they  are  not 
merely  tolerated  but  rewarded  ; — because  the 
more  they  lie  the  larger  are  their  gains.  This 
is  the  foul  source  from  which  so  many  cor- 
rupted streams  flow  out  on  every  side.  Profli- 
gacy and  avarice  go  hand  in  hand.  The 
officials  summon  women  to  their  houses  on 
various  pretences,  and  endeavour,  either  by 
threats  or  by  presents,  to  seduce  them,47 — and 
if  the  attempt  fails,  they  ruin  their  reputation. 
Oh  !  it  is  the  scandal  occasioned  by  the  clergy 
that  plunges  so  many  poor  souls  into  ever- 
lasting perdition.  A  thorough  reform  must  be 
effected.  To  accomplish  that  reform,  a  Gene- 
ral Council  must  be  assembled.  Wherefore, 
most  excellent  Princes  and  Lords,  I  respect- 
fully beseech  you  to  give  this  matter  your  im- 
mediate attention."  Duke  George  then  pre- 
sented a  written  catalogue  of  the  grievances 
he  had  enumerated.  This  happened  a  few 
days  after  Aleander's  address.  The  important 
document  has  been  preserved  in  the  archives 
of  Weimar. 

Luther  himself  had  not  spoken  with  greater 
energy  against  the  abuses  of  Rome,  but  he 
had  done  something  more.  The  Duke  pointed 
out  the  evil, — Luther  along  with  the  evil  had 
pointed  out  also  its  cause  and  its  cure.  He 
had  shown  that  the  sinner  receives  the  true 
indulgence, — that  remission  of  sins  which 
comes  from  God, — solely  by  faith  in  the  grace 
and  merits  of  Christ; — and  by  this  simple  yet 
powerful  truth  he  had  overthrown  all  the 
traffic  which  had  been  established  by  the 
priests.  "  How  shall  a  man  become  holy1?" 
said  he  one  day.  "  A  cordelier  will  reply  : 
Put  on  a  gray  hood  and  tie  a  cord  round 
your  middle.  A  Roman  will  answer:  Hear 
mass  and  fast.  But  a  Christian  will  say: 
Faith  in  Christ — and  that  alone— justifies  and 
saves.  We  must  have  eternal  life  before  good 
works.  But  when  we  are  born  anew  and 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


189 


made  children  of  God  by  the  word  of  grace, 
then  we  perform  good  works."48 

The  Duke's  language  was  that  of  a  secular 
prince;  Luther's  that  of  a  true  Reformer. 
The  gieat  sin  of  the  Church  was  that  she  had 
thrown  down  the  barriers  that  separated  her 
from  the  world, — that  she  had  converted  all 
her  operations  and  all  her  benefits  into  exter- 
nal and  material  things.  In  the  last  stage  of 
her  contamination,  she  had  embraced  the 
scheme  of  indulgences,  and  the  most  spiritual 
blessing  that  belongs  to  Christianity, — pardon, 
— was  now  to  be  bought  at  a  stall  like  food 
or  drink!  Luther's  great  achievement  con- 
sisted in  this, — that  betook  advantage  of  that 
extremity  of  degradation  into  which  Christi- 
anity had  sunk,  to  lead  back  individuals  and 
the  Church  to  the  original  fountain  of  life, — 
and  to  re-establish  the  supremacy  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  believer's  heart. 
The  remedy  in  this  case,  as  in  many  others, 
arose  out  of  the  evil  itself,  and  the  two  ex- 
tremes touched  each  other.  Henceforward 
the  Church,  which  for  so  many  ages  had  been 
content  with  an  external  manifestation  by 
ceremonies  and  observances  and  practices  of 
human  authority,  began  once  more  to  seek 
her  development  within,  in  faith,  hope,  and 
charity. 

The  Duke's  speech  produced  the  greater 
effect  on  account  of  his  well-known  opposi- 
tion to  Luther.  Other  members  of  the  Diet 
brought  forward  other  grievances.  Even  the 
ecclesiastical  princes  supported  these  com- 
plaints.49 "We  have  a  Pontiff,"  said  they, 
"who  is  occupied  only  with  pleasure  and  the 
chase;  the  church  preferment  of  Germany  is 
bestowed  at  Rome  on  gunners,  falconers, 
valets,  ass-drivers,  grooms,  guardsmen,  and 
other  people  of  the  same  stamp,  ignorant, 
inexperienced,  and  strangersto  our  nation."60 

The  Diet  nominated  a  Committee  to  draw 
up  a  list  of  grievances  ;  the  enumeration  ex- 
tended to  a  hundred  and  one.  A  deputation 
composed  of  secular  and  ecclesiastical  princes 
presented  this  report  to  the  Emperor,  with  an 
earnest  request  that  he  would  do  them  right 
in  the  matter, — conformably  to  the  engage- 
ment he  had  contracted  on  his  elevation  to 
the  throne.  "  What  a  loss  of  Christian  souls," 
said  they  to  Charles,  "what  injustice,  what 
extortion  are  the  daily  fruits  of  those  scandal- 
ous practices  to  which  the  spiritual  head  of 
Christendom  affords  his  countenance.  The 
ruin  and  dishonour  of  our  nation  must  be 
averted.  We  therefore  very  humbly,  but  very 
urgently,  beseech  you  to  sanction  a  general 
Reformation,  to  undertake  the  work,  and  to 
carry  it  through."51  The  Christian  community 
at  this  period  was  operated  upon  by  an  un- 
known power,  which  descended  alike  on 
princes  and  people, — a  wisdom  from  above, 
which  exerted  its  influence  even  on  the  adver- 
saries of  reform,  and  prepared  the  way  for 
that  great  deliverance  whose  appointed  hour 
Was  now  at  hand. 

Charles  could  not  be  insensible  to  the  re- 
monstrances of  the  Imperial  Diet.  Neither 
the  Nuncio  nor  the  Emperor  had  anticipated 


them.  The  latter  immediately  withdrew  the 
edict  which  commanded  Luther's  writings  to 
be  committed  to  the  flames  in  every  part  of 
the  Empire,  and  issued  in  its  stead  a  provi- 
sional order  that  all  copies  of  those  writings 
should  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  the 
magistrates. 

This  did  not  satisfy  the  assembly;  it  de- 
manded Luther's  appearance.  It  is  unjust, 
said  his  friends,  to  condemn  Luther  without 
having  heard  him,  and  without  having  ascer- 
tained from  his  own  lips  that  he  is  the  author 
of  those  books  which  it  is  proposed  to  burn. 
His  doctrine,  said  his  adversaries,  has  taken 
so  fast  a  hold  on  men's  minds,  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  check  its  progress,  unless  we 
allow  him  a  hearing.  There  shall  be  no  dis- 
puting with  him ;  and  in  the  event  of  his  ac- 
knowledging his  writings,  and  refusing  to 
retract  them,  we  will  all  with  one  accord, 
Electors,  Princes,  and  States  of  the  holy  Em- 
pire, in  firm  adherence  to  the  faith  of  our 
ancestors,  give  your  Majesty  our  unsparing 
aid  to  carry  your  decrees  into  full  effect.52 

Aleander,  disturbed  by  this  proposal  and 
dreading  every  thing  from  Luther's  intrepi- 
dity and  the  ignorance  of  the  Princes  before 
whom  he  would  have  to  plead,  made  strenu- 
ous efforts  to  prevent  his  being  summoned. 
After  conferring  with  Charles's  ministers,  he 
went  to  those  Princes  who  were  best  dis- 
posed towards  the  Pope,  and  from  them  to 
the  Emperor  himself.53  "  It  is  not  permitted," 
said  he,  "to  question  what  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  has  decreed.  There  shall  be  no  dis- 
puting with  Luther,  you  say;  hut  how  can 
we  be  sure,"  he  continued,  "  that  the  genius 
of  this  audacious  man,  the  fire  that  flashes 
from  his  eyes,  the  eloquence  of  his  speech, 
the  mysterious  spirit  that  animates  him,  will 
not  suffice  to  excite  a  tumult]54  Already  there 
are  many  who  revere  him  as  a  saint,  and  his 
image  is  everywhere  to  be  seen  encircled 
with  rays  of  glory,  like  those  which  surround 
the  heads  of  the  blessed.  If  he  must  needs 
be  cited  to  appear,  beware,  at  all  events,  of 
pledging  the  public  faith  for  his  safety"55 
These  last  words  were  calculated  to  intimi- 
date Luther,  or  to  pave  the  way  for  his  de- 
struction. 

The  Nuncio  found  it  easy  to  influence  the 
grandees  of  Spain.  In  the  intensity  of  their 
fanatic  zeal,  they  panted  for  the  annihilation 
of  the  new  heresy.  Frederic,  Duke  of  Alva, 
in  particular,  was  thrown  into  a  fit  of  rage,  as 
often  as  the  Reformation  was  mentioned.56  It 
would  have  delighted  him  to  wade  knee-deep 
in  the  blood  of  its  proselytes.  The  summons 
for  Luther's  appearance  was  yet  suspended, 
but  his  name  had  become  a  watchword  of 
startling  interest  in  the  ears  of  all  the  mag- 
nates of  Christendom  then  assembled  at 
Worms. 

The  man  by  whom  the  powers  of  the  earth 

were  thus  shaken  seemed  alone  to  enjoy  peace. 

The  tidings   from   Worms    were  alarming; 

|  even  Luther's  friends  were  dismayed.     "  No- 

|  thing  is  left  to  us  but  your  good  will  and  your 

prayers,"    wrote    Melancthon    to    Spalatir?. 


190 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


"  Oh  that  God  would  vouchsafe  to  make  our 
blood  the  price  of  the  Christian  world's  de- 
liverance !"57  But  Luther,  a  stranger  to  all 
fear,  shutting  himself  up  in  his  quiet  cell, 
fixed  his  meditations,  with  an  immediate  re- 
ference to  his  own  case,  on  these  ecstatic 
words  of  Mary,  the  mother  of  Jesus:  "My 
soul  doth  magnify  the  Lord,  and  my  spirit  hath 
rejoiced  in  God  my  Saviour.  .  .  For  he  that  is 
mighty  hath  done  to  me  great  things  ,-  and  holy 
is  his  name.  .  .  He  hath  showed  strength  with 
his  arm.  .  .  He  hath  put  down  the  mighty 
from  their  seats,  and  exalted  them  of  low  de- 
gree." Let  us  review  some  of  the  thoughts 
which  passed  through  Luther's  heart.  "  He 
that  is  mighty  .  .  .  saith  Mary.  Oh  what 
holdness  of  speech  in  this  young  virgin!  By 
a  single  word  she  brands  all  the  strong  with 
weakness — all  the  mighty  with  faintness — all 
the  wise  with  folly — and  all  those  whose 
name  is  glorious  on  the  earth  with  disgrace ; 
— and  casts  all  strength,  all  might,  all  wis- 
dom, all  glory,  at  the  feet  of  God  alone.58 
His  arm,  she  says  again,  —  signifying  the 
power  by  which  he  acts  of  himself,  without 
the  aid  of  any  of  his  creatures, — that  myste- 
rious power  which  operates  in  secret  and  in 
silence  until  it  has  accomplished  all  his  will. 
.  .  .  Destruction  comes  when  none  has  mark- 
ed its  approach — deliverance  comes  when  none 
has  dared  to  look  for  it.  He  leaves  his  child- 
ren in  oppression  and  misery,  so  that  every 
one  says  within  himself,  They  are  past  all 
hope!  But  even  then  is  He  strongest;  for 
when  man's  strength  ends,  God's  strength 
begins.  Only  let  faith  wait  upon  him.  .  . 
And  at  another  time  he  suffers  his  enemies  to 
exalt  themselves  in  their  pomp  and  vainglory. 
He  withdraws  from  them  the  succour  of  his 
strength,  and  leaves  them  to  be  puffed  up  with 
their  own.59  He  empties  them  of  his  eternal 
wisdom,  and  permits  them  to  be  inflated  with 
their  own  wisdom,  which  is  but  for  a  day; 
and  then,  when  the  eyes  of  their  fellow  men 
are  dazzled  with  their  greatness,  God's  arm 
is  lifted  up,  and  lo !  the  fabric  they  have  been 
rearing  disappears  in  a  moment,  like  a  bubble 
bursting  in  the  air  !" 

It  was  on  the  10th  of  March,  while  the  im- 
perial city  was  trembling  at  his  name,  that  Lu- 
ther concluded  his  commentary  on  the  magni- 
ficat. 

He  was  not  long  to  be  left  undisturbed  in 
his  retreat.  Spalatin,  in  obedience  to  the  or- 
ders of  the  Elector,  sent  him  a  note  of  the  ar- 
ticles which  he  would  be  called  on  to  retract. 
A  retractation  after  his  refusal  at  Augsburg ! 
"Never  fear,"  he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  "that  I 
will  retract  a  single  syllable,  since  the  only 
argument  they  have  to  urge  against  me  is  that 
my  writings  are  at  variance  with  the  ob- 
servances of  what  they  call  the  Church.  If 
our  Emperor  Charles  sends  for  me  only  to  re- 
tract, my  answer  shall  be  that  I  will  remain 
here,  and  it  will  be  all  the  same  as  though  I 
had  been  at  Worms  and  returned  again.  But 
if  the*  Emperor  chooses  then  to  send  for  me  to 
put  me  to  death  as  an  enemy  to  the  Empire,  I 
shall  be  ready  to  obey  his  summons:60  for,  by 


Christ's  help,  I  will  never  abandon  his  word 
in  the  hour  of  battle.  I  know  that  these  blood- 
thirsty men  will  never  rest  till  they  have  taken 
my  life.  God  grant  that  my  death  may  be 
laid  to  the  charge  of  the  Papists  alone  !" 

The  Emperor  at  length  had  formed  his  re- 
solution. Luther's  appearance  before  the  Diet 
seemed  the  only  probable  method  of  settling 
the  affair  which  engrossed  the  attention  of  the 
Empire.  Charles  accordingly  resolved  to  cite 
him  to  Worms,  but  without  giving  him  a  safe- 
conduct.  It  now  became  necessary  for  Fre- 
deric once  more  to  assume  the  part  of  his  pro- 
tector. The  danger  which  threatened  the  Re- 
former was  obvious  to  every  one.  The  friends 
of  Luther,  Cochlaeus  remarks,  were  afraid  that 
he  would  be  delivered  up  to  the  Pope,  or  that 
the  Emperor  would  himself  cause  him  to  be 
put  to  death  as  an  obstinate  heretic,  who  had 
forfeited  every  claim  to  be  treated  with  good 
faith.61  There  was  a  long  and  earnest  debate 
on  this  point  in  the  Diet.62  Overawed,  at  last, 
by  the  agitation  that  prevailed  in  almost  every 
part  of  Germany,  and  fearing  lest  some  sud- 
den tumult,  or  some  dangerous  insurrection63 
(in  favour  of  the  Reformer,  doubtless)  should 
break  out  in  the  course  of  Luther's  journey, 
the  Princes  decided  that  it  was  expedient  to 
quiet  men's  minds  in  regard  to  his  personal 
safety ;  and  not  only  the  Emperor,  but  also  the 
Elector  of  Saxony,  Duke  George,  and  the 
Landgrave  of  Hesse,  through  whose  territo- 
ries he  had  to  pass,  gave  him  severally  a  safe- 
conduct. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  1521,  Charles  the 
Fifth  affixed  his  signature  to  the  following 
summons  addressed  to  Luther: — 

"  Charles,  by  the  grace  of  God,  Emperor 
elect  of  the  Romans,  always  August,  &c.&c. 

"Worshipful,  well  beloved,  and  godly! 
Whereas  we  and  the  States  of  the  holy  Em- 
pire here  assembled,  have  resolved  to  institute 
an  inquiry  touching  the  doctrine  and  writings 
which  thou  hast  lately  put  forth,  we  have  on 
our  own  behalf  and  on  behalf  of  the  Empire, 
issued  our  safe-conduct,  hereunto  annexed,  for 
thy  journey  hither  and  return  to  a  place  of  se- 
curity. Our  hearty  desire  is  that  thou  should- 
est  prepare  thyself  to  set  out  immediately,  so 
that  within  the  space  of  twenty-one  days,  fixed 
by  our  safe-conduct,  thou  mayest  without  fail 
present  thyself  before  us.  Fear  no  injustice 
or  violence.  We  will  steadily  abide  by  our 
safe-conduct  aforesaid,  and  we  expect  that 
thou  wilt  pay  obedience  to  our  summons. 
Such  is  our  earnest  injunction. 

"  Given  in  our  imperial  city  of  Worms,  this 
6th  day  of  the  month  of  March,  in  the  year  of 
our  Lord  1521,  and  the  second  of  our  reign. 
"CHARLES. 

"  By  order  of  my  Lord  the  Emperor,  under 
his  sign  manual,  ALBERT,  Cardinal  of  Mentz, 
Arch-Chancellor. 

"  Nicolas  Zwyl." 

The  safe-conduct  enclosed  in  this  writ  was 
directed  "To  the  worshipful  our  well  beloved 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


191 


and  godly  Doctor  Martin  Luther,  of  the  order  j 
of  the  Augustines." 

It  began  thus : 

"  We,  Charles,  the  fifth  of  that  name,  hy 
the  grace  of  God,  Emperor  elect  of  the  Ro- 
mans, always  August,  King  of  Spain,  of  the 
Two  Sicilies,  of  Jerusalem,  of  Hungary,  of 
Dalmatia,  of  Croatia,  &c.,  Archduke  of  Aus- 
tria, Duke  of  Burgundy,  Count  of  Hapsburg, 
of  Flanders,  of  the  Tyrol,"  &c.  &c. 

And  then  this  sovereign  of  so  many  states, 
intimating  that  he  has  cited  a  certain  Augus- 
tine monk,  named  Luther,  to  appear  in  his 
presence,  requires  all  princes,  lords,  magis- 
trates, and  others,  to  respect  the  safe-conduct 
which  he  has  granted  to  him,  under  pain  of 
being  dealt  with  as  offenders  against  the  Em- 
peror and  the  Empire.64 

Thus  did  the  Emperor  bestow  the  appella- 
tions of  "well  beloved,  worshipful,  and  god- 
ly," on  a  man  whom  the  head  of  the  Church 
had  visited  with  excommunication.  The 
phraseology  of  the  instrument  was  designed  to 
remove  all  mistrust  from  the  mind  of  Luther 
and  his  friends.  Caspar  Sturm  was  appointed 
to  deliver  this  missive  to  the  Reformer,  and  to 
escort  him  to  Worms.  The  Elector,  fearing 
some  outbreak  of  the  popular  feeling,  wrote 
on  the  12th  of  March  to  the  magistrates  of 
Wittemberg,  desiring  them  to  adopt  measures 
for  the  safety  of  the  Emperor's  officer,  and,  if 
necessary,  to  furnish  him  with  a  guard.  The 
herald  took  his  departure. 

Thus  was  the  purpose  of  God  fulfilled.  It 
was  His  will  that  this  light,  which  He  had 
kindled  in  the  world,  should  be  set  upon  a 
hill ;  and  emperor,  kings,  and  princes  were 
all  busily  employed — though  they  knew  it  not 
— in  executing  what  He  had  appointed.  It  is 
an  easy  thing  with  Him  to  raise  the  meanest 
to  dignity.  An  act  of  His  power,  operating 
through  successive  years,  suffices  to  lead  the 
offspring  of  a  Saxon  peasant  from  the  lowly 
cottage  of  his  childhood  to  that  imperial  hall 
in  which  assembled  sovereigns  awaited  his 
coming.  In  His  presence  none  are  either 
small  or  great;  and  when  he  wills  it,  Charles 
and  Luther  meet  on  the  same  level. 

But  will  Luther  obey  the  summons1?  His 
best  friends  were  in  uncertainty  on  this  point. 
"  Dr.  Martin,"  wrote  the  Elector  to  his  bro- 
ther on  the  21st  of  March,  "is  cited  to  appear 
here ;  but  I  know  not  whether  he  will  come. 
I  augur  nothing  but  mischief."  Three  weeks 
later,  on  the  16th  of  April,  this  excellent  prince, 
perceiving  that  the  danger  was  increasing, 
wrote  again  to  Duke  John  as  follows: — "A 
proclamation  has  been  issued  against  Luther. 
The  cardinals  and  the  bishops  are  very  hard 
upon  him.65  God  grant  that  this  may  end  well ! 
Would  to  God  that  I  could  insure  him  a  fa- 
vourable hearing!" 

While  these  things  were  passing  at  Worms 
and  Wittemberg,  the  Papacy  was  renewing 
its  assaults.  On  the  28th  of  March,  which 
was  the  Thursday  before  Easter,  all  Rome  re- 
sounded with  a  solemn  sentence  of  excommu- 
nication. It  is  the  custom  at  this  season  to 
publish  the  terrible  bull  in  ccena  Domini, 


which  is  nothing  but  a  long  string  of  impreca- 
tions. On  the  day  of  which  we  speak,  the 
approaches  to  the  church  in  which  the  Sove- 
reign Pontiff  was  to  officiate  in  person,  were 
filled  at  an  early  hour  by  the  Papal  guard,  and 
by  a  vast  multitude,  that  had  flocked  together 
from  all  parts  of  Italy  to  receive  the  benedic 
tion  of  the  Holy  Father.  The  square  before 
the  Basilica  was  decorated  with  laurel  and 
myrtle;  wax  candles  were  burning  on  the 
balcony  of  the  church,  and  beside  them  was 
elevated  the  sacred  receptacle  of  the  host.  On 
a  sudden  the  deep  sound  of  bells  reverberates 
through  the  air; — the  Pope,  arrayed  in  his 
pontifical  robes,  and  borne  in  an  arm-chair, 
makes  his  appearance  on  the  balcony;  the 
people  fall  on  their  knees;  all  heads  are  un- 
covered: the  flags  that  were  waving  in  the 
wind  are  lowered;  the  troops  ground  their 
arms ;  and  a  solemn  silence  ensues.  After  a 
pause  of  some  moments,  the  Pope  slowly 
stretches  out  his  hands,  lifts  them  up  towards 
heaven,  and  then,  making  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
lets  them  gradually  fall  towards  the  earth.  He 
repeats  these  gestures  three  times.  And  now 
again  the  pealing  bells  are  heard,  giving  no- 
tice, far  and  wide,  of  the  Pontiff's  benediction ; 
and  next  a  train  of  priests  is  seen  advancing, 
each  with  a  lighted  torch  in  his  hand :  as  they 
rush  hurriedly  along,  they  swing  their  torches 
downwards,  they  brandish  them  aloft,  they 
toss  them  wildly  to  and  fro,  like  so  many  fires 
of  hell;  the  multitude  are  thrilled  with  awe 
and  terror;  and  the  words  of  malediction  roll 
heavily  above  their  heads.* 

When  Luther  was  apprized  of  this  excom- 
munication, he  published  the  form  of  it,  with 
some  remarks  in  that  caustic  style  which  he 
knew  so  well  how  to  assume.  Although  this 
publication  did  not  appear  till  some  time  after- 
wards, we  shall  present  some  extracts  from 
it  here.  Let  us  listen  to  the  high-priest  of 
Christendom,  as  he  speaks  from  the  balcony 
of  his  Basilica, — and  to  the  monk  of  Wittem- 
berg, who  answers  him  out  of  the  heart  of 
Germany.66 

There  is  something  characteristic  in  the 
contrast  of  the  two  voices. 

THE  POPE.— -"Leo,  bishop." 

LUTHER. — "  Bishop !  as  much  as  a  wolf  is 
a  shepherd ;  for  a  bishop's  duty  is  to  give 
godly  exhortations,  not  to  vomit  forth  impre- 
cations and  curses." 

THE  POPE.—"  Servant  of  all  the  servants 
of  God " 

LUTHER. — "In  the  evening,  when  we  are 
drunk ;  but  next  morning  we  call  ourselves 
Leo,  lord  of  all  lords." 

THE  POPE. — "The  Bishops  of  Rome,  our 
predecessors,  have  been  wont  on  this  festival 
to  employ  the  arms  of  justice.  .  .  ." 

LUTHER. — "  Which,  according  to.  your  ac- 
count, are  excommunication  and  anathema; 


*  This  ceremony  is  described  in  several  works, 
and,  amongst  others,  in  the  "Tagebuch  einer 
Reise  durch  Deutschland  und  Ifalien." — (Berlin, 
1817,  iv.  94.)  Its  principal  features  are  of  a  higher 
antiquity  than  the  times  of  which  we  treat. 

2R 


192 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


but,  according  to  St.   Paul,  long-suffering. 

kindness,  love  unfeigned."     (2  Cor.  vi.  6,  7.] 

THE  POPE. — "According  to  the  duty  of  the 

Apostolic  charge,  and  to  maintain  the  purity 

of  the  Christian  faith " 

LUTHER. — "That  is  to  say,  the  tempora] 
possessions  of  the  Pope." 

THE  POPE. — "  And  the  unity  thereof,  which 

consists  in  the  union  of  the  members  with 

Christ  their  head,  ....  and  with  his  Vicar." 

LUTHER. — "For  Christ  is  not  sufficient: 

we  must  have  another  besides." 

THE  POPE. — "To  preserve  the  holy  com 
munion  of  the  faithful,  we  follow  the  ancient 
rule,  and  accordingly  do  excommunicate  and 
curse,  in  the  name  of  God  Almighty,  the  Fa- 
ther  " 

LUTHER. — "  Of  whom  it  is  said :  '  God  sent 
not  his  Son  into  the  world  to  condemn  .the 
world.'  "—(John  iii.  17.) 

THE  POPE.— ."The  Son  and  the  Holy 
Ghost, — and  by  the  authority  of  the  Apostles, 
Peter  and  Paul, and  by  our  own 

LUTHER. — "  OUR  OWN,  says  the  ravenous 
wolf,  as  though  God's  might  were  too  weak 
without  him." 

THE  POPE. — "  We  curse  all  heretics  : — 
the  Garasi,*  the  Patarini,  « the  poor  men'  of 
Lyons,  the  Arnoldists,  the  Speronists,  the 
Passageni,  the  Wicklefites,  the  Hussites,  the 
Fraticelli " 

LUTHER. — "  Because  they  have  sought  to 
possess  themselves  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and  admonished  the  Pope  to  be  modest,  and 
preach  the  Word  of  God." 

THE  POPE. — "  And  Martin  Luther,  recent- 
ly condemned  by  us  for  a  like  heresy,  together 
with  all  his  adherents,  and  all  persons,  who- 
soever they  may  be,  who  aid  or  abet  him." 

LUTHER. — "  I  thank  thee,  most  gracious 
Pontiff,  that  thou  hast  proclaimed  me  in  com- 
pany with  all  these  Christians.  It  is  an  honour 
for  me  to  have  had  my  name  proclaimed  at 
Rome  at  the  time  of  the  festival,  in  so  glo- 
rious a  manner,  and  to  have  it  circulated 
throughout  the  world  with  the  names  of  all 
those  humble  confessors  of  Christ." 

THE  POPE. — "  In  like  manner,  we  ex- 
communicate and  curse  all  pirates  and  cor- 
sairs. .  .  ." 

LUTHER. — "  And  who  is  the  greatest  of  all 
pirates  and  corsairs,  if  it  be  not  he  who  takes 
souls  captive,  and  binds  them  in  chains,  and 
delivers  them  to  death  ?" 

THE  POPE. — "  .  .  .  especially  such  as  in- 
fest our  seas " 

LUTHER. — "  OUR  seas !  St.  Peter,  our  pre- 
decessor said:  *  Silver  and  gold  have  I none ,' 
(Acts  iii.  6.)  Jesus  Christ  said,  *  The  kings  of 
the  Gentiles  exercise  lordship  over  them;  but  ye 
shall  not  be  so.'  (Luke  xxii.  25.)  But  if  a 
wagon  laden  with  hay  must  give  way  to  a 
drunken  man,  how  much  more  fitting  is  it  that 
St.  Peter  and  Christ  himself  should  give  way 
to  the  Pope !" 

THE  POPE. — "  In  like  manner  we  excom- 


*  This  is  a  corrupt  orthography  :  read  Gazari 
or  Cathari. 


municate  and  curse  all  those  who  falsify  on; 
bulls  and  letters  apostolical  .  . .  ." 

LUTHER. — "But  God's  letters, — God's  Holy 
Scriptures, — any  one  may  condemn  and  burn 
them." 

THE  POPE. — "  In  like  manner  we  excommu- 
nicate and  curse  all  those  who  intercept  any 
provisions  on  their  passage  to  our  city  of 
Rome " 

LUTHER. — "  He  snarls  and  bites  like  a  dog 
that  is  battling  for  his  bone."67 

THE  POPE. — "  In  like  manner  we  condemn, 
and  we  curse  all  those  who  withhold  any  pri- 
vileges, dues,  tithes,  or  revenues  belonging  to 
the  clergy." 

LUTHER. — "  Forasmuch  as  Christ  hath  said, 
'  If  any  man  will  sue  thee  at  the  law  and  take 
away  thy  coat,  let  him  have  thy  cloak  also ;' 
(Matt.  v.  40 :)  and  ye  have  now  heard  Our 
commentary  thereon  .  ." 

THE  POPE. — "Whatever  be  their  station, 
dignity,  order,  authority,  or  rank,  be  they  even 
bishops  or  kings." 

LUTHER. — "  '  For  there  shall  be  false  teacher* 
among  you*  who  shall  despise  dominion,  and 
speak  evil  of  dignities?  saith  the  Scripture." 
(Jude  8.) 

.  THE  POPE. — "In  like  manner  we  condemn 
and  curse  all  who  in  any  manner  whatsoever 
shall  molest  the  city  of  Rome,  the  kingdom 
of  Sicily,  the  islands  of  Sardinia  and  Corsica, 
the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  in  Tuscany,  the 
duchy  of  Spoleto,  the  marquisate  of  Ancona, 
the  Campagna,  the  cities  of  Ferrara  and  Be- 
nevento,  or  any  other  city  or  territory  belong- 
ing to  the  Church  of  Rome." 

LUTHER. — "  0,  Peter,  thou  poor  fisherman ! 
how  hast  thou  become  master  of  Rome  and 
so  many  kingdoms  besides  ]  I  bid  thee  all 
hail !  Peter !  king  of  Sicily !  ...  and  fish- 
erman of  Bethsaida." 

THE  POPE. — "  We  excommunicate  and 
curse  all  chancellors,  counsellors,  parliaments, 
procurators,  governors,  officials,  bishops  and 
others  who  shall  resist  any  of  our  letters  ad- 
monitory, permissive,  prohibitory,  mediatory, 
or  executive." 

LUTHER. — "  For  the  Holy  See  seeks  only 
to  live  in  idleness,  pomp  and  debauchery, — to 
rule  and  intimidate, — to  lie  and  deceive, — to 
dishonour  and  seduce,  and  commit  all  kinds 
of  evil  in  peace  and  security  .  .  .  ." 

"  O  Lord,  arise  !  it  is  not  so  with  us  as  the 
Papists  pretend ;  thou  hast  not  forsaken  us, 
neither  are  thine  eyes  turned  away  from  us." 

Such  was  the  dialogue  between  Leo  the 
Tenth  at  Rome,  and  Martin  Luther  at  Wittem- 
)erg. 

The  Pontiff  having  concluded  his  anathe- 
mas, the  parchment  on  which  they  were 
written  was  torn  up  and  its  fragments  scat- 
;ered  among  the  people.  The  crowd  was 
nstantly  thrown  into  violent  commotion, 
every  one  rushed  forward  eager  to  seize  a 
scrap  of  the  terrible  bull.  These  were  the 
loly  relics  that  the  Papacy  offe/ed  to  his  fol- 
owers  on  the  eve  of  the  great  day  of  grace 
and  expiation.  The  multitude  soon  dispersed, 
and  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Basilica  resumed 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


193 


Its  accustomed  stillness.  Let  us  return  to 
Wittemberg. 

It  was  now  on  the  24th  of  March,  Gas- 
par  Sturm,  the  Imperial  Herald,  had  passed 
through  the  gates  of  the  city  in  which  Luther 
resided.  He  presented  himself  before  the 
Doctor,  and  delivered  into  his  hands  the  Em- 
peror's writ  of  summons.  It  was  an  anxious 
and  solemn  moment  for  the  Reformer.  His 
friends  were  all  panic  struck.  Hitherto  not 
one  of  the  Princes,  not  even  Frederic  the 
Wise,  had  openly  espoused  his  cause.  The 
knights,  it  is  true,  had  begun  to  use  threaten- 
ing language;  but  Charles,  in  the  plentitude 
of  his  power,  paid  small  regard  to  it.  Luther, 
however,  preserved  his  composure:  "The 
Papists,"  said  he,  observing  the  distress  of 
his  friends,  "  have  little  desire  to  see  me  at 
Worms;  but  they  long  for  my  condemnation 
and  death!68  No  matter!  Pray,  not  for  me, 
but  for  the  word  of  God.  My  blood  will 
scarcely  be  cold  before  thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands  in  every  land  will  be  made  to  an- 
swer for  the  shedding  of  it.  The  '  Most  Holy' 
adversary  of  Christ,  the  father  and  master  and 
chief  of  manslayers  is  resolved  that  it  shall  be 
spilt.  Jlmen!  The  will  of  God  be  done! 
Christ  will  give  me  his  Spirit  to  overcome 
these  ministers  of  Satan.  I  despise  them 
while  I  live;  I  will  triumph  over  them  in 
death.59  They  are  striving  hard  at  Worms  to 
force  me  to  recant.  My  recantation  shall  be 
this :  I  said  formerly  that  the  Pope  was 
Christ's  vicar;  now  I  say  that  he  is  the  ad- 
versary of  the  Lord  and  the  Apostle  of  the  de- 
vil." And  when  he  was  told  that  all  the  pul- 
pits of  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans  were 
ringing  with  imprecations  and  maledictions 
against  him:70  "Oh,  how  it  delights  me  to  hear 
it,"  exclaimed  he.  He  knew  that  he  had 
obeyed  the  will  of  God,  and  that  God  was 
with  him: — why  then  should  he  fear  to  set 
out  ?  Purity  of  intention  and  a  conscience  void 
of  offence  impart  to  the  servant  of  God  a  hid- 
den yet  incalculable  strength  which  never  fails 
him, — a  strength  in  which  he  goes  forth 
against  his  enemies  with  that  assurance  of 
victory  which  no  adamantine  breastplate,  no 
phalanx  of  trusty  spears  can  ever  afford. 

Luther  was  at  this  time  unexpectedly  called 
on  to  welcome  a  man  who,  like  Melancthon, 
was  destined  to  be  his  friend  through  life,  as 
well  as  to  give  him  present  comfort  in  the 
hour  of  his  departure.71  This  was  a  priest 
named  Bugenhagen,  in  the  thirty-sixth  year 
of  his  age,  who  had  fled  from  the  rigorous 
persecution  exercised  by  the  Bishop  of  Camin, 
and  Prince  Bogislas,  of  Pomerania,  against 
all,  whether  ecclesiastics,  citizens,  or  scho- 
lars, who  embraced  the  Gospel.72  Born  at 
Wollin,  in  Pomerania,  (whence  he  is  com- 
monly called  Pomeranus,)  of  a  family  hold- 
ing senatorial  rank,  Bugenhagen,  from  the 
age  of  twenty,  had  been  teaching  at  Treptow. 
The  young  listened  eagerly  to  his  instructions ; 
the  noble  and  the  learned  vied  with  each  other 
in  courting  his  society.  He  was  a  diligent 
student  in  the  sacred  literature,  and  one  who 
prayed  to  God  to  enlighten  and  direct  him.73 


One  evening  (it  was  towards  the  end  of  De- 
cember, 1520)  as  he  sat  at  supper  with  some 
friends,  a  copy  of  Luther's  book  on  the  Baby- 
lonian Captivity  was  put  into  his  hands. 
"  Since  Christ's  death,"  said  he,  after  having 
glanced  it  over,  "  there  have  been  many  here- 
tics to  vex  the  Church ;  but  never  yet  has 
there  risen  up  such  a  pest  as  the  author  of 
this  book."  Having  taken  the  book  home 
with  him,  however,  and  read  it  once  and 
again,  his  thoughts  underwent  a  total  change; 
truths  of  which  he  had  never  dreamed  became 
palpable  to  his  mind;  and  returning  a  few 
days  afterwards  to  his  companions,  he  said  : 
"The  whole  world  has  been  lying  in  thick 
darkness.  This  man — and  none  but  he — has 
discerned  the  truth."74  Several  priests,  a  dea- 
con, and  even  the  abbot  himself,  received  the 
pure  doctrine  of  salvation,  and  in  a  short  time, 
by  their  powerful  preaching,  they  turned  their 
hearers,  says  an  historian,  from  human  super- 
stitions, to  put  their  sole  trust  in  the  availing 
righteousness  of  Jesus  Christ.75  Then  burst 
forth  the  persecution.  Many  were  already 
groaning  in  dungeons.  Bugenhagen  escaped 
from  his  enemies,  and  arrived  as  we  have 
seen,  at  W7ittemberg.  "  He  is  suffering  for 
the  Gospel's  sake,"  observed  Melancthon, 
writing  on  this  occasion,  to  the  Elector's 
chaplain,  "  where  could  he  seek  refuge,  but 
in  this  asylum  of  ours  under  the  protection  of 
our  Prince  V6 

But  by  none  was  Bugenhagen  received  so 
joyfully  as  by  Luther.  It  was  agreed  be- 
tween them  that  immediately  after  the  Refor- 
mer's departure,  Bugenhagen  should  begin  to 
expound  the  Psalms.  Thus  did  Providence 
raise  up  that  gifted  man  to  supply,  in  part  at 
least,  the  loss  of  him  whom  Wittemberg  was 
about  to  lose.  A  year  later,  Bugenhagen  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  Church  of  that  city, 
and  he  continued  to  preside  over  it  for  six-and- 
thirty  years.  Luther  bestowed  upon  him  the 
emphatic  appellation  of  the  Pastor. 

Luther  was  now  ready  to  set  out.  His 
dejected  friends  believed  that,  unless  God 
should  interpose  by  a  miracle,  he  was  going 
to  meet  his  death.  Melancthon,  far  removed 
from  his  native  soil,  had  attached  himself  to 
Luther  with  the  strong  affection  of  an  ardent 
mind.  "  Luther,"  said  he,  "  makes  up  to  me 
for  the  loss  of  all  my  friends.  He  is,  in  my 
estimation,  greater  and  more  wonderful  than 
I  know  how  to  express.  You  remember  how 
Socrates  was  revered  by  Alcibades ; — but  my 
admiration  of  Luther  is  of  a  higher  kind,  for 
it  is  a  Christian  feeling."  And  he  adds  the 
beautiful  though  simple  phrase:  "As  often 
as  I  contemplate  him,  he  seems  to  me  every 
time  to  have  grown  greater  than  himself."77 
Melancthon  wished  to  bear  Luther  company 
in  his  perils.  But  their  common  friends, — 
and, — doubtless,  the  Reformer  himself, — op- 
posed his  desire.  Was  not  Philip  to  fill  his 
friend's  place  ? — and  if  the  latter  should  never 
return,  who  would  then  carry  on  the  work  of 
reformation  ?  **  Would  to  God  ;"  said  Me- 
lancthon, as  he  reluctantly  submitted,  "  I  were 
allowed  to  set  out  with  him."78 


194 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


The  vehement  Amsdorff  at  once  declared 
his  intention  to  accompany  the  Doctor.  His 
bold  heart  delighted  in  danger — and  his  lofty 
spirit  did  not  shrink  from  appearing  before  an 
assembly  of  kings.  The  elector  had  invited 
to  Wittemberg  a  professor  of  law,  the  cele- 
brated John  Schurff,  son  of  a  physician  at  St. 
Gall,  a  man  of  a  remarkably  mild  disposition, 
who  lived  in  intimacy  with  Luther.79  "  He 
could  never  find  the  heart  to  pass  sentence 
of  death  upon ''any  criminal,"  said  Luther, 
speaking  of  Schurfi0.  Yet  this  timid  man  de- 
sired to  be  present  with  the  Doctor  as  his  ad- 
viser, in  the  course  of  his  hazardous  journey. 
Peter  Suaven,  a  young  Danish  student,  who 
lodged  in  IVIelancthon's  house,  and  was  after- 
wards famous  for  his  preaching  of  the  Gospel  in 
Pomeraniaand  Denmark,  also  announced  that 
he  would  accompany  his  "  father."  It  was  fit 
that  the  youth  of  the  schools  should  have  some 
one  to  represent  it,  at  the  side  of  the  champion 
of  truth. 

All  Germany  was  moved  at  the  thought  of 
the  dangers  which  threatened  one  who  was  the 
people's  representative.  She  found  a  voice 
that  was  worthy  of  her  to  express  her  alarms. 
Ulric  Hiitten,  trembling  at  the  thought  of  the 
blow  the  country  was  on  the  eve  of  sustain- 
ing, wrote  on  the  1st  of  April  to  Charles  V. 
himself:  "  Most  excellent  Emperor,  you  are 
about  to  involve  yourself  and  us  in  one  com- 
mon ruin.  What  is  the  object  of  this  pro- 
cedure against  Luther,  unless  it  be  the  destruc- 
tion of  our  liberty  and  the  downfall  of  your 
power  ?  Throughout  the  empire  there  is  no 
man  but  takes  a  lively  interest  in  this  matter.80 
The  priests  alone  are  opposed  to  Luther,  be- 
cause he  has  stood  forth  against  their  over- 
grown power,  shameful  luxury,  and  depraved 
conduct,  and  pleaded  for  the  Christian  doc- 
trine, the  national  liberties,  and  purity  of  mo- 
rals. 

"  O  Emperor,  no  longer  countenance  those 
Roman  advocates,  those  bishops  and  cardinals 
who  would  hinder  all  reformation.  Have  you 
not  noticed  the  sadness  of  the  people  when 
they  beheld  your  arrival,  approaching  the 
Rhine  surrounded  with  those  red  hats, — a 
troop  of  priests,  instead  of  a  cohort  of  valiant 
warriors  ? 

44  Give  not  up  your  sovereign  majesty  to 
those  who  would  trample  it  under  their  feet. 
Take  pity  on  us,  and  do  not  involve  the  whole 
nation  in  your  own  ruin.  Lead  us  into  the 
midst  ofdangers81— against  sword  and  cannon 
— let  all  nations  conspire,  and  their  armies 
come  against  us,  so  that  we  may  prove  our 
courage  in  the  face  of  day,  and  not  be  conquer- 
ed and  enslaved,  darkly  and  secretly,  as  if  we 
were  women  unarmed  and  unresisting.  .  .  . 
Alas,  we  hoped  that  you  would  deliver  us 
from  the  Roman  yoke  and  dethrone  the  Pon- 
tiff's tyranny.  God  grant  that  the  future  may 
be  happier  than  these  beginnings. 

"  All  Germany  is  at  your  feet,82  imploring 
your  help, your  compassion,  your  fidelity ;  ap- 
pealing to  those  German  heroes,  who  stood 
erect  before  the  proud  city,  when  the  whole 
world  besides  were  its  subjects,  and  conjuring 


you  to  save  her, — to  restore  her  to  what  she 
once  was — to  deliver  her  from  slavery,  and 
j  avenge  her  on  her  tyrants." 

Thus  spake  the  German  nation  to  Charles 
I  the  Fifth,  by  the  mouth  of  Ulric  Hiitten.  The 
I  Emperor  paid  no  attention  to  this  appeal,  and, 
it  is  probable,  threw  the  letter  contemptuously 
to  one  of  his  secretaries.  He  was  a  Fleming, 
not  a  German.  His  personal  power,  and  not 
the  liberty  or  glory  of  the  Empire,  was  the  ob- 
ject of  his  desire. 

It  was  the  2d  of  April.  Luther  was  to  take 
leave  of  his  friends.  After  having  apprized 
Lange,  by  letter,  that  he  would  spend  the 
Thursday  or  Friday  following  at  Erfurth,  he 
bade  adieu  to  his  colleagues.83  Turning  to  Me- 
lancthon,  he  said,  with  deep  emotion  :  "  If 
I  never  return,  and  my  enemies  should  take 
my  life,  cease  not,  dear  brother,  to  teach  and 
stand  fast  in  the  truth.  Labour  in  my  stead, 
since  I  can  no  longer  work.  If  thy  life  be 
spared,  my  death  will  matter  little."  Then 
committing  his  soul  to  Him  who  is  faithful, 
Luther  stepped  into  the  wagon  and  quitted 
Wittemberg.  The  town-council  had  furnish- 
ed him  with  a  plain  carriage,  covered  with  an 
awning,  which  the  travellers  might  throw 
back  or  draw  over  them  at  pleasure.  The  Im- 
perial herald  in  full  costume,  and  wearing  the 
imperial  eagle,  went  before  on  horseback,  and 
was  followed  by  his  servant.  Then  came  Lu- 
ther, Schurff,  Amsdorff,  and  Suaven  in  their 
open  wagon.  The  burghers  of  Wittemberg, 
to  whom  the  Gospel  was  precious,  sorrowing 
and  in  tears,  invoked  the  blessing  of  God 
upon  his  journey.  Luther  set  forth. 

He  soon  had  occasion  to  observe  that  gloomy 
presentiments  filled  the  hearts  of  those  he  met. 
AtLeipsic  no  honours  were  paid  him,  beyond 
the  customary  oifering  of  wine.  At  Naum- 
burg  he  met  a  priest,  probably  J.  Langer,  a 
man  of  stern  zeal,  who  kept  hung  up  in  his 
study  a  portrait  of  the  celebrated  Jerome  Sa- 
vonarola, of  Ferrara,  who  perished  in  the 
flames  at  Florence  in  the  year  1498,  by  order 
of  Pope  Alexander  the  Sixth, — a  martyr  to 
liberty  and  morals,  rather  than  a  confessor  of 
the  Gospel.  Taking  down  the  portrait  of  the 
Italian  martyr,  the  priest  held  it  forth  in  si- 
lence as  he  approached  Luther.  The  latter 
well  understood  the  import  of  this  silent 
action,  but  his  intrepid  spirit  was  unmoved. 
"  It  is  Satan,"  he  remarked,  "  who  seeks  by 
these  terrors  to  hinder  the  confession  of  the 
truth  in  the  assembly  of  the  princes,  for  he 
foresees  the  effect  it  will  have  on  his  king- 
dom."84— "  Stand  fast  in  the  truth  thou  hast  pro- 
fessed," replied  the  priest  gravely,  "  and  thy 
God  will  never  forsake  thee."85 

Having  passed  one  night  at  Naumburg, 
where  the  burgomaster  had  received  him  hos- 
pitably, Luther  arrived  on  the  following  even- 
ing at  Weimar.  He  had  scarcely  alighted, 
when  he  heard  the  voices  of  the  criers  on  all 
sides.  They  were  proclaiming  his  sentence. 
«*  Look  there,"  said  the  herald.  He  turned 
his  eyes,  and  beheld  with  astonishment  the 
Emperor's  messengers  passing  from  street  tc 
street,  everywhere  placarding  the  impena* 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


195 


edict,  enjoining  all  men  to  bring  in  his  writ- 
ings to  the  magistrates.  Luther  saw  clearly 
that  these  vigorous  proceedings  were  design- 
ed to  stay  his  further  progress, — by  working 
upon  his  apprehensions, — and  after  that,  to 
condemn  him  as  having  refused  to  appear. 
"Well,  Doctor,  will  you  go  any  further]" 
asked  the  herald,  in  alarm.  "Yes,"  replied 
Luther,  "  though  I  should  be  put  under  inter- 
dict in  every  town,  I  will  go  on.  I  rely  on  the 
Emperor's  safe-conduct." 

At  Weimar,  Luther  had  an  audience  of 
Duke  John,  brother  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
who  was  then  residing  in  that  city.  The  prince 
requested  him  to  preach,  and  he  consented. 
Words  of  life-giving  power  flowed  forth  from 
his  swelling  heart.  A  Franciscan  monk,  John 
Voit,  a  friend  of  Frederic  Myconius,  was  on 
that  occasion  converted  to  the  Gospel.  Two 
years  afterwards  he  left  the  convent,  and  be- 
came subsequently  professor  of  theology  at 
Wittemberg.  The  Duke  assisted  Luther  with 
money  for  his  journey. 

From  Weimar  the  Reformer  repaired  to  Er- 
furth.  It  was  the  town  in  which  his  youth 
had  been  passed.  He  expected  to  find  there 
his  friend  Lange ;  if,  ae  he  had  written  word, 
there  was  no  risk  incurred  by  entering  the 
town.86  As  became  within  three  or  four  leagues 
of  the  place,  nigh  the  village  of  Nora,  he  saw 
at  a  distance  a  troop  of  horsemen.  Were  they 
friends  or  foes?  Rapidly  Crotus,  rector  of 
the  University,  Eobanus  Hesse,  the  friend  of 
Melancthon,  (styled  by  Luther  the  prince  of 
poets,)  Euricius  Cordus,  John  Draco,  and 
others,  to  the  number  of  forty,  senators,  stu- 
dents, and  burghers,  welcomed  him  with  joy- 
ful acclamations.  A  crowd  of  the  popula- 
tion of  Erfurth  met  him  in  the  road  and  cheer- 
ed him  as  he  drew  nigh,  eager  to  behold  the 
mighty  monk  who  had  dared  to  give  battle  to 
the  Pope. 

A  young  man  of  twenty-eight  years  of  age, 
named  Justus  Jonas,  preceded  the  party.87  Jo- 
nas, after  studying  the  law  at  Erfurth,  had 
been  elected  rector  of  the  University  in  1519. 
Receiving  the  light  of  the  gospel,  which  was 
then  beaming  forth  in  all  directions,  he  had 
conceived  the  wish  to  devote  himself  to  sacred 
learning.  "  I  think,"  said  Erasmus,  in  writ- 
ing to  him,  "that  God  has  chosen  you  as  his 
instrument  to  make  known  to  others  the  glory 
of  his  Son  Jesus."88  The  thoughts  of  Jonas 
•were  all  turned  towards  Luther  at  Wittemberg. 
Some  years  before,  when  he  was  yet  a  student 
of  law,  his  enterprising  spirit  had  led  him,  in 
company  with  a  few  friends,  to  make  a  jour- 
ney on  foot  through  forests  infested  by  thieves, 
and  across  a  country  ravaged  by  the  plague, 
in  order  to  visit  Erasmus,  who  was  then  at 
Brussels.  And  shall  he  not  brave  dangers  of 
another  kind  to  accompany  the  Reformer  to 
Worms?  He  entreated  Luther  to  allow  him 
to  join  him,  and  Luther  consented.  This  was 
the  first  meeting  of  the  two  doctors,  who  were 
destined  to  pass  their  whole  lives  in  labouring 
together  for  the  revival  of  the  Church.  Divine 
Providence  was  assembling  around  Luther 
men  who  were  destined  to  be  the  lights  of 
26 


Germany:  Melancthon,  Amsdorff,  Bugenha 
gen,  Jonas.  After  his  return  from  YVorms, 
Jonas  was  elected  provost  of  the  church  ot 
Wittemberg  and  doctor  of  divinity.  "  Jonas," 
continued  Luther,  "  is  a  man  whose  continued 
life  on  this  earth  is  worth  any  purchase.59  No 
preacher  had  more  power  of  captivating  his 
hearers.  "  Porneranus  is  exegetical,"  said 
Melancthon;  "I  am  a  logician, — Jonas  is  the 
preacher.  Words  flow  beautifully  from  his 
lips,  and  his  eloquence  is  full  of  energy.  But 
Luther  excels  in  all."90  It  appears  that  about 
this  time  a  friend  of  Luther's  childhood,  and 
also  one  of  his  brothers,  joined  him  in  his  route. 

The  deputation  from  Erfurth  had  turned 
their  horses'  heads.  They  entered  its  walls, 
on  horseback  and  on  foot,  surrounding  Luther's 
wagon.  At  the  city  gate,  in  the  public  squares, 
and  in  those  streets  where  the  poor  monk  had 
so  often  begged  a  morsel  of  bread,  a  crowd  of 
spectators  was  assembled ;  Luther  alighted  at 
the  convent  of  the  Augustines.  Lange  wel- 
comed him  with  joy.  Usingen  and  some  of 
the  more  aged  friars  manifested  considerable 
coolness.  He  was  requested  to  preach; — 
preaching  had  been  forbidden  him;  but  the 
herald  himself,  carried  away  by  the  feelings 
of  those  about  him,  gave  his  consent. 

On  the  Sunday  after  Easter,  the  church  of 
the  Augustines,  of  Erfurth,  was  crowded  to 
excess.  The  brother  whose  duty  it  once  was 
to  unclose  the  gates  and  sweep  out  the  aisles, 
ascended  the  pulpit,  and,  opening  the  Bible, 
read  these  words  :  "  PEACE  be  unto  you !  and 
when  Jesus  had  so  said,  he  showed  unto  them 
his  hands  and  his  side.'"1  (John  xx.  19,  20.) 
"  Philosophers,  learned  doctors,  and  writers," 
said  he,  "  have  all  laboured  to  show  how  man 
can  attain  to  eternal  life,  and  they  have  all 
failed.  I  am  now  to  tell  you  the  way." 

In  every  age  this  has  been  the  great  ques- 
tion; accordingly,  his  hearers  were  all  at- 
tention. 

"  There  are  two  kinds  of  works,"  continued 
the  Reformer;  "works  not  of  ourselves,  and 
these  are  good  works;  and  our  own  works, 
and  they  are  but  little  worth.  One  builds 
a  church;  another  goes  a  pilgrimage  to  St. 
James's  or  St.  Peter's ;  a  third  fasts,  prays, 
assumes  the  cowl,  and  goes  barefoot;  another 
does  something  else.  All  these  are  of  no 
value,  and  will  pass  away;  for  our  own  works 
are  powerless.  But  I  am  about  to  declare  to 
you  what  is  work  indeed.  God  has  raised  up 
a  Man,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  He  might 
destroy  death,  finish  transgression,  and  close 
the  gate  of  hell.  This  is  the  work  of  Salva- 
tion. The  devil  thought  he  had  the  Lord  in 
his  grasp,  when  he  saw  him  between  two 
thieves,  suffering  a  shameful  death,  under  thn 
curse  of  God  and  men.  But  the  Godhead  dis- 
played its  power,  destroying  Death,  Sin,  and 
Hell " 

"  Christ  has  overcome ! — this  is  the  great 
news  ! — and  we  are  saved  by  his  work,  not  by 
our  own.  The  Pope  teaches  a  different  doc- 
trine. But  I  affirm  that  even  the  holy  mother 
of  God  is  saved  neither  by  her  virginity,  nor 
by  her  maternity,  nor  yet  by  her  purity,  or  hei 


196 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


works, — but  solely  by  means  of  faith,  and  by 
the  operation  of  God.  .  .  ." 

While  Luther  was  preaching,  a  noise  was 
suddenly  heard  in  one  of  the  galleries,  and  it 
was  thought  it  was  giving  way  from  the  weight 
of  the  crowd.  This  caused  much  confusion 
in  the  auditory.  Some  rushed  from  their 
places,  others  were  motionless  from  fear.  The 
preacher  stopped  for  a  moment, — then,  stretch- 
ing forth  his  hand,  he  exclaimed  aloud,  "  Fear 
not!  there  is  no  danger:  the  devil  is  seeking 
to  throw  hinderances  in  the  way  of  my  preach- 
ing the  gospel,  but  he  shall  not  gain  his  point."91 
At  his  bidding,  those  that  were  leaving  the 
place  stopped,  astonished  and  constrained ; 
the  assembly  resumed  its  calmness,  and  Lu- 
ther proceeded,  not  regarding  the  temptations 
of  the  devil.  "  Some,  perhaps,  will  say,  You 
talk  to  us  much  about  faith;  teach  us,  then, 
how  to  obtain  it.  Well,  agreed ;  I  will  show 
you  how.  Our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  said, « Peace 
be  unto  you!  Behold  my  hands  f  That  is  to 
say,  Look,  0  man !  it  is  I,  I  alone,  who  have 
taken  away  thy  sin  and  redeemed  thee,  and 
now  thou  hast  peace,  saith  the  Lord.  .  .  ." 

** I,"  continued  Luther,  "ate  not  the  fruit 
of  the  tree — no  more  did  you ;  but  we  have 
received  the  sin  transmitted  to  us  by  Adam, 
and  we  have  sinned.  In  like  manner,  I  suf- 
fered not  on  the  cross — no  more  did  you ;  but 
Christ  suffered  for  us;  we  are  justified  by  the 
work  of  God,  and  not  by  our  own :  I  myself, 
saith  the  Lord,  am  thy  righteousness  and  thy 
redeemer." 

"  Believe  the  Gospel—believe  St.  Paul— 
and  not  the  letters  and  decretals  of  the  Popes." 

Luther,  after  preaching  Faith  as  justifying 
the  sinner,  proceeds  to  preach  Works  as  the 
fruits  and  evidence  of  our  being  saved. 

"Since  God  has  saved  us,  let  us  so  order 
our  works  that  he  may  take  pleasure  in  them. 
Art  thou  rich1? — let  thy  riches  be  the  supply 
of  other  men's  poverty.  Art  thou  poor? — let 
thy  service  minister  to  the  rich.  If  thy  labour 
is  for  thyself  alone,  the  service  thou  offerest 
to  God  is  a  mere  pretence."92 

Not  a  word  concerning  himself  did  Luther 
find  place  for  in  this  sermon,  nor  yet  for  any 
allusions  to  the  circumstances  in  which  he 
stood ;  not  a  word  concerning  Worms,  the 
Emperor,  or  the  Nuncios :  he  preached  CHRIST, 
and  Him  alone.  In  a  moment  when  the  eyes 
of  all  the  world  were  turned  on  him,  he  had 
no  thought  uppermost  for  himself; — it  is  a 
mark  of  the  faithful  servant  of  God. 

Luther  took  his  departure  from  Erfurth,  and 
passed  through  Gotha,  where  he  again  preach- 
ed. Myconius  adds,  that  after  the  sermon, 
when  the  congregation  were  leaving,  the  devil 
detached  from  the  pediment  of  the  church 
some  stones  that  had  not  moved  for  two  hun- 
dred years.  The  Doctor  took  a  night's  rest 
in  the  convent  of  the  Benedictines  at  Rein- 
hardsbrunn,  and  proceeded  from  thence  to 
Eisenach,  where  he  was  suddenly  taken  ill. 
Amsdorff,  Jonas,  SchurfF,  and  all  his  friends 
were  alarmed.  They  bled  him,  and  were  un- 
remitting in  attentions.  The  Schulthess  of 
the  town,  John  Oswald,  brought  him  a  cordial. 


Luther  having  taken  it,  had  some  sleep,  and, 
refreshed  by  rest,  was  enabled  to  resume  his 
journey  on  the  following  morning. 

Everywhere,  as  he  passed,  the  people  of  the 
country  flocked  round  him.93  His  progress  re- 
sembled a  triumph.  Men  contemplated  with 
interest  the  bold  man  who  was  goinor  to  pre- 
sent himself  bareheaded  before  the  Emperor 
and  the  Empire.84  A  dense  crowd  accompanied 
his  steps,  discoursing  with  him.  "Ah,"  said 
some, "  there  are  plenty  of  cardinals  and  bish- 
ops at  Worms!  .  .  .  You  will  be  burned  alive, 
and  your  body  reduced  to  ashes,  as  they  did 
with  John  Huss."  But  nothing  daunted  the 
monk.  "  Though  they  should  kindle  a  fire, 
whose  flame  should  reach  from  Worms  to 
Wittemberg,  and  rise  up  to  heaven,  I  would 
go  through  it  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  and 
stand  before  them ;  I  would  enter  the  jaws  of 
the  behemoth,  break  his  teeth,  and  confess  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ."95 

One  day,  when  he  had  entered  into  an  inn, 
and  the  crowd  was  as  usual  pressing  about 
him,  an  officer  made  his  way  through,  and 
thus  addressed  him :  "Are  you  the  man  who 
has  taken  in  hand  to  reform  the  Papacy?  .  .  . 
How  can  you  expect  to*  succeed?" — "Yes," 
answered  Luther,  "I  am  the  man.  I  place 
my  dependence  upon  that  Almighty  God 
whose  word  and  commandment  is  before  me." 
The  officer,  deeply  affected,  gazed  on  him 
with  a  mild  expression,  and  said,  "Dear 
friend,  there  is  much  in  what  you  say;  I  am 
a  servant  of  Charles,  but  your  Master  is 
greater  than  mine.  He  will  help  and  protect 
you."96  Such  was  the  impression  that  Luther 
produced.  Even  his  enemies  were  awed  by 
the  sight  of  the  crowd  that  surrounded  him ; 
but  they  have  depicted  his  progress  in  very 
different  colours.87  At  length  the  Doctor  reached 
Frankfort  on  Sunday,  the  llth  of  April. 

Accounts  of  Luther's  progress  had  before 
this  reached  Worms.  The  Pope's  partisans 
had  not  expected  that  he  would  obey  the  Em- 
peror's summons.  Albert,  Cardinal-archbishop 
of  Mentz,  would  have  given  the  world  to  stop 
him  on  his  journey;  new  expedients  were  re- 
sorted to  for  this  purpose. 

Luther  rested  a  short  time  at  Frankfort ; 
from  thence  he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  who  was 
then  with  the  Elector  at  Worms,  announcing 
his  approach.  It  is  the  only  letter  he  wrote 
during  the  journey.  "I  am  arrived  here," 
said  he,  "although  Satan  has  sought  to  stop 
me  in  my  way  by  sickness.  From  Eisenach 
to  this  place  I  have  been  suffering,  and  1  am 
at  this  moment  in  worse  condition  than  ever. 
I  find  that  Charles  has  issued  an  edict  to  ter- 
rify me ;  but  Christ  lives,  and  we  shall  enter 
Worms  in  spite  of  all  the  councils  of  hell  and 
all  the  powers  of  the  air.  Therefore  engage  a 
lodging  for  me."98 

Next  day  Luther  visited  the  learned  school 
of  William  Nesse,  the  celebrated  geographer 
of  that  age.  "Apply  yourselves,"  said  he, 
"to  the  reading  of  the  Bible  and  the  investi- 
gation of  truth."  Then,  laying  his  right  hand 
on  one  and  his  left  on  another,  he  pronounced 
his  blessing  on  all  the  scholars. 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


197 


Luther  was  thus  entered  in  blessing  I  Sickengen,  "  and  Bucer  must  be  the  bearer  of 


children,  he  was  not  the  less  the  hope  of  aged 
Christians.  A  widow  of  great,  age,  who  served 
God  with  her  heart,  Catherine  of  Holzhausen, 
came  to  him  with  these  words  :  "  My  father 
and  mother  predicted  to  me  that  God  would 
one  day  raise  up  a  man  who  should  oppose 
the  vanities  of  the  Pope,  and  rescue  the  word 
of  God.  I  hope  you  are  that  man;  and  I 
wish  you  the  grace  and  Holy  Spirit  of  God 

/*  I         1  4  ICQ 

for  your  help.  y- 

These  feelings  were  very  far  from  being 
general  at  Frankfort.  John  Cochlaeus,  dean 
of  the  Church  of  our  Lady,  was  a  devoted  ad- 
herent of  the  Roman  Church.  He  could  not 
repress  his  fears  at  sight  of  Luther  in  his  pas- 
sage through  Frankfort  on  his  way  to  Worms. 
He  felt  that  the  Church  had  need  of  zealous 
defenders.  It  mattered  little  that  he  had  not 
been  called  upon.  Scarcely  had  Luther  left 
the  city,  when  Cochlseus  set  out  after  him, 
ready,  as  he  said,  to  lay  down  his  life  in  de- 
fence of  the  honour  of  his  Church.100 

The  panic  was  great  among  the  partisans 
of  the  Pope.  The  heresiarch  was  approaching ; 
every  day,  every  hour  brought  him  nearer. 
Once  at  Worms,  and  all  might  be  ruined. 
The  Archbishop  Albert,  the  Confessor  Glapio, 
and  all  the  political  advisers  of  the  Emperor 
were  in  dismay.  How  to  stop  the  monk  was 
the  question.  To  seize  and  carry  him  off 
was  not  to  be  thought  of,  for  he  was  furnished 
with  Charles's  safe-conduct;  artifice  alone 
could  compass  the  end.  Instantly  they  devise 
the  following  plan.  The  Emperor's  confessor 
and  his  grand  chamberlain,  Paul  of  Armsdorff, 
set  out  in  haste  from  Worms.101  They  direct 
their  course  toward  the  chateau  of  Ebernburg, 
distant  about  ten  leagues,  and  the  residence 
of  Francis  Sickingen,  the  knight  who  had 
offered  Luther  an  asylum.  Bucer,  a  young 
Dominican,  and  chaplain  to  the  Elector  Pala- 
tine, converted  to  the  Gospel  at  the  period  of 
the  conference  at  Heidelberg,  had  sought  re- 
fuge and  was  then  residing  in  this  "abode  of 
the  righteous."  The  knight,  who  was  not 
well  versed  in  matters  of  religion,  was  easily 
imposed  upon;  and  the  character  of  the  former 
chaplain  to  the  Palatine  favoured  the  views 
of  the  confessor.  In  fact,  Bucer  was  disposed 
for  peace.  Distinguishing  fundamental  from 
secondary  truths,  he  thought  he  might  sacri- 
fice the  latter  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  unity.102 

The  chamberlain  and  Charles's  confessor 
opened  the  business.  They  gave  Sickengen 
and  Bucer  to  understand  that  if  Luther  were 
once  in  Worms,  it  would  be  all  over  with  him. 
They  declared  that  the  Emperor  was  ready  to 
send  certain  learned  men  to  Ebernberg,  there 
to  talk  over  matters  with  the  Doctor.  "Both 
parties,"  said  they  to  the  knight,  "will  put 
themselves  under  your  protection."  And  to 
Bucer  they  said,  "  We  agree  with  Luther  on 
all  essential  things, — the  only  questions  be- 
tween us  relate  to  some  secondary  points. 
You  will  act  as  mediator  between  us."  The 
knight  and  the  doctor  were  shaken.  The  con- 
fessor and  the  chamberlain  continued — "  The 
invitation  must  come  from  you,"  said  they  to 


it."1C3The  whole  project  was  agreed  to,  ac- 
cording to  their  wish.  Only  let  Luther  credu- 
lously obey  their  invitation  to  Ebernburg,  and 
the  term  of  his  safe-conduct  will  soon  expire : 
— then  who  can  protect  him] 

Luther  had  reached  Oppenheim.  In  three 
days  his  safe  conduct  would  be  void.  A  troop 
of  horsemen  were  seen  approaching,  and  soon 
he  recognised  the  same  Bucer  with  whom  he 
had  held  such  intimate  conversations  at  Heidel- 
berg.104 "These  horsemen  belong  to  Francis 
Sickengen,"  said  Bucer,  after  the  first  greet- 
ings. "  He  has  sent  me  to  conduct  you  to 
his  fortress.103The  Emperor's  confessor  desires 
a  conference  with  you.  His  influence  with 
Charles  is  unbounded; — every  thing  may  yet 
be  arranged ;  but  have  nothing  to  do  with 
Aleander !"  Jonas,  AmsdorfT,  Schurff,  knew 
not  what  to  think.  Bucer  urged  him  : — but 
Luther  never  faltered.  "I  shall  go  on,"  an- 
swered he,  "  and  if  the  Emperor's  confessor 
has  any  thing  to  say  to  me,  he  will  find  me  at 
Worms.  I  repair  to  the  place  of  summons." 

In  the  mean  while  Spalatin  himself  began 
to  be  disturbed  with  apprehensions.  Situate 
in  the  midst  of  enemies  of  the  Reformation, 
he  heard  it  said  on  all  sides  that  the  heretic's 
safe-conduct  would  be  disregarded.  His 
friendship  took  the  alarm.  At  the  moment 
when  Luther  was  approaching  the  city,  a  ser- 
vant met  him  and  delivered  him  a  message 
from  the  chaplain:  "Abstain  from  entering 
Worms."  And  this  from  Spalatin  himself, 
the  Elector's  confidential  adviser!  Luther, 
still  unshaken,  turned  his  eyes  on  the  mes- 
senger, and  answered,  "Go  tell  your  master, 
that  though  there  should  be  as  many  devils  at 
J'Vbrms  as  there  are  tiles  on  its  roofs,  I  would 
enter  i7."106  At  no  time  had  the  grandeur  of 
Luther's  spirit  been  more  evidenced.  The 
messenger  re-entered  Worms,  and  delivered 
the  astounding  declaration.  "  I  was  then  in- 
trepid," said  Luther,  (a  few  days  before  his 
death.)  "I  feared  nothing.  God  can  give 
this  boldness  to  man.  I  know  not  whether 
now  I  should  have  so  much  liberty  and  joy." 
"  When  our  cause  is  good,"  adds  his  disciple 
Mathesius,  "  the  heart  expands  and  gives  cou- 
rage and  energy  to  the  evangelist  and  the 
soldier."107 

At  last,  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  April, 
Luther  discovered  the  walls  of  the  ancient 
city.  All  were  expecting  him.  But  one  sub- 
ject occupied  the  thoughts  of  the  citizens. 
Some  young  nobles,  Bernard  of  Kirschfeld, 
Albert  Lindenau,  with  six  mounted  cavaliers, 
and  other  gentlemen  of  the  prince's  retinue, 
to  the  number  in  all  of  a  hundred,  (according 
to  Pallavicini,)  in  their  impatience,  rode  out 
of  the  city  to  meet  him,  and  surrounding  his 
travelling  car,  escorted  him  to  the  gates.  He 
went  forward.  The  Imperial  herald  gaL^ped 
before,  attired  in  the  vestments  of  his  office. 
Luther  came  next,  in  his  modest  vehicle.  Jonas 
followed  on  horseback,  and  the  party  of  horse- 


men surrounded  him.       A 
awaitin 


waiting  his  arrival  at  the  gates, 
'clock  he  entered  within  those  walls, 


vast  crowd  was 
At  ten 
whence 


193 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


so  many  had  predicted  to  him  that  he  would 
never  again  depart.  Behold  him  in  Worms  ! 
Two  thousand  persons  accompanied  the 
famed  monk  of  Wittemberg  through  the  streets 
of  the  city.  People  ran  to  their  doors  to  see 
him.  The  crowd  was  increasing  every  mo- 
ment,— and  was  even  greater  than  at  the  pub- 
lic entry  of  the  Emperor  himself.  Of  a  sud- 
den, says  an  historian,  a  man  clothed  in  gro- 
tesque habiliments,  and  bearing  before  him  a 
lofty  cross,  as  is  customary  at  funerals,  pene- 
trated through  the  crowd,  and  advanced  to- 
wards Luther: — then  with  the  shrill  and 
plaintive  cadence,  in  which  the  priests  perform 
masses  for  the  repose  of  the  dead,  he  chanted 
these  words  as  if  he  were  uttering  them  from 
the  abode  of  departed  spirits — 

Advenisti,  O  desiderabilis  ! 
Quern  expectabamus  in  tenebris  !* 

Thus  was  Luther's  arrival  celebrated  by  a 
requiem.  It  was  the  court  fool  of  one  of  the 
Dukes  of  Bavaria,  who  (if  the  account  may 
be  depended  upon)  thus  gave  to  Luther  one 
of  those  warnings,  replete  at  once  with  solemn 
instruction  and  irony,  of  which  so  many  in- 
stances are  on  record.  But  the  shouts  of  the 
crowd  soon  drowned  the  de  profundis  of  the 
cross-bearer.  The  procession  made  its  way 
with  difficulty  through  the  people.  At  last 
the  herald  of  the  Empire  stopped  before  the 
hotel  of  the  Knights  of  Rhodes.  It  was  there 
that  Frederic  of  Thun,  and  Philip  Feilitsch, 
two  counsellors  of  the  Elector,  and  Ulric  Pap- 
pen  heim,  the  Marshal  of  the  Empire,  had 
taken  up  their  abode.  Luther  alighted  from 
his  wagon,  and  as  he  set  foot  on  the  ground, 
exclaimed,  **  God  will  be  my  defence."108 "  I 
entered  Worms,"  said  he,  at  a  later  period, 
**  in  an  open  cart  and  in  a  monk's  frock.  And 
every  one  carne  out  into  the  streets,  desiring 
to  see  friar  Martin."109 

The  intelligence  of  his  arrival  was  received 
with  alarm  by  the  Elector  of  Saxony  and  Ale- 
ander.  Albert,  the  young  and  accomplished 
Archbishop,  whose  mind  was  in  a  middle  posi- 
tion, was  dismayed  at  this  daring  step.  "  If 
1  had  no  more  courage  than  the  Archbishop," 
said  Luther,  u  true  it  is  they  would  never  have 
seen  me  at  Worms." 

Charles  V.  instantly  convoked  his  council. 
The  confidential  advisers  of  the  Emperor  re- 
paired in  haste  to  the  palace — for  the  fear  had 
communicated  to  them.  "  Luther  is  come," 
said  Charles,  "  what  must  be  done  1" 

Modo,  Bishop  of  Palermo  and  Chancellor 
of  Flanders,  answered,  according  to  the  testi- 
mony of  Luther: — "  We  have  long  thought 
of  this  matter.  Let  your  Majesty  rid  your- 
self at  once  of  this  man.  Did  not  Sigismund 
bring  John  Huss  to  the  stake?  One  is  under 
no  obligation  either  to  give  or  to  observe  a 
safe-conduct  in  the  case  of  heretics."110"  Not 
so,"  said  Charles,  "  what  we  promise  we 
should  observe  and  keep."  It  was,  therefore, 
Agreed  that  the  Reformer  should  be  heard. 

Whilst  the  great  were  thus  planning  how 

*  Thou  art  come  whom  we  desired — whom  we 
waited  for  in  the  regions  of  darkness ! 


to  deal  with  Luther,  there  were  not  a  few  in 
Worms  rejoicing  in  the  opportunity  of  at  last 
beholding  this  distinguished  servant  of  God. 
Capito,  chaplain  and  counsellor  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Mentz,  was  of  their  number.  This 
remarkable  man,  who  a  little  while  before 
had  preached  the  Gospel  in  Switzerland  with 
much  liberty* — though  he  then  owed  it  to  the 
station  he  filled,  to  pursue  a  course  which  ex- 
posed him  to  the  charge  of  cowardice  from 
the  Evangelical  preachers,  and  of  dissimula- 
tion, from  the  Romanists.111  Yet  at  Mentz  he 
had  preached  the  doctrine  of  faith  with  great 
clearness.  When  he  was  leaving  that  city  he 
had  arranged  for  his  place  being  supplied  by 
a  young  and  zealous  preacher  named  Hedion. 
The  word  of  God  was  not  bound  in  that  an- 
cient seat  of  the  German  primacy.  The 
Gospel  was  eagerly  listened  to ;  in  vain  did 
the  monks  attempt  to  preach  from  the  Scrip- 
tures after  their  manner; — in  vain  did  they 
make  every  effort  to  arrest  the  impulsion  given 
to  men's  rninds.112  Their  failure  was  complete. 
But  whilst  preaching  the  new  doctrine,  Capito 
sought  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  its 
persecutors ; — with  a  few  of  the  same  opinions 
he  flattered  himself  that  he  might  in  this  way 
render  great  service  to  the  Church.  To  hear 
them  talk  one  might  have  thought  that  if  Lu- 
ther was  not  burnt,  and  his  followers  excom- 
municated, it  was  only  owing  to  the  influence 
that  Capito  possessed  with  the  Archbishop.113 
Cochlaeus,  dean  of  Frankfort,  arriving  at 
Worms  at  the  same  time  as  Luther,  repaired 
direct  to  Capito's  residence.  The  latter,  who 
at  least  was  outwardly  on  very  friendly  terms 
with  Aleander,  introduced  Cochlaeus  to  him, 
becoming  thus  a  connecting  link  between  the 
Reformer's  two  great  enemies.114  Doubtless 
Capito  imagined  that  he  did  service  to  the 
cause  of  Christ,  by  keeping  up  these  appear- 
ances; but  it  would  be  impossible  to  show 
any  good  effect  flowing  from  them.  The 
event  almost  always  disconcerts  such  calcu- 
lations of  human  policy,  proving  that  a  de- 
cided course,  while  it  is  the  most  frank,  is 
also  most  wise. 

Meanwhile  crowds  continued  to  gather  out- 
side the  hotel  of  Rhodes  where  Luther  had 
alighted.  Some  had  conceived  an  idea  of 
him  as  a  prodigy  of  wisdom;  others  as  a 
monster  of  iniquity.  Every  one  desired  to 
see  him.115  They  left  him,  however,  a  few 
hours  to  recruit  himself  after  his  journey,  and 
discourse  with  his  most  intimate  friends.  But 
ss  soon  as  the  evening  closed  in,  counts, 
barons,  knights,  gentlemen,  ecclesiastics,  and 
citizens,  flocked  about  him.  All,  even  those 
most  opposed  to  him,  were  struck  with  his 
courageous  bearing — the  joy  that  beamed  in. 
his  countenance — the  power  of  his  eloquence, 
and  the  solemn  elevation  and  enthusiasm 
which  gave  to  the  words  of  a  single  monk  a 
sort  of  irresistible  authority.  But  some  as- 
scribed  this  grandeur  to  a  something  divine; 
while  the  partisans  of  the  Pope  loudly  ex- 
claimed that  he  was  possessed  by  a  devil.116 


Book  VIII. 


HISTORY    OP   THE   REFORMATION. 


199 


Visitors  poured  in,  and  the  succession  of  the 
curious  kept  Luther  from  his  bed  till  a  late 
hour. 

On  the  next  morning-,  17th  of  April,  the 
hereditary  Marshal  .of  the  Empire,  Ulric  Pap- 
penheim,  cited  him  to  appear  at  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  in  presence  of  his  Imperial 
Majesty  and  of  the  States  of  the  Empire. 
Luther  received  the  message  with  profound 
respect. 

Thus  all  things  were  ready.  He  was 
about  to  appear  for  Jesus  Christ  before  the 
most  august  of  all  assemblies.  Encourage- 
ments were  not  wanting.  The  bold  knight, 
Ulric  Hiitten,  was  then  in  the  castle  of  Ebern- 
burg.  Prevented  coming  to  Worms,  (for  Leo 
the  Tenth  had  desired  Charles  to  send  him 
bound  hand  and  foot  to  Rome,)  he  resolved 
at  least  to  stretch  out  the  hand  of  friendship 
to  Luther,  and  on  the  same  day,  17th  of  April, 
he  wrote  to  him,  adopting  the  words  of  the 
king  of  Israel : — "  The  Lord  hear  thee  in  the 
day  of  trouble :  the  name  of  the  God  of  Jacob 
defend  thce :  send  thee  help  out  of  Zion  .•  grant 
thee  according  to  thine  own  heart,  and  fulfil  all 
thy  counsel.  O  beloved  Luther,  my  venerated 
father !  .  .  .  .  fear  not  and  stand  firm.  The 
counsels  of  the  wicked  have  laid  wait  for  you, 
they  have  opened  their  mouths  against  you — 
like  roaring  lions.  But  the  Lord  will  arise 
against  them  and  put  them  to  flight.  Fight, 
therefore,  valiantly  the  battle  of  Christ.  For 
my  part  I  too  will  fight  boldly.  Would  to 
God  I  might  be  allowed  to  face  their  frowns. 
But  the  Lord  will  deliver  his  Vine,  that  the 
wild  boar  of  the  forest  has  laid  waste  .... 
Christ  preserve  you!"117 .  .  .  Bucer  did  what 
Hiitten  was  prevented  doing,  he  made  the 
journey  from  Ebernburg  to  Worms,  and  never 
left  his  friend  during  his  stay  there.118 

But  Luther  looked  not  to  men  for  his 
strength.  "  He  who,  attacked  by  the  enemy, 
holds  up  the  buckler  of  Faith"  said  he  one 
day,  "  is  like  Perseus  presenting  the  head  of 
the  Gorgon.  Whoever  looks  upon  it  is  struck 
dead.  It  is  thus  that  we  should  hold  up  the 
Son  of  God  against  the  snares  of  the  devil."119 
On  the  morning  of  this  17th  April,  he  was 
for  a  few  minutes  in  deep  exercise  of  mind. 
God's  face  seemed  to  be  veiled,  and — his  faith 
forsook  him : — his  enemies  seemed  to  multiply 
before  him,  and  his  imagination  was  overcome 
by  the  aspect  of  his  dangers.  His  soul  was 
like  a  ship  driven  by  a  violent  tempest,  rocked 
from  side  to  side, — one  moment  plunged  in 
the  abyss,  and  the  next  carried  up  to  heaven. 
In  that  hour  of  bitter  trial — when  he  drank  of 
the  cup  of  Christ — an  hour  which  to  him  was 
as  the  garden  of  Gethsemane,  he  threw  him- 
self with  his  face  upon  the  earth,  and  uttered 
those  broken  cries,  which  we  cannot  under- 
stand, without  entering,  in  thought,  into  the 
anguish  of  those  deeps  from  whence  they  rose 
to  God."120 "Oh  God,  Almighty  God  ever- 
lasting !  how  dreadful  is  the  world !  behold 
how  its  mouth  opens  to  swallow  rne  up,  and 
how  small  is  my  faith  in  Thee !  .  .  .  Oh !  the 
weakness  of  the  flesh  and  the  power  of  Satan  ! 
If  I  am  to  depend  upon  any  strength  of  this 


world — all  is  over.  .  .  .  The  knell  is  struck. 

.  .  .  Sentence  is  gone  forth 0  God ! 

0  God  !  O  thou  my  God  !  help  me  against 
all  the  wisdom  of  this  world.  Do  this,  I  be- 
seech thee  ;  thou  shouldst  do  this by 

thy  own  mighty  power The  work  is 

not  mine,  but  Thine.     I   have  no  business 

here I  have  nothing  to  contend  for 

with  these  great  men  of  the  world  !  I  would 
gladly  pass  mv  days  in  happiness  and  peace. 
But  the  cause  is  Thine,  .  .  .  .  and  it  is  righ- 
teous and  everlasting  !  O  Lord  !  help  me  ! 

0  faithful  and  unchangeable  God  !    I  lean  not 
upon  man.     It  were  vain  !     Whatever  is  of 
man  is  tottering,  whatever  proceeds  from  him 
must  fail.     My  God!  my  God  !  dost  thou  not 
hear  ?     My  God  !  art  thou  no  longer  living  ? 
Nay,  thou  canst  not  die  ?     Thou  dost  but  hide 
Thyself.     Thou  hast  chosen  me  for  this  work. 

1  know  it !  ...  Therefore,  O  God,  accom- 
plish thine  own  will !  Forsake  me  not,  for  the 
sake  of  thy  well-beloved  Son,  Jesus  Christ, 
my  defence,  my  buckler,  and  my  stronghold." 

After  a  moment  of  silent  struggle,  he  con- 
tinued, "Lord — where  art  thou]  .  .  .  My 
God,  where  art  thou  1  .  .  .Come!  I  pray 
thee,  I  am  ready.  .  .  .  Behold  me  prepared 
to  lay  down  my  life  for  thy  truth  .  .  .  suffer- 
ing like  a  lamb.  For  the  cause  is  holy.  It 
is  thine  own !  .  .  .  I  will  not  let  thee  go ! 
no,  nor  yet  for  all  eternity !  And  though  the 
world  should  be  thronged  with  devils — and 
this  body,  which  is  the  work  of  thine  hands, 
should  be  cast  forth,  trodden  under  foot,  cut 
in  pieces,  ....  consumed  to  ashes,  .  .  . 
my  soul  is  thine.  Yes,  I  have  thine  own 
word  to  assure  me  of  it.  My  soul  belongs  to 
thee,  and  will  abide  with  thee  forever !  Amen ! 
O  God  send  help !  .  .  .  Amen!"121 

This  prayer  discloses  to  us  Luther  and  the 
Reformation.  History  here  lifts  the  veil  of 
the  sanctuary,  and  discovers  the  secret  source 
whence  strength  and  courage  descended  to 
the  humble  and  despised  man,  who  was  God's 
instrument,  to  set  at  liberty  the  soul  and 
thought  of  man,  and  open  a  new  age.  Lu- 
ther and  the  Reformation  lie  open  before  us. 
We  discern  their  inmost  springs.  We  see 
where  their  power  lay.  This  effusion  of  a 
soul  offering  itself  up  in  the  cause  of  truth  is 
found  in  the  collection  of  documents  relative 
to  the  citation  of  Luther  to  Worms,  under 
number  16.  of  the  safe-conducts  and  other 
papers  of  that  nature.  One  of  his  friends 
doubtless  overheard  and  preserved  it.  In  our 
judgment  it  is  one  of  the  noblest  of  historical 
documents. 

Four  o'clock  arrived.  The  Marshal  of  the 
Empire  appeared.  Luther  prepared  to  set  out. 
God  had  heard  his  prayers ;  he  was  calm 
when  he  quitted  the  hotel.  The  herald  walk- 
ed first.  Next  came  the  Marshal  of  the  Em- 
pire, followed  by  the  Reformer.  The  crowd 
that  thronged  the  streets  was  yet  more  dense 
than  on  the  preceding  evening.  It  was  not 
possible  to  advance — it  was  in  vain  that  or- 
ders were  given  to  make  way; — the  crowd 
was  increasing.  At  last  the  herald,  seeing 
the  impossibility  of  reaching  the  Town  Hall, 
S 


200 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


demanded  admission  into  some  private  houses, 
and  conducted  Luther  through  the  gardens 
and  hack  ways  to  the  place  where  the  Diet 
was  assembled.122  The  people  who  witnessed 
this,  rushed  into  the  houses  after  the  monk  of 
Wittemberg,  stationing  themselves  at  the 
windows  overlooking  the  gardens,  and  many 
of  them  taking  their  stand  on  the  tops  of  the 
houses.  The  roofs  and  the  pavements,  above 
and  beneath,  all  around  him,  were  covered 
with  spectators.123 

Arriving  at  last  at  the  Town  Hall,  Luther 
and  his  companions  were  again  at  a  loss  how 
to  pass  the  gateway,  which  was  thronged  by 
the  multitude.  Make  room!  was  the  cry; 
but  no  one  stirred.  The  Imperial  soldiers  then 
cleared  a  passage.  The  people  hurrying  for- 
ward to  enter  together  with  the  Reformer,  the 
soldiers  drove  them  back  with  their  halberds. 
Luther  entered  the  interior  of  the  hall,  and 
•  there  again  he  beheld  the  enclosure  crowded. 
In  the  ante-chambers  and  window  recesses, 
there  were  more  than  five  thousand  spectators 
— German,  Italian,  Spanish  and  of  other  na- 
tions. Luther  advanced  with  difficulty.  As 
he  drew  near  the  door  which  was  to  admit  him 
to  the  presence  of  his  judges,  he  was  met  by 
a  valiant  knight,  George  Freundsberg,  who, 
four  years  afterwards,  attended  by  his  follow- 
ers, couched  his  lance  at  the  battle  of  Pavia, 
and  bearing  down  the  left  of  the  French  army, 
drove  it  into  the  Tessino,  and  decided  the  cap- 
tivity of  the  King  of  France.  This  old  general, 
seeing  Luther  pass,  touched  him  on  the  shoulder 
and  shaking  his  head,  blanched  in  many  battles, 
said  kindly,  "  My  poor  monk,  my  poor  monk, 
thou  hast  a  march  and  a  struggle  to  go  through, 
such  as  neither  I  nor  many  other  captains 
have  seen  the  like  in  our  most  bloody  battles 
But  if  thy  cause  be  just,  and  thou  art  sure  of 
it,  go  forward  in  God's  name,  and  fear  nothing ! 
He  will  not  forsake  thee!"124  A  noble  tribute 
rendered  by  martial  spirit  to  the  courage  of 
the  soul.  "  He  that  ruleth  his  spirit  is  greater 
than  he  that  taketh  a  city,"  was  the  word  of 
a  king.  (Prov.  xvi.  32.) 

And  now  the  doors  of  the  hall  were  thrown 
open, — Luther  entered,  and  many  who  formed 
no  part  of  the  Diet  gained  admission  with 
him.  Never  had  any  man  appeared  before  so 
august  an  assembly.  The  Emperor  Charles 
V.,  whose  kingdom  extended  across  both 
hemispheres, — his  brother  the  Archduke  Fer- 
dinand,— six  Electors  of  the  Empire,  most  of 
whose  successors  are  now  crowned  heads, — 
twenty-four  dukes,  many  of  them  territorial 
sovereigns,  and  among  whom  were  some  who 
bore  a  name  in  after  times  held  in  fear  and 
horror  by  the  nations  who  accepted  the  Re- 
formation— (the.  Duke  of  Alva  and  his  two 
sons) — eight  margraves, — thirty  archbishops, 
bishops,  and  prelates, — seven  ambassadors, 
including  those  of  France  and  England, — the 
deputies  of  ten  free  cities, — a  number  of 
princes,  counts,  and  barons  of  rank, — the 
Pope's  Nuncios, — in  all  two  hundred  persons. 
Such  was  the  imposing  assemblage  before 
which  stood  Martin  Luther. 

His  appearance  there  was  of  itself  a  signal 


victory  over  the  Papacy.  The  man  whom  the 
Pope  had  condemned  stood  before  a  tribunal 
raised  by  that  very  fact  above  the  Pope's 
authority.  Placed  under  interdict,  and  struck 
out  from  human  fellowship  by  the  Pope, — he 
was  cited  in  respectful  terms,  and  received  be- 
fore the  noblest  of  human  auditories.  The 
Pope  had  decreed  that  his  lips  should  be 
closed  forever, — and  he  was  about  to  unclose 
them  in  the  presence  of  thousands  assembled 
from  the  remotest  countries  of  Christendom. 
Thus  had  an  immense  revolution  been  effected 
by  his  means  ;  Rome  was  brought  down  from 
her  seat,  and  the  power  that  thus  humbled 
her  was  the  word  of  a  monk  ! 

Some  Princes  who  were  near  him,  observing 
the  humble  son  of  the  miner  of  Mansfeld 
awed  and  affected  in  this  assembly  of  sove- 
reigns, approached  him  kindly.  One  of  them 
whispered,  "  Fear  not  them  who  are  able  to 
kill  the  body,  and  cannot  destroy  the  soul." 
Another  whispered  to  him,  "  When  you  are 
brought  before  kings  it  shall  be  given  to  you 
by  the  Spirit  of  your  Father  what  you  shall 
say."125  Thus  was  the  monk  strengthened  with 
his  Master's  words  by  the  great  ones  of  this 
world. 

Meanwhile  the  guards  made  way  for  Lu- 
ther. He  stepped  forward  and  found  himself 
in  front  of  the  throne  of  Charles  V.  All  eyes 
were  turned  upon  him.  The  confusion  was 
stilled,  and  there  was  a  profound  silence. 
"  Say  nothing  until  a  question  is  put  to  you," 
said  the  Marshal  of  the  Empire  as  he  quitted 
him. 

After  a  moment's  solemn  pause,  John  Eck, 
the  Chancellor  of  the  Archbishop  of  Treves, 
and  the  friend  of  Aleander,  whom  we  must  not 
confound  with  the  theologian  of  that  name, 
rose,  and  in  a  clear  and  sonorous  accent,  first 
in  Latin  and  then  in  German,  said  : 

"  Martin  Luther,  his  sacred  and  invincible 
Majesty  has  cited  you  before  his  throne,  act- 
ing on  the  opinion  and  advice  of  the  States  of 
the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  to  require  you  to 
answer  to  these  questions.  First:  Do  you 
acknowledge  these  writings  to  have  been 
composed  by  you  ?"  At  the  same  time  the 
speaker  pointed  with  his  finger  to  about  twenty 
volumes  placed  on  a  table  in  the  centre  of  the 
hall,  immediately  before  Luther.  "  I  could 
not  guess  where  they  had  obtained  them," 
said  Luther,  relating  the  fact;  it  was  Alean- 
der who  had  taken  the  trouble  to  collect  them. 
"Secondly,"  continued  the  Chancellor,  "Are 
you  prepared  to  retract  these,  and  the  proposi- 
tions contained  therein,  or  do  you  persist  in 
what  you  have  therein  advanced  ]" 

Luther,  without  faltering,  was  about  to  an- 
swer the  first  question  in  the  affirmative,  when 
Jerome  "Schurff,  hastily  interrupting  him,  ex- 
claimed aloud,  "  Let  their  titles  be  read."126 

The  Chancellor  advancing  to  the  table  read 
the  titles.  There  were  in  the  number  several 
works  of  a  devotional  character,  and  altogether 
unconnected  with  the  controverted  points. 

The  enumeration  being  gone  through,  Lu- 
ther spoke  as  follows,  first  in  Latin,  then  in 
German: — 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


"  Most  gracious  Emperor,  Princes  and 
Lords ! 

"  His  Imperial  Majesty  puts  to  me  two 
questions. 

"  As  to  the  first,  I  acknowledge  the  books, 
the  names  of  which  have  been  read,  to  be  of 
my  writing ;  I  cannot  deny  them. 

"  As  to  the  second,  seeing  that  it  is  a  ques- 
tion which  has  reference  to  faith,  and  the  sal- 
vation of  souls, — a  question  which  concerns 
the  word  of  God,  the  greatest  and  most  pre- 
cious treasure  of  heaven  or  earth,127 — I  should 
act  rashly  if  I  were  to  answer  without  reflec- 
tion. I  might  say  less  than  the  circumstance 
demands,  or  more  than  truth  requires,  and  so 
sin  against  that  word  of  Christ, — Whosoever 
shall  deny  me  before  men,  him  I  will  deny  be- 
fore my  Father  who  is  in  heaven.  Therefore 
it  is  that  I  most  humbly  desire  his  Imperial 
Majesty  to  allow  me  time,  that  I  may  answer 
without  offending  against  the  word  of  God." 

This  reply,  far  from  countenancing  the  sup- 
position of  indecision  in  Luther,  was  worthy 
of  the  Reformer  and  of  the  assembly.  It  was 
fit  that  he  should  act  calmly  and  circumspect- 
ly in  a  question  of  such  grave  importance, 
that  this  solemn  moment  of  his  life  might  be 
clear  from  the  suspicion  of  passion  or  precipi- 
tancy. Besides,  by  taking  reasonable  time  the 
deliberate  firmness  of  his  resolution  would  be 
the  more  strikingly  apparent.  Many  men  in 
the  history  of  the  world  have  brought  great 
evils  on  themselves  and  their  contemporaries 
by  a  hasty  word.  Luther  restrained  his  own 
naturally  impetuous  temper: — he  suppressed 
the  words  that  were  on  his  tongue  and  kept 
silence,  when  all  the  feelings  that  inspired 
him  struggled  to  find  utterance.  This  self 
command  and  calmness,  so  unusual  in  such  a 
man,  increased  his  power  a  hundred-fold,  and 
enabled  him  afterwards  to  answer  with  a  pru- 
dence, a  force,  and  a  dignity,  which  balked 
the  expectations  of  his  enemies,  and  confound- 
ed their  pride  and  malice. 

Nevertheless,  as  his  tone  had  been  respect- 
ful, many  thought  he  was  wavering.  A  ray 
of  hope  appeared  for  the  Roman  courtiers. 
Charles,  eager  to  know  more  of  a  man  whose 
teaching  disturbed  the  Empire,  had  observed 
him  narrowly.  Turning  to  one  of  his  courtiers, 
he  remarked  contemptuously,  "  Certainly  that 
man  will  never  induce  me  to  turn  heretic."128 
Then  rising  from  his  seat,  the  young  Emperor, 
attended  by  his  ministers,  withdrew  to  the 
council  chamber; — the  Electors  assembled  in 
another  apartment  together  with  the  Princes ; 
— the  deputies  of  the  free  cities  in  a  third. 
The  Diet  on  re-assembling  agreed  to  grant 
the  request.  It  was  a  notable  blunder  in  men 
actuated  by  passion  and  prejudice. 

"Martin  Luther,"  said  the  Chancellor  of 
Treves,  "  his  Imperial  Majesty,  acting  in  the 
goodness  of  his  nature,  consents  to  allow  you 
one  day's  delay ;  but  on  condition  that  you 
make  answer  by  word  of  rnouth,  and  not  in 
writing." 

Immediately  the  Imperial  herald  came  for- 
ward and  conducted  Luther  back  to  the  hotel. 
Threats  and  shouts  accompanied  him  through 


the  crowd; — alarming    reports  reached    his 
frieze      "The   Diet  is  displeased,"  it  was 


wiiat   js    <au    uua  i       i  iivy  any   uiej  aio 

ed  to  bring  you  to  the  stake.129.  .  If  they 
ttempt  it,"  they  added,  "it  shall  be  at 
ril  of  their  lives."  "  And  it  would  have 


friends. 

said  :  "  the  Pope's  envoys  triumph  ; — the  Re- 
former will  fall  a  victim."  Men's  passions 
were  roused.  Some  gentlemen  repaired  in 
haste  to  Luther.  "Doctor,"  said  they  in  agi- 
tation, what  is  all  this  1  They  say  they  are 
resolved  to  brine 
dare  attemr 
the  peril 

been  so,"  said  Luther,  repeating  their  words 
at  Eisleben  twenty  years  later. 

On  the  other  hand,  Luther's  enemies  were 
all  confidence.  "He  has  begged  for  time;" 
said  they,  "  he  is  going  to  retract.  At  a  dis- 
tance his  speech  was  arrogant; — but  now  his 
courage  forsakes  him.  ...  He  is  conquered." 

Luther  was  perhaps  the  only  person  at 
Worms  perfectly  undisturbed.  A  few  mi- 
nutes after  his  return  from  the  diet  he  wrote 
to  the  counsellor  Cuspianus:  "I  am  writing 
to  you  from  the  midst  of  a  tempest  (perhaps 
he  alluded  to  the  noise  of  the  crowd  outside 
his  hotel).  An  hour  ago  I  appeared  before 
the  Emperor  and  his  brother.130.  .  .  I  avowed 
myself  the  author  of  my  books,  and  I  have 
promised  to  give  my  answer  to-morrow,  as  to 
recantation.  By  the  help  of  Jesus  Christ,  I 
will  not  retract  a  single  letter  of  my  writings."131 

The  commotion  among  the  people  and  the 
soldiers  of  the  states  was  increasing  every 
hour.  Whilst  the  two  parties  were  repairing 
calmly  to  the  Diet, — the  people  and  the  sol- 
diers came  to  blows  in  the  streets.  The 
Spanish  troops,  proud  and  stern,  gave  great 
offence  by  their  insolence  to  the  burghers  of 
the  city.  One  of  these  satellites  of  Charles, 
finding  in  a  bookseller's  shop  the  Pope's  Bull, 
published  with  a  commentary  written  by  the 
knight  Hiitten,  laid  hands  upon  it,  tore  it  in 
pieces,  and  trampled  it  under  foot.  Others 
having  discovered  several  copies  of  Luther's 
tract  on  the  Captivity  of  Babylon,  carried  them 
off  and  tore  them  up.  The  common  people 
roused  to  resistance,  fell  upon  the  soldiers  and 
compelled  them  to  retire.  At  another  time  a 
mounted  Spaniard  pursued,  sword  in  hand, 
through  the  public  streets  of  Worms,  a  Ger- 
man, who  fled  from  him, — and  the  people  in 
their  fright  made  no  attempt  to^top  the  pur- 
suer.132 

Some  politic  persons  thought  they  had  hit 
upon  an  expedient  to  rescue  Luther.  "Re- 
tract," said  they,  "your  errors  in  doctrine, 
but  adhere  to  all  you  have  said  concerning  the 
Pope  and  his  court,  and  you  will  be  safe." 
Aleander  trembled  at  the  suggestion.  But 
Luther,  not  to  be  moved  from  his  purpose, 
declared  that  he  cared  little  for  a  political 
reformation  if  it  were  not  based  upon  faith. 

On  the  18th  of  April,  Father  Glapio,  the 
Chancellor  Eck,  and  Aleander  met  early  in 
the  morning  agreeably  to  orders  from  Charles 
V.  to  settle  the  course  of  proceeding  with 
Luther. 

Luther  composed  his  thoughts.  He  felt 
that  tranquillity  of  soul  without  which  man  can 
do  nothing  truly  great.  He  prayed  ; — he  read 
the  Word  of  God ; — he  glanced  over  his  own 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


writings,  and  endeavoured  to  give  a  suitable  \ 
form  to  his  answer.  The  thought  that  he  was 
ahoul  to  bear  testimony  for  Jesus  Christ  and 
his  word  in  the  face  of  the  Emperor  and  of 
the  whole  Empire  dilated  his  heart  with  joy  ! 
The  moment  when  he  was  to  make  his  appear- 
ance was  approaching.  He  drew  near  the 
table  on  which  the  volume  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures lay  open,  placed  his  left  hand  upon  it, 
and  raising  the  other  towards  heaven,  he 
vowed  to  adhere  constantly  to  the  Gospel,  and 
to  confess  his  faith  freely,  even  though  he 
should  be  called  to  seal  his  confession  with 
his  blood.  This  done,  he  felt  the  peace  of  his 
soul  increased. 

At  four  o'clock  the  herald  presented  him- 
self, and  conducted  Luther  to  the  hall  of  the 
Diet.  The  general  curiosity  was  extreme, 
for  the  answer  was  to  be  decisive.  The  Diet 
being  engaged  in  deliberation,  Luther  was 
obliged  to  wait  in  the  court,  surrounded  by  a 
dense  crowd,  eagerly  moving  to  and  fro,  and 
resembling  a  sea  of  heads.  For  two  hours, 
the  Reformer  was  hemmed  in  by  the  multi- 
tude pressing  to  see  him.  "  I  was  not  used," 
said  he,  "to  such  ways  and  noises."I33To  an 
ordinary  man  this  would  have  been  a  grievous 
hinderance  to  preparedness  of  mind.  But  Lu- 
ther was  walking  with  God.  His  look  was 
serene;  his  features  unruffled.  The  Eternal 
was  placing  him  on  a  rock.  Evening  began 
to  close  in,  and  the  torches  were  lighted  in  the 
hall.  Their  light  gleamed  through  the  ancient 
painted  glass  to  the  court  beyond,  and  the 
whole  scene  wore  an  aspect  of  more  than  com- 
mon solemnity.  At  length  the  Doctor  was  ad- 
mitted. Many  persons  obtained  admission 
.with  him,  for  every  one  was  desirous  to  hear 
his  answer.  The  Princes  having  taken  their 
seats,  and  Luther  being  again  in  presence  of 
Charles  V.— the  Chancellor  of  the  Elector  of 
Treves  broke  silence,  and  said : 

"  Martin  Luther,  you  requested  yesterday  a 
delay  which  is  now  expired.  Certainly  the 
Diet  was  not  bound  in  justice  to  accede  to 
your  desire,  since  every  man  should  be  so 
grounded  in  his  faith  as  to  be  able  at  all  times 
to  give  an  answer  to  those  who  ask  him ;  much 
more  one  who  is  an  eminent  and  learned  doc- 
tor in  the  Scriptures Now,  therefore, 

answer  the  inquiry  of  his  Majesty,  who  has 
manifested  so  much  indulgence.  Are  you 
prepared  to  defend  all  that  your  writings  con- 
tain, or  do  you  wish  to  retract  any  part  of 
them  1" 

After  having  spoken  these  words,  the  Chan- 
cellor repeated  them  in  German. 

"  Hereupon,"  say  the  Acts  of  Worms, 
"  Doctor  Martin  Luther  made  answer  in  a  low 
and  humble  tone,  without  any  vehemence  or 
violence,  but  with  gentleness*  and  mildness, 
and  in  a  manner  full  of  respect  and  diffidence, 
yet  with  much  joy  and  Christian  firmness."134 

"  Most  Serene  Emperor,  and  you  illustrious 
Princes  and  gracious  Lords,"  said  Luther, 
turning  towards  Charles,  and  looking  round 
the  assembly,  "I  this  day  appear  before  you 
in  all  humility,  according  to  your  command  ; 
and  I  implore  your  Majesty  and  your  august 


Highnesses,  by  the  mercies  of  God,  to  listen 
wit'h  favour  to  the  defence  of  a  cause  which  I 
am  well  assured  is  just  and  right.  I  ask  par- 
don if,  by  reason  of  my  ignorance,  I  am  want- 
ing in  the  manners  that  befit  a  court;  for  I 
have  not  been  brought  up  in  king's  palaces, 
but  in  the  seclusion  of  a  cloister. 

"Two  questions  were  yesterday  put  to  me 
by  his  Imperial  Majesty  ;  the  first,  whether  I 
was  the  author  of  the  books  whose  titles  were 
read  ;  the  second,  whether  I  wished  to  revoke 
or  defend  the  doctrine  I  have  taught.  I  an- 
swered the  first,  and  I  adhere  to  that  answer. 

"As  to  the  second,  I  have  composed  writ- 
ings on  very  different  subjects.  In  some  I 
have  discussed  Faith  and  Good  Works,  in  a 
spirit  at  once  so  pure,  clear,  and  Christian, 
that  even  my  adversaries  themselves,  far  from 
finding  any  thing  to  censure,  confess  that  these 
writings  are  profitable,  and  deserve  to  be  pe- 
rused by  devout  persons.  The  Pope's  bull, 
violent  as  it  is,  acknowledges  this.  What 
then  should  I  be  doing,  if  I  were  now  to  re- 
tract these  writings  ?  Wretched  man !  I  alone, 
of  all  men  living,  should  be  abandoning  truths 
approved  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  friends 
and  enemies,  and  opposing  doctrines  that  the 
whole  world  glories  in  confessing. 

"I  have  composed,  secondly,  certain  works 
against  Popery,  wherein  I  have  attacked  such 
as,  by  false  doctrines,  irregular  lives,  and 
scandalous  example's,  afflict  the  Christian 
world,  and  ruin  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men. 
And  is  not  this  confirmed  by  the  grief  of  all 
who  fear  God  1  Is  it  not  manifest  that  the 
laws  and  human  doctrines  of  the  Popes  entan- 
gle, vex,  and  distress  the  consciences  of  the 
faithful,  while  the  crying  and  endless  extor 
tions  of  Rome  engulf  the  property  and  wealth 
of  Christendom,  and  more  particularly  of  this 
illustrious  nation  1 

"  If  I  were  to  revoke  what  I  have  written 
on  that  subject,  what  should  I  do  ...  but 
strengthen  this  tyranny,  and  open  a  wider 
door  to  so  many  and  flagrant  impieties?125 
Bearing  down  all  resistance  with  fresh  fury, 
we  should  behold  these  proud  men  swell, 
foam,  and  rage  more  than  ever.  And  not 
merely  would  the  yoke  which  now  weighs 
down  Christians  be  made  more  grinding  by 
my  retractation, — it  would  thereby  become,  so 
to  speak,  lawful ;  for,  by  my  retractation,  it 
would  receive  confirmation  from  your  most 
Serene  Majesty,  and  all  the  States  of  the  Em- 
pire. Great  God  !  I  should  thus  be  like  to  an 
infamous  cloak,  used  to  hide  and  cover  over 
every  kind  of  malice  and  tyranny. 

"  In  the  third  and  last  place,  I  have  written 
some  books  against  private  individuals,  who 
had  undertaken  to  defend  the  tyranny  of  Rome 
by  destroying  the  faith.  I  freely  confess  that 
I  may  have  attacked  such  persons  with  more 
violence  than  was  consistent  with  my  profes- 
sion as  an  ecclesiastic.  I  do  not  think  of  my- 
self as  a  saint;  but  neither  can  I  retract  these 
books,  because  I  should,  by  so  doing,  sanction 
the  impieties  of  my  opponents;  and  they 
would  thence  take  occasion  to  crush  God's 
people  with  still  more  cruelty. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


203 


"Yet,  as  I  am  a  mere  man,  and  not  God,  I 
will  defend  myself  after  the  example  of  Jesus 
Christ,  who  said,  l If  I  have  spoken  evil,  bear 
witness  against  meS  (John  xviii.  23.)  How 
much  more  should  I,  who  am  but  dust  and 
ashes,  and  so  prone  to  error,  desire  that  every 
one  should  bring  forward  what  he  can  against 
my  doctrine! 

"  Therefore,  most  Serene  Emperor,  and  you 
illustrious  Princes,  and  all,  whether  high  or 
low,  who  hear  me,  I  implore  you  by  the  mer- 
cies of  God  to  prove  to  me  by  the  writings  of 
the  prophets  and  apostles  that  I  am  in  error. 
As  soon  as  1  shall  be  convinced,  I  will  in- 
stantly retract  all  my  errors,  and  will  myself 
be  the  first  to  seize  rny  writings,  and  commit 
them  to  the  flames. 

"  What  I  have  just  said,  I  think,  will  clearly 
show  that  I  have  well  considered  and  weighed 
the  dangers  to  which  I  am  exposing  myself; 
but,  far  from  being  dismayed  by  them,  I  rejoice 
exceedingly  to  see  the  Gospel  this  day,  as  of 
old,  a  cause  of  disturbance  and  disagreement. 
It  is  the  character  and  destiny  of  God's  word. 
4 1  carne  not  to  send  peace  unto  the  earth,  but 
a  sword,'  said  Jesus  Christ.  God  is  wonder- 
ful and  awful  in  his  counsels.  Let  us  have  a 
care  lest,  in  our  endeavours  to  arrest  discords, 
we  be  found  to  fight  against  the  holy  word  of 
God,  and  bring  down  upon  our  heads  a  fright- 
ful deluge  of  inextricable  dangers,  present  dis- 
aster, and  everlasting  desolation Let  us 

have  a  care  lest  the  reign  of  the  young  and 
noble  Prince,  the  Emperor  Charles,  on  whom, 
next  to  God,  we  build  so  many  hopes,  should 
not  only  commence,  but  continue  and  termi- 
nate its  course  under  the  most  fatal  auspices. 
I  might  cite  examples  drawn  from  the  oracles 
of  God,"  continued  Luther,  speaking  with 
noble  courage  in  the  presence  of  the  mightiest 
monarch  of  the  world ;  "  I  might  speak  of 
Pharaohs,  of  Kings  of  Babylon,  or  of  Israel, 
who  were  never  more  contributing  to  their 
own  ruin  than  when,  by  measures  in  appear- 
ance most  prudent,  they  thought  to  establish 
their  authority.  God  removeth  the  mountains, 
and  they  know  not.  (Job  ix.  5.) 

"In  speaking  thus,  I  do  not  suppose  that 
such  noble  Princes  have  need  of  my  poor  judg- 
ment; but  I  wish  to  acquit  myself  of  a  duty 
that  Germany  has  a  right  to  expect  from  her 
children.  And  so,  commending  myself  to  your 
August  Majesty,  and  your  most  Serene  High- 
nesses, I  beseech  you,  in  all  humility,  not  to 
permit  the  hatred  of  my  enemies  to  rain  upon 
me  an  indignation  I  have  not  deserved."* 

Luther  had  pronounced  these  words  in  Ger- 
man, with  modesty,  and  yet  with  much  earn- 
estness and  resolution:136  he  was  desired  to 
repeat  them  in  Latin ;  (the  Emperor  was  not 
fond  of  German.)  The  splendid  assembly 
which  surrounded  the  Reformer,  its  noise  and 
excitement,  had  exhausted  him.  "I  was 
bathed  in  sweat,"  said  he,  "and  standing  in 
the  centre  of  the  Princes."  Frederic  of  Thun, 
confidential  counsellor  of  the  Elector  of  Sax- 

*  This  speech,  as  well  as  most  of  the  documents 
we  cite,  are  taken,  word  for  word,  from  authentic 
documents.     See  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  776 — 780. 
27 


ony,  who,  by  his  master's  orders,  had  taken 
his  stand  at  the  Reformer's  side,  to  guard  him 
against  surprise  or  violence,  seeing  the  ex- 
haustion of  the  poor  monk,  said,  "If  you  are 
not  equal  to  the  exertion  of  repeating  your 
speech,  what  you  have  said  will  suffice." 
But  Luther,  having  taken  a  moment's  breath- 
ing time,  began  again,  and  repeated  his  ad- 
dress in  Latin,  with  undiminished  power.137 

"  The  Elector  was  quite  pleased  with  that," 
said  the  Reformer,  when  relating  the  circum- 
stance. 

As  soon  as  he  stopped  speaking,  the  Chan- 
cellor of  Treves,  spokesman  of  the  Diet,  said, 
angrily, 

"  You  have  not  given  any  answer  to  the 
inquiry  put  to  you.  You  are  not  to  question 
the  decisions  of  the  Councils,  you  are  required 
to  return  a  clear  and  distinct  answer.  Will 
you,  or  will  you  not  retract1?"  Luther  then 
answered  unhesitatingly,  "  Since  your  most 
Serene  Majesty  and  your  High  Mightinesses 
require  of  me  a  simple,  clear,  and  direct  an- 
swer, I  will  give  one,  and  it  is  this:138  I  cannot 
submit  my  faith  either  to  the  Pope  or  to  the 
Councils,  because  it  is  as  clear  as  noonday 
that  they  have  often  fallen  into  error,  and  even 
into  glaring  inconsistency  with  themselves. 
If,  then,  I  am  not  convinced  by  proof  from 
Holy  Scripture,  or  by  cogent  reasons;  if  I  am 
not  satisfied  by  the  very  texts  that  I  have  cited  ; 
and  if  my  judgment  is  not  in  this  way  brought 
into  subjection  to  God's  word,  I  neither  can 
nor  will  retract  any  thing;  for  it  cannot  be 
right  for  a  Christian  to  speak  against  his  con- 
science." Then  turning  a  look  on  that  assem- 
bly before  whom  he  stood,  and  which  held  in 
its  hands  his  life  or  death — "I  stand  here,  and 
can  say  no  more :  God  help  me!  Amen."1C9 

Thus  did  Luther,  constrained  to  act  upon 
his  Faith ;  led  by  his  conscience  to  the  sur- 
render of  his  life;  bound  by  the  noblest  of  all 
necessity, — the  servant  of  the  truth  he  believed, 
and  in  that  service  most  free;  like  a  vessel 
freighted  with  treasure  more  precious  than  it- 
self, that  the  pilot  runs  upon  the  rocks, — pro- 
nounce the  sublime  words  that,  at  the  distance 
of  three  centuries,  still  make  our  hearts  bound 
within  us.  Thus  spake,  in  presence  of  the 
Emperor  and  the  chiefs  of  the  nation,  a  single 
monk!  and  that  weak  and  poor  man,  standing 
alone,  but  depending  on  the  grace  of  the  Most 
High,  shone  forth  grander  and  mightier  than 
them  all.  His  words  came  with  a  power 
against  which  the  great  of  this  world  could 
do  nothing.  This  is  that  weakness  of  God 
which  is  stronger  than  men.  The  Empire 
and  the  Church  on  the  one  hand,  an  obscure 
individual  on  the  other,  have  looked  upon  each 
other.  God  had  gathered  together  these  kings 
and  prelates,  to  bring  publicly  to  naught  their 
wisdom.  The  battle  is  lost;  and  the  conse- 
quences of  this  defeat  of  the  po\vers  of  this 
world  will  be  felt  among  all  nations,  and  in 
all  ages  to  come. 

The  assembly  was  motionless  with  astonish- 
ment. Several  of  the  Princes  present  could 
scarcely  conceal  their  admiration.  The  Em- 
peror, recovering  from  first  impressions,  ex- 
2s 


204 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


claimed,  "  The  monk  speaks  with  an  intrepid 
heart,  and  unshaken  courage."140  The  Spaniards 
and  Italians  alone  were  confounded,  and  soon 
began  to  ridicule  a  moral  grandeur  which  they 
could  not  comprehend. 

"  If  you  do  not  retract,"  resumed  the  Chan- 
cellor, as  soon  as  the  assembly  had  recovered 
from  the  impression  produced  by  Luther's 
speech, — "the  Emperor  and  the  States  of  the 
Empire  will  proceed  to  consider  how  to  deal 
with  an  obstinate  heretic."  At  these  words 
Luther's  friends  trembled  ; — but  the  monk  re- 
peated :  "  May  God  be  my  helper!  for  I  can 
retract  nothing."141 

This  said,  Luther  withdrew,  and  the 
Princes  deliberated.  Every  one  saw  clearly 
that  the  moment  was  critical  for  Christendom. 
On  the  yea  or  nay  of  this  monk,  perhaps,  de- 
pended the  repose  of  the  Church  and  of  the 
world  for  ages  to  come.  In  the  desire  to  over- 
awe him,  he  had  been  raised  on  a  platform  in 
sight  of  a  whole  nation:  the  attempt  to  give 
publicity  to  his  defeat  had  only  served  to  en- 
hance his  victory  over  his  enemies.  The  par- 
tisans of  Rome  could  not  patiently  submit  to 
this  humiliation.  Luther  was  again  called  in, 
and  the  speaker  thus  addressed  him : — "  Mar- 
tin, you  have  not  spoken  with  that  humility 
which  befits  your  condition.  The  distinction 
you  have  drawn  as  to  your  works  was  need- 
less, for  if  you  retracted  such  as  contain  errors, 
the  Emperor  would  not  allow  the  rest  to  be 
burned.  It  is  absurd  to  require  to  be  refuted 
by  Scripture,  when  you  are  reviving  heresies 
condemned  by  the  General  Council  of  Con- 
stance. The  Emperor  therefore  commands  you 
to  say  simply,  yes  or  no,  whether  you  mean 
to  affirm  what  you  have  advanced,  or  whether 
you  desire  to  retract  any  part  thereof." — "  I 
have  no  other  answer  to  give  than  that  I  have 
already  given,"  said  Luther  quietly.  They 
understood  him. — Firm  as  a  rock, — the  bil- 
lows of  the  powers  of  the  world  had  broken 
harmlessly  at  his  feet.  The  simple  energy  of 
his  words,  his  erect  countenance,  the  glance 
of  his  eye,  the  inflexible  firmness  that  might 
be  traced  in  his  rude  German  features,  had  in- 
deed left  a  deep  impression  on  the  assembly. 
All  hope  of  quelling  his  spirit  had  vanished. 
The  Spaniards,  the  Belgians,  and  even  the 
Italians  were  silent.  The  monk  had  triumph- 
ed over  these  powers  of  this  world.  He  had 
said  No  to  the  Church  and  to  the  Empire. 
Charles  the  Fifth  arose  from  his  seat,  and  the 
whole  assembly  rose  at  the  same  instant. 
"  The  Diet  will  meet  again  to-morrow  morn- 
ing to  hear  the  Emperor's  decision,"  said  the 
Chancellor  aloud. 

It  was  night; — each  repaired  home  in  the 
dark.  Two  of  the  Imperial  officers  were  ap- 
pointed t&  accompany  Luther.  Some  per- 
sons took  it  into  their  heads  that  his  doom  had 
been  decided,  that  they  were  conducting  him 
to  prison,  which  he  would  only  leave  to 
mount  the  scaffold.  Then  a  tumult  spread. 
Several  gentlemen  demanded  aloud  :  "  Are 
they  leading  him  to  prison!" — "No!"  an- 
swered Luther,  "  they  are  conducting  me  to 
niy  hotel."  On  hearing  this  the  commotion 


subsided.  Then  certain  Spaniards  of  the  Em- 
peror's household  followed  the  bold  man 
through  the  streets  that  led  to  the  hotel,  with 
shouts  and  mockery,  while  others  poured  forth. 
the  cries  of  a  wild  beast  bereft  of  his  prey.142 
But  Luther  maintained  his  firmness  and  as- 
surance. 

Such  was  the  scene  of  Worms.  The  in- 
trepid monk  who  had  hitherto  boldly  braved 
all  his  enemies,  spoke  on  that  occasion  to 
those  who  thirsted  for  his  blood  with  calm 
dignity  and  humility.  With  no  exaggeration, 
no  enthusiasm  of  the  flesh,  no  irascibility  ;  he 
was  in  peace  in  the  liveliest  emotion;  unpre- 
sumptuous,  though  withstanding  the  powers 
of  this  world  ;  and  full  of  grandeur  in  presence 
of  the  great  ones  of  the  earth.  Behold  an  in- 
dubitable sign  that  Luther  was  then  acting  in 
obedience  to  God,  and  not  the  suggestions  of 
his  own  pride.  In  the  hall  at  Worms  was 
one  greater  than  Luther  or  than  Charles. 
"  When  ye  shall  be  brought  before  governors 
and  kings  for  my  sake,  take  no  thought  how 
or  what  ye  shall  speak,  for  it  shall  be  given 
you  in  that  same  hour  what  ye  shall  speak. 
For  it  is  not  ye  that  speak,  but  the  Spirit  of 
your  Father  which  speaketh  in  you."  Never, 
perhaps,  has  this  promise  been  more  signally 
fulfilled. 

A  powerful  impression  had  been  produced 
on  the  chiefs  of  the  empire.  Luther  had  re- 
marked this  ;  and  it  had  given  him  new  cou- 
rage. The  Pope's  adherents  were  provoked 
because  Eck  had  not  earlier  interrupted  the 
speech  of  the  guilty  monk.  Several  princes 
and  lords  were  won  over  to  his  cause  by  the 
tone  of  deep  conviction  with  which  he  had  de- 
fended it.  It  is  true,  with  some  the  effect  was 
transient;  but  some,  who  then  concealed  their 
thoughts,  at  a  later  period  declared  themselves 
with  great  boldness. 

Luther  had  returned  to  his  hotel,  and  was 
seeking  in  repose  to  recruit  his  strength,  ex- 
hausted in  the  stern  and  trying  events  of  the 
day.  Spalatin  and  others  of  his  friends  sur- 
rounded him,  giving  thanks  to  God.  As  they 
were  discoursing,  a  servant  entered  bearing  a 
silver  vase  filled  with  Eimbek  beer.  "My 
master,"  said  he,  as  he  offered  it  to  Luther, 
"desires  you  to  refresh  yourself  with  this  be- 
verage."— "  What  Prince  is  it,"  said  the  Wit- 
temberg  Doctor,  "  who  has  me  in  such  gra- 
cious remembrance!"  It  was  the  aged  Duke 
Eric  of  Brunswick.  The  Reformer  was  moved 
by  this  offering  from  a  powerful  lord  belong- 
ing to  the  Pope's  party.  "  His  Highness 
himself,"  continued  the  messenger,  "drank 
of  the  cup  before  sending  it  to  you."  Here- 
upon Luther,  being  thirsty,  poured  out  some 
of  the  Duke's  beer,  and  after  having  drunk, 
he  said  :  "  As  on  this  day  Duke  Eric  has  re- 
membered me,  may  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  re- 
member him  in  the  hour  of  his  last  struggle."143 
The  gift  was  a  trifling  one ;  but  Luther,  de- 
siring to  show  his  gratitude  to  a  Prince  who 
thought  of  him  at  such  a  moment,  gave  him 
of  such  as  he  had, — a  prayer  !  The  servant 
bore  his  message  to  his  master.  The  aged 
Duke  called  to  mind  these  words  at  the  mo- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


205 


rnent  of  his  death,  and  addressing  a  young 
page,  Francis  Kram,  who  was  standing  at  his 
bedside. — "Take  the  Bible,"  said  he,  "and 
read  to  me."  The  youth  read  the  words  of 
Christ,  and  the  soul  of  the  dying  man  took 
comfort.  "  Whosoever  shall  give  you  a  cup  (f 
wafer  to  drink  in  my  name,  because  ye  belong 
to  Christ,"  said  the  Saviour,  "  verily  I  say  unto 
you  he  shall  not  lose  his  reward.'9'' 

The  servant  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  had 
scarcely  left  him,  when  a  messenger  from  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  brought  orders  to  Spalatin 
to  come  to  him  immediately.  Frederic  had 
attended  the  Diet  with  many  apprehensions. 
He  had  expected  that  Luther's  courage  would 
have  failed  him  in  the  Emperor's  presence. 
Hence  he  had  been  deeply  affected  by  the  Re- 
former's firmness.  He  felt  proud  of  having 
taken  such  a  man  under  his  protection.  When 
the  chaplain  arrived,  the  table  was  spread. 
Tne  Elector  was  just  sitting  down  to  supper 
with  his  court,  and  already  the  servant  in 
waiting  had  taken  away  the  vase  in  which  it 
was  the  custom  to  wash  before  eating.  On 
seeing  Spalatin  enter,  Frederic  instantly  made 
a  sign  to  him  to  follow  him  ;  and  as  soon  as 
he  found  himself  alone  with  him  in  his  bed- 
chamber, he  said  with  strong  emotion :  "  Oh  ! 
how  Luther  spoke  before  the  Emperor  and  all 
the  States  of  the  Empire  : — all  I  feared  was 
that  he  might  go  too  far  !"144  From  that  time 
Frederic  formed  a  resolution  to  protect  the 
Doctor  more  openly. 

Aleander  saw  the  effect  that  Luther  had 
produced ;  there  was  no  time  to  lose.  It  was 
necessary  to  urge  the  young  Emperor  to  adopt 
vigorous  measures.  The  moment  was  favour- 
able :  a  war  with  France  was  impending. 
Leo  X.,  eager  to  aggrandize  his  states,  and 
caring  little  for  the  peace  of  Christendom, 
was  at  the  same  time  secretly  negotiating  two 
treaties,145 — one  with  Charles  against  Francis, 
and  the  other  with  Francis  against  Charles. 
By  the  former  he  stipulated  with  the  Emperor 
for  the  possession  of  Parma,  Placentia,  and 
Ferrara;  by  the  latter  he  claimed  from  the 
King  a  district  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples, 
•which  should  be  conquered  from  Charles. 
The  latter  felt  the  importance  of  gaining  Leo 
to  his  side,  that  he  might  be  strengthened  by 
his  alliance  in  the  war  with  his  rival  of  France. 
The  mighty  Pontiff's  friendship  seemed  to  be 
cheaply  purchased  by  the  sacrifice  of  Luther. 
The  day  following  Luther's  appearance 
being  Friday,  the  19th  of  April,  the  Emperor 
caused  to  be  read  aloud  to  the  Diet,  a  mes- 
sage written  in  Flemish  by  his  own  hand:1  6 

"  Descended  from  the  Christian  Emperors 
of  Germany,  from  the  Catholic  Kings  of 
Spain,  from  the  Archdukes  of  Austria  and, 
Dukes  of  Burgundy,  who  have  all  distin- 
guished themselves  as  defenders  of  the  faith 
of  Rome,  I  am  firmly  resolved  to  tread  in  the 
footsteps  of  my  ancestors.  A  single  monk, 
led  astray  by  his  own  madness,  erects  him- 
self against  the  faith  of  Christendom.  I 
will  sacrifice  my  kingdoms,  my  power,  my 
friends,  my  treasure,  my  body  and  blood,  my 
thoughts  and  my  life,  to  stay  the  further  pro- 


gress of  this  impiety.147 1  am  about  to  dismiss 
the  Augustine  Luther,  forbidding  him  to  cause 
the  least  disturbance  among  the  people.  I 
will  then  take  measures  against  him  and  his 
adherents,  as  open  heretics,  by  excommuni- 
cation, interdict,  and  every  means  necessary 
to  their  destruction.148 1  call  on  the  members 
of  the  states  to  comport  themselves  like  faith- 
ful Christians." 

This  address  was  not  well  received  by  all 
to  whom  it  was  addressed.  Charles,  young 
and  hasty,  had  not  observed  the  customary 
form  which  obliged  him  first  to  ask  the  opi- 
nion of  the  Diet.  Immediately  two  directly 
opposite  parties  began  to  show  themselves. 
The  creatures  of  the  Pope,  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  and  several  dignitaries  of  the 
church,  demanded  that  Luther's  safe-conduct 
should  not  be  respected.149 "His  ashes  ought 
to  be  thrown  into  the  Rhine,"  said  they,  "  as 
was  the  fate  of  John  Huss."  Charles,  if  we 
may  believe  one  historian,  subsequently  re- 
pented bitterly  that  he  did  not  adopt  this 
cowardly  suggestion.  "I  acknowledge," 
said  he,  towards  the  close  of  life,  "that  I 
committed  a  great  mistake  in  not  punishing 
Luther  with  death.  I  was  not  bound  to  keep 
my  promise ;  that  heretic  had  offended  a 
master  greater  than  I.  1  might  and  I  ought 
to  have  forgotten  my  pledge,  and  avenged  the 
offence  he  committed  against  God.  It  is  be- 
cause I  did  not  have  him  put  to  death,  that 
heresy  has  ever  since  been  spreading.  His 
death  would  have  stifled  it  in  its  cradle."* 

This  frightful  proposal  filled  the  Elector 
and  all  Luther's  friends  with  alarm.  "The 
death  of  John  Huss,"  said  the  Elector  Pala- 
tine, "has  brought  too  many  calamities  on 
Germany  for  us  to  think  of  again  erecting  a 
like  scaffold."  Even  Duke  George  exclaim- 
ed: "The  German  Princes  will  not  endure 
the  violation  of  a  safe-conduct.  This  first 
Diet,  presided  over  by  our  new  Emperor,  will 
not  be  guilty  of  so  shameful  an  action.  Such 
perfidy  befits  not  the  ancient  good  faith  of  the 
Germans."  The  Bavarian  Princes,  though 
attached  to  the  Roman  Church,  supported  this 
protest;  and  the  prospect  of  his  death  that 
Luther's  friends  had  before  them  gradually 
disappeared. 

The  report  of  these  discussions,  which 
lasted  for  two  days,  circulated  in  the  city. 
Party  spirit  was  roused.  Certain  gentlemen 
who  had  espoused  the  new  opinions  began  to 
speak  their  minds  boldly  on  the  act  of  trea- 
chery that  Aleander  solicited.  "The  Empe- 
ror," said  they,  "  is  young,  and  is  led  away 
by  the  cajoleries  of  Papists  and  bishops. "li0 
Pallavicini  mentions  four  hundred  nobles,  all 
ready  with  their  swords  to  enforce  respect  to 


*  Sandoval  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  quoted  by 
Llorente  in  his  History  of  the  Inquisition,  ii.  57. 
According  to  Llorente,  the  supposition  that 
Charles  toward  ihe  end  of  his  life  leaned  to  evan- 
gelical opinions  is  an  invention  of  the  Protestants, 
and  of  the  enemies  of  Philip  II.  The  question  ia 
a  problem  in  history  which  the  numerous  cita 
tions  of  Llorente  seem,  unhappily,  to  solve  con 
ibrmably  to  his  statement. 


206 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Luther's  safe-conduct.  On  the  morning  of  I 
Saturday,  placards  were  seen  posted  on  the 
doors  of  the  houses,  and  in  the  public  squares, 
some  against  Luther,  and  others  in  his  favour. 
In  one  was  read  the  strong  and  simple  words 
of  Ecclesiastes,  Wo  to  thee,  0  land,  when 
thy  king  is  a  child!"  It  was  rumoured  that 
Sickengen  had  assembled,  at  a  distance  of  a 
few  leagues  from  Worms,  within  the  impreg- 
nable walls  of  his  fortress,  a  number  of  knights 
and  soldiers,  and  waited  only  the  issue  of  the 
affair  to  know  how  to  act.  The  popular  en- 
thusiasm, not  merely  in  Worms,  but  even  in 
the  remotest  towns  of  the  Empire,131  the  in- 
trepid courage  of  the  knights, — the  devotion 
of  several  princes  to  the  cause  of  the  Refor- 
mation— all  together,  gave  clear  intimation  to 
Charles  and  to  the  Diet  that  the  course  of 
proceeding  urged  by  the  Romanists  might 
place  in  jeopardy  the  supreme  authority,  give 
birth  to  popular  commotions,  and  endanger 
the  very  stability  of  the  Empire  itself152  It 
was  but  a  question — whether  a  single  monk 
should  be  brought  to  the  stake ;  but  the 
princes  and  partisans  of  Rome  could  not  mus- 
ter among  them  all  either  the  strength  or  the 
courage  necessary  for  the  act.  Doubtless, 
also,  Charles  V.,  yet  in  his  youth,  feared  to 
incur  the  guilt  of  perjury.  We  might  infer 
this,  from  a  saying  which,  if  report  be  true, 
he  uttered  at  this  juncture.  "  Though  honour 
and  good  faith  should  be  banished  from  the 
earth,  they  should  find  an  asylum  in  the 
breasts  of  princes."  It  is  a  melancholy  re- 
flection that  he  appears  to  have  forgotten  this 
maxim  before  his  death.  But  the  Emperor 
may  have  been  actuated  by  other  motives. 
The  Florentine  Vettori,  the  friend  of  Leo  X. 
and  of  Machiavelli,  affirms  that  Charles  spared 
Luther  that  he  might  hold  the  Pope  in  check.153 
In  the  sitting  of  Saturday,  the  violent  pro- 
positions of  Aleander  were  rejected.  Luther 
was  the  object  of  much  affection,  and  a  desire 
was  general  to  rescue  this  simple  man,  whose 
confidence  in  God  was  so  affecting;  but  it 
was  wished,  at  the  same  time,  to  save  the 
Church.  Men  trembled  at  the  foreseen  con- 
sequences of  either  the  triumph  or  the  pu- 
nishment of  the  Reformer.  Plans  of  concilia- 
tion were  started,  and  it  was  proposed  to  make 
a  new  effort  with  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg. 
The  Archbishop  Elector  of  Mentz  himself, 
the  young  and  prodigal  Albert,154"  more  devout 
than  bold,"  says  Pallavicini,  had  caught  the 
alarm  at  witnessing  the  interest  evinced  by 
the  people  and  the  nobility  in  the  fate  of  the 
monk  of  Saxony.  His  chaplain,  Capito, 
who  during  his  residence  at  Bale  had  con- 
tracted acquaintance  with  the  evangelical 
priest  of  Zurich,  Zwingle,  a  courageous  con- 
fessor of  the  truth,  of  whom  we  have  before 
had  occasion  to  speak,  there  can  be  little 
doubt,  also  represented  to  Albert  the  justice 
of  the  Reformer's  cause.  The  worldly  Arch- 
bishop experienced  one  of  those  transient  re- 
currences of  Christian  feelings  which  we 
sometimes  trace  in  the  lives  of  men,  and  con- 
sented to  wait  on  the  Emperor  and  request 
him  to  give  time  for  a  fresh  attempt.  But 


Charles  would  not  hear  of  any  thing  of  the 
kind.  On  Monday  the  22d  of  April,  the 
Princes  came  in  a  body  to  repeat  the  request 
of  Albert.  *'I  will  not  go  from  what  I  have 
laid  down,"  replied  the  Emperor.  "I  will 
authorize  no  one  to  have  any  official  commu- 
nication with  Luther.  But,"  added  he  (much 
to  the  indignation  of  Aleander,)  "  I  will  allow 
that  man  three  days'  consideration;  daring 
which  time  any  one  may  exhort  him  privately, 
as  he  may  think  fit."135  It  was  all  his  friends 
asked.  The  Reformer,  thought  they,  elevated 
by  the  solemnity  of  his  public  trial,  would 
perhaps  give  way  in  more  friendly  conference, 
and,  by  this  means,  it  might  be  possible  to 
save  him  from  the  gulf  that  yawned  before 
him. 

The  Elector  of  Saxony  knew  the  very  con- 
trary: hence  he  was  full  of  anxiety.  "If  it 
were  in  my  power,"  he  wrote  on  the  next  day 
to  his  brother,  Duke  John,  "  I  would  be  ready 
to  undertake  the  defence  of  Luther.  You  can 
hardly  imagine  how  I  am  beset  by  the  parti- 
sans of  Rome.  If  I  were  to  tell  you  all,  you 
would  hear  strange  things.156  They  are  bent 
upon  his  ruin ;  and  if  any  one  evinces  the  leasl 
interest  in  his  safety,  he  is  instantly  cried 
down  as  a  heretic.  May  God,  who  forsaketh 
not  the  cause  of  the  righteous,  bring  the  strug- 
gle to  a  happy  issue  !"  Frederic,  without  be- 
traying his  warm  affection  for  the  Reformer, 
contented  himself  with  keeping  a  constant  eytj 
upon  all  his  movements. 

Not  so  men  of  all  ranks  at  Worms.  Their 
sympathy  broke  forth  without  fear  ordisguiso. 
On  the  Friday,  a  train  of  princes,  counts,  ba- 
rons, knights,  gentlemen,  ecclesiastics,  laity 
and  common  people,  surrounded  the  Reform- 
er's lodging,  entering  and  departing  as  if 
never  satisfied  with  gazing  on  him.157  He  was 
become  the  man  of  Germany.  Even  those 
who  did  not  question  his  being  in  error,  weie 
affected  by  the  nobility  of  soul  which  led  him 
to  peril  his  life  at  the  call  of  his  conscience. 
Luther  had  the  happiness  of  holding  with 
many  persons  at  Worms,  and  those  some  of 
the  most  intelligent  of  the  nation,  conversa- 
tions abounding  in  that  salt  with  which  all  his 
words  were  seasoned.  All,  on  leaving  him, 
carried  away  a  sentiment  of  generous  enthu- 
siasm for  truth.  "  How  many  things  have  I 
to  tell  you,"  wrote  George  Vogler,  private  se- 
cretary to  the  Margrave  Casimir  von  Bran- 
denburg. "  What  conversations,  overflowing 
with  piety  and  kindness,  Luther  has  had  with 
me  and  others.  Oh  !  how  rich  in  grace  is 
that  man  !"158 

One  day  a  young  Prince,  of  seventeen 
years  of  age,  galloped  into  the  court  of  the 
inn  ; — it  was  Philip,  who  for  two  years  had 
governed  Hesse.  The  young  Landgrave  was 
of  decided  and  enterprising  character, — wise 
above  his  years,  warlike,  impetuous,  and  little 
accustomed  to  be  guided  by  anything  but  his 
own  will.  Struck  by  Luther's  speech,  he 
wished  to  have  a  nearer  view  of  him.  "  He 
however  was  not  on  my  side  in  the  matter."159 
said  Luther,  in  relating  it.  He  threw  hims'elf 
from  his  horse, — ran  up  the  stairs  without  cere- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


207 


mony  to  Luther's  apartment,  and  addressing 
him,  said,  «*  Well,  Doctor;  how  are  you  going 
onT"  "My  noble  lord,"  answered  Luther, 
"  I  think  all  will  end  well."  "  I  hear,"  re- 
plied the  Landgrave,  laughing,  "  that  you, 
Doctor,  teach  that  a  woman  may  leave  her 
husband  and  take  another  when  the  first  is 
proved  to  be  too  old."  The  courtiers  of  the 
Imperial  Court  had  invented  this  story.  The 
enemies  of  truth  never  fail  to  circulate  inven- 
tions as  pretended  doctrines  of  Christian 
teachers.  "No,  my  lord,"  replied  Luther, 
with  gravity,  "  do  not  talk  thus,  I  beg  of  your 
Highness."  On  this  the  Prince  thrust  out  his 
hand  to  the  Doctor,  cordially  grasping  Lu- 
ther's, with  the  words :  "  Dear  Doctor,  if 
you  are  in  the  right,  may  God  be  your  helper !" 
and  then  leaving  the  room,  jumped  into  his 
saddle  and  rode  off.  It  was  the  first  inter- 
view of  these  two  men,  who  were  destined 
subsequently  to  stand  in  the  van  of  the  Re- 
formation, defending  it, — the  one  by  the  sword 
of  the  Word, — and  the  other  by  that  of  kingly 
power. 

The  Archbishop  of  Treves,  Richard  von 
Greiffenklau,  by  permission  of  Charles,  had 
undertaken  the  office  of  mediator.  Richard, 
who  was  intimate  with  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
and  a  stanch  Roman  Catholic,  wished,  by 
accommodating  this  affair,  to  render  a  service 
to  his  friend  as  well  as  to  the  Church.  In  the 
evening  of  Monday,  22d  April,  just  as  Luther 
was  sitting  down  to  table,  a  messenger  from 
this  prelate  brought  him  word  that  the  Arch- 
bishop wished  to  see  him  on  the  day  after  the 
morrow,  Wednesday,  at  six  in  the  morning. 

The  chaplain,  attended  by  Sturm,  the  Im- 
perial herald,  was  at  Luther's  door  before  six 
in  the  morning  of  that  day.  But  already,  and 
as  early  as  four  o'clock,  Aleander  had  sum- 
moned Cochlaeus  to  his  side.  The  Nuncio 
had  quickly  discerned  in  the  man  whom 
Capito  had  introduced  to  him  a  devoted  in- 
strument of  the  Roman  Court,  and  one  on 
whom  he  could  rely  as  upon  himself.  Not 
being  himself  able  to  attend  the  interview, 
Aleander  wished  much  to  have  some  one  in 
place  of  himself.  "  Do  you  go  direct  to  the 
Archbishop  of  Treves,"  said  he  to  the  Dean 
of  Frankfort,  "  take  no  part  in  the  discussion, 
but  merely  pay  attention  to  all  that  is  said,  so 
as  to  be  able  to  bring  me  an  exact  report,"160 
The  Reformer  repaired,  accompanied  by  some 
of  his  friends,  to  the  Archbishop's  residence. 
He  found  the  Prelate  surrounded  by  the  Mar- 
grave Joachim  of  Brandenburg,  Duke  George 
of  Saxony,  the  Bishops  of  Brandenburg  and 
Augsburg,  some  nobles  and  deputies  of  the 
free  cities,  and  other  civilians  and  divines, 
among  whom  were  Cochlaeus  and  Jerome 
Wehe,  chancellor  of  Baden.  The  latter,  a 
learned  civilian,  was  anxious  to  see  a  reform- 
ation of  general  morals  and  discipline :  he 
went  even  further  in  his  wishes.  "  What  we 
want,"  said  he, "  is  that  word  of  God,  so  long 
hidden  under  a  bushel,  should  be  brought  for- 
ward in  all  its  brightness."161  This  friend  to 
conciliation  was  appointed  to  conduct  the 
conference.  Turning  kindly  to  Luther,  he 


said,  "  the  object  in  summoning  you  hither 
is  not  to  dispute  with  you, — but  to  urge  upon 
you  brotherly  exhortations.  You  know  how 
carefully  Scripture  enjoins  us  to  beware  of  the 
'arrow  that  flieth  by  day,  and  the  destruction 
that  wasteth  at  noon-day.'  The  adversary  of 
the  human  race  has  impelled  you  to  the  pub- 
lishing certain  things  contrary  to  the  faith. 
Consider  your  own  eternal  interest,  and  that 
of  the  Empire.  Have  a  care,  lest  those  whom 
Christ  hath  redeemed  from  eternal  death  by 
his  blood,  should  by  you  be  led  away  to  their 
everlasting  ruin.  Cease  to  set  up  your  judg- 
ment against  that  of  holy  Councils.  Unless 
we  adhere  to  the  decrees  of  our  fathers,  there 
will  be  nothing  but  confusion  in  the  Church. 
The  eminent  Princes  who  hear  me  are  quite 
intent  upon  saving  you  ;  but  if  you  persist,  the 
Emperor  will  banish  you  beyond  the  Empire,162 
and  no  part  of  the  world  will  tnen  be  able  to 
give  you  shelter.  Consider,  therefore,  the  fate 
that  awaits  you." 

"  Most  serene  Princes,"  answered  Luther, 
"  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  concern,  but  I  am 
but  a  poor  man, — of  too  mean  station  to  look  to 
be  advised  by  such  great  lords  ;"163  and  he  pro- 
ceeded to  say,  "  I  have  not  censured  all  the 
Councils,  but  only  the  Council  of  Constance, 
for  their  condemnation  of  John  Huss's  doc- 
trine :  namely,  that  the  Christian  Church  is 
the  assembly  of  those  who  are  predestined  to 
salvation.16*  It  condemned  that  article  of  our 
faith,  I  believe  in  the  holy  universal  Church,  and 
even  the  word  of  God."  He  added  :  "  I  am 
told  that  my  preaching  gives  occasion  to  stumb- 
ling. I  answer,  that  it  is  impossible  to  preach 
the  Gospel  of  Christ  without  offence.  \Vhy 
then  should  any  such  fear  separate  me  from 
the  Lord,  and  that  divine  word  which  alone  is 
truth  1  No,  rather  will  I  give  up  body,  blood, 
and  life  itself!  .  .  ." 

The  Princes  and  Doctors  having  deliberated, 
Luther  was  called  in,  and  Wehe  resumed  with 
mildness : — "  We  must  honour  the  powers  that 
be,  even  when  they  err:  and  sacrifice  much 
for  the  sake  of  charity."  Then  with  more 
earnestness  he  added  : — "  Submit  to  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Emperor,  and  fear  nothing." 

LUTHER. — "I  consent  with  all  my  heart  to 
the  Emperor,  the  Princes,  and  even  the  hum- 
blest Christian's  examining  and  judging  of 
my  writings,  but  on  one  single  condition, 
namely,  that  they  take  God's  word  for  their 
guide.  Men  have  nothing  to  do,  but  to  render 
obedience  to  that.  My  conscience  is  in  de- 
pendence upon  that  word,  and  I  am  the  bound- 
en  subject  of  its  authority."165 

THE  ELECTOR  OF  BRANDENBURG. — "If  I 
understand  you,  Doctoi,  you  will  acknow- 
ledge no  other  judge  than  the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture ?" 

LUTHER. — "  Yes,  my  Lord,  exactly  so — that 
is  my  resolve."166 On  this  the  Princes  and 
Doctors  withdrew,  but  the  excellent  Arch- 
bishop of  Treves  was  still  loath  to  forego  his 
undertaking.  "  Come  with  me,"  said  he  to 
Luther,  passing  into  his  private  apartment, 
and  at  the  same  time  he  desired  John  Eck  and 
Cochleeus  of  the  one  side,  and  Schurff  and 


208 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Amsdorflf  of  the  other  party  to  follow.  "Why, 
asked  Eck,  with  warmth,  "  continually  appeal 
to  the  Holy  Scripture] — it  is  from  thence 
come  all  heresies."  But  Luther,  says  his 
friend  Mathesius,  was  unmoved  as  a  rock, 
backed  by  the  true  rock,  the  word  of  the  Lord. 
"  The  Pope,"  said  he,  "  is  no  judge  in  things 
pertaining  to  the  word  of  the  Lord.  It  is 
the  duty  of  every  Christian  to  see  and  un- 
derstand how  to  live  and  die."167  They  sepa- 
rated. The  partisans  of  the  Papacy  felt 
Luther's  superiority,  and  ascribed  it  to  the 
circumstance  of  there  being  no  one  at  hand 
capable  of  answering  him.  "  If  the  Emperor 
had  managed  well,"  says  Cochlaeus,  "  when 
he  cited  Luther  to  Worms,  he  would  have 
also  summoned  theologians  capable  of  refuting 
his  errors." 

The  Archbishop  of  Treves  repaired  to  the 
Diet,  and  communicated  the  failure  of  his 
negotiation.  The  surprise  of  the  young  Ern- 
peror  was  only  equalled  by  his  indignation. 
"It  is  high  time,"  said  he,  "  to  put  an  end  to 
this  business."  The  Archbishop  requesting 
a  delay  of  two  days,  and  all  the  Diet  joining 
in  the  request,  Charles  V.  gave  consent. 
Aleander,  losing  patience,  broke  forth  in  com- 
plaints.168 

While  these  things  were  passing  in  the 
Diet,  Cochlaeus  burned  with  desire  to  bear 
off  the  victory  denied  to  prelates  and  kings. 
Though  he  had  ever  and  anon  thrown  out  a 
word,  in  the  presence  of  the  Archbishop  of 
Treves,  the  injunction  of  Aleander  to  main- 
tain silence  had  restrained  him.  He  resolved 
to  make  amends  for  this  restraint,  and  lost  no 
time,  after  giving  the  Pope's  Nuncio  an  ac- 
count of  his  mission,  to  present  himself  at 
Luther's  lodging.  Advancing  to  him  in  a 
friendly  manner,  he  expressed  his  regret  at 
the  Emperor's  resolution.  After  they  had 
dined  together,  the  conversation  grew  more 
animated.169  Cochlaeus  urged  Luther  to  retract. 
The  latter  shook  his  head.  Several  persons 
who  sat  at  table  could  with  difficulty  control 
their  feelings.  They  expressed  their  indig- 
nation that  the  Papists,  instead  of  convincing, 
should  seek  to  restrain  the  Reformer  by  force. 
"  Well,"  said  Cochlseus  to  Luther,  growing 
impatient  of  these  reproaches,  "  I  offer  to  dis- 
pute publicly  with  you  if  you  will  forego  your 
safe-conduct."170 Of  all  things  what  Luther 
most  wished  was  a  public  discussion.  What 
was  he  to  do1?  To  throw  aside  his  safe-con- 
duct would  be  to  risk  destruction :  to  decline 
Cochlasus's  challenge  would  be  casting  doubt 
upon  his  cause.  The  guests  saw  in  this  pro- 
posal an  act  of  perfidy  planned  with  Aleander, 
whom  the  Dean  had  just  left.  Vollrat  von 
Watzdorf  relieved  Luther  from  the  embarrass- 
ment of  a  decision.  Warm  in  his  temper, 
and  roused  to  indignation  at  the  thought  of  a 
stratagem  devised  for  delivering  Luther  into 
the  hands  of  the  executioner,171  he  rose  with 
great  warmth,  and  seizing  the  terrified  priest 
turned  him  out  of  doors;  and  blood  might 
have  flowed,  had  not  the  guests  interposed 
between  the  angry  knight  and  the  trembling 
Cochlaeus.172  The  latter  withdrew  in  confusion 


from  the  hotel  of  the  Knights  of  Rhodes. 
Doubtless  it  was  nothing  but  the  warmth  of 
argument  that  had  drawn  forth  the  words  let 
slip  by  the  Dean:  doubtless  there  was  no 
design  concocted  with  Aleander  to  draw  Lu- 
ther into  the  toils.  Cochlaeus  denies  it,  and 
we  prefer  to  believe  his  assurance.  Yet,  true 
it  is,  he  had  but  just  quitted  the  Nuncio  to 
present  himself  at  Luther's  lodging. 

That  same  evening  the  Archbishop  of 
Treves  assembled  at  supper  the  persons  who 
had  been  present  in  the  morning's  conference. 
He  sought  thus  to  unbend  the  minds  of  the 
parties,  and  dispose  them  in  favour  of  recon- 
ciliation. Luther,  with  all  his  intrepid  firm- 
ness in  presence  of  arbiters  or  judges,  was 
remarkable  in  private  intercourse  for  a  good 
nature  and  cheerfulness,  which  gave  ground 
to  hope  almost  any  thing  from  him.  The 
Archbishop's  Chancellor,  who  had  displayed 
so  much  stiffness  in  his  official  bearing,  con- 
curred in  this  plan,  and  towards  the  end  of 
the  repast,  gave  Luther's  health.  The  latter 
was  about  to  return  the  compliment, — the 
wine  was  poured  out,  and  according  to  his 
custom  he  had  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  on 
his  glass ;  when  all  of  a  sudden  the  glass 
burst  in  his  hands,  and  the  wine  was  spilt 
upon  the  table.  The  guests  were  thunder- 
struck. Some  of  Luther's  friends  exclaimed, 
•'  It  must  have  been  poisoned,"*  but  the  Doc- 
tor, without  discomposure,  answered  with  a 
smile — "  Dear  friends,  either  this  wine  was 
not  destined  for  me, — or  it  would  have  dis- 
agreed with  me:"  adding  calmly — "No  doubt 
the  glass  has  flown,  because  m  washing,  it 
was  plunged  too  suddenly  in  cold  water." 
These  simple  words  have  something  of  gran- 
deur about  them  in  his  circumstances,  and 
show  his  unruffled  peace.  We  cannot  hence 
infer  that  the  Romanists  intended  to  poison 
Luther,  above  all,  at  the  table  of  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Treves.  This  repast  had  no  effect 
one  way  or  another.  Neither  human  applause, 
nor  any  fear  of  man,  could  shake  the  Refor- 
mer's decision.  It  was  from  above  ! 

On  the  morning  of  Thursday,  the  25th  of 
April,  the  Chancellor  Wehe  and  Doctor  Peu- 
tinger  of  Augsburg,  the  Emperor's  counsel- 
lor, who  had  expressed  much  friendship  for 
Luther  on  occasion  of  his  interview  with  De 
Vio,  repaired  to  the  hotel  of  "  the  Knights  of 
Rhodes."  The  Elector  of  Saxony  sent  Fre- 
deric von  Thun,  and  another  of  his  council, 
to  be  present  at  the  conference.  "  Rely  upon 
us,"  said  Wehe  and  Peutinger,  earnestly  de- 
sirous at  any  sacrifice  to  prevent  the  schism 
which  was  on  the  point  of  dividing  the 
Church — "  this  business  shall  be  concluded 
in  a  Christian  spirit ;  take  our  word  for  it." 
"  I  answer  at  once,"  said  Luther ;  "  I  con- 
sent to  forego  my  safe-conduct,  and  resign  my 
person  and  my  life  to  the  Emperor's  disposal;173 


*  Es  miisse  Gift  darinnen  gewesen  seyn.  Lu- 
ther does  not  mention  this  circumstance,  but  his 
friend  Razeberg,  physician  to  the  Elector  John 
Frederic,  records  it  in  a  manuscript  history,  found 
in  the  library  of  Gotha,  and  says  he  received  it 
from  an  eye-witness. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


209 


but  as  to  the  word  of  God  .  .  .  Never!"  Fre- 
deric von  Thun,  in  strong  emotion,  stood  up, 
and  addressing  the  two  envoys,  said,  "  Is  not 
that  enough?  Is  not  such  a  sacrifice  suffi- 
cient1?" And  then,  protesting  he  would  hear 
no  more,  he  withdrew.  On  this  Wehe  and 
Peutinger,  hoping  to  succeed  better  with  the 
DoctoAimself,  seated  themselves  at  his  side. 
44  Submit  to  the  Diet,"  said  they  to  him. 
"No,"  answered  Luther,  "for  it  is  written, 
*  Cursed  is  he  who  trusteth  in  man.'  "  (Jere- 
miah xvii.)  Wehe  and  Peutinger  redoubled 
their  exhortations  and  instances, — pressing 
the  Reformer  more  and  more  closely ; — Lu- 
ti.er,  worn  out,  arose,  and  made  sign  to  them 
to  retire,  saying:  "I  will  allow  no  man  to 
exalt  himseif  above  God's  word."174"  Think 
better  of  it,"  said  they  as  they  withdrew; 
"  we  will  call  on  you  again  in  the  afternoon." 

They  came,  according  to  appointment,  but 
aware  that  Luther  would  not  yield  the  point, 
they  brought  with  them  a  new  proposal.  Lu- 
ther has  declined  to  acknowledge  the  Pope, 
the  Emperor,  and  the  Diet,  there  was  yet  an 
authority  which  he  himself  had  formerly  in- 
voked ;  a  General  Council.  Doubtless  such 
a  suggestion  would  call  forth  the  anger  of 
Rome,  but  it  was  a  last  plank.  The  delegates, 
therefore,  proposed  to  Luther  an  appeal  to  a 
Council.  He  had  only  to  accede  to  the  offer 
without  entering  into  points  of  detail.  Years 
must  elapse  before  the  difficulties  the  Pope 
would  interpose  in  the  way  of  a  Council  could 
be  removed.  A  gain  of  some  years  was  every 
thing  to  the  Reformation  and  the  Reformer. 
God,  in  the  progress  of  events,  would  in  that 
time  bring  about  great  changes.  But  Luther 
put  right  above  all  things ;  he  had  no  desire 
to  deliver  himself  at  the  expense  of  the  Truth, 
even  though  a  silent  dissimulation  of  it  should 
be  all  required  of  him.  "I  consent, — but," 
he  answered,  and  the  condition  involved  an 
appeal  from  the  Council  as  judge, — "on  con- 
dition that  the  Council  should  decide  accord- 
ing to  Holy  Scripture.111'5 

Peutinger  and  Wehe,  who  had  no  idea  of  a 
Council  deciding  otherwise,  hastened  over- 
joyed to  the  Archbishop.  "Doctor  Martin," 
said  they,  "will  submit  his  writings  to  the 
judgment  of  a  Council."  The  Archbishop 
was  preparing  to  communicate  the  intelli- 
gence to  the  Emperor,  when  a  doubt  crossed 
his  mind ;  he  sent  for  Luther. 

Richard  von  Greiffenklau  was  alone  when 
the  Doctor  arrived.  "  Dear  Doctor,"  said  the 
Archbishop,  with  much  kindness  of  manner, 
"  my  doctors  assure  me  that  you  consent  to 
submit  your  cause  without  reserve  to  the  de- 
cision of  a  Council."176 "  My  Lord,"  answered 
Luther,  "I  can  endure  anything  except  to 
abandon  the  Holy  Scripture"  The  Arch- 
bishop saw  at  once  that  Wehe  and  Peutinger 
had  not  fully  explained  the  facts.  Never 
could  Rome  give  her  consent  to  a  Council 
which  should  take  Scripture  alone  for  its 
guide.  "It  was  requiring,"  says  Pallavicini, 
"  that  one  of  weak  sight  should  read  very 
small  writing,  and  at  the  same  moment  re- 
fusing him  the  use  of  glasses."177  The  good 


Archbishop  sighed.  "It  was  of  little  use," 
said  he,  "my  sending  for  you.  What  would 
have  been  the  consequence  if  I  had  gone  di- 
rect to  bear  the  message  to  the  Emperor1?" 

The  unshaken  firmness  and  uprightness  of 
Luther  may  well  astonish  us.  They  will, 
however,  be  comprehended  and  honoured  by 
all  who  know  the  righteousness  of  God.  Sel- 
dom has  a  nobler  testimony  been  borne  to  the 
unchangeable  word  of  the  Lord  at  the  peril  of 
the  liberty  and  life  of  the  man  who  thus  bore 
witness. 

"  Well  then,"  said  the  venerable  Prelate, 
addressing  Luther,  "let  me  hear  your  own 
remedy  for  the  evil." 

LUTHER  was  silent  for  an  instant.  "  My 
Lord,  I  know  of  none  but  what  is  found  in 
that  word  of  Gamaliel:  4If  this  work  be  of 
men,  it  will  come  to  naught.  But  if  it  be  of 
God  ye  cannot  overthrow  it,  lest  haply  ye  be 
found  even  to  fight  against  God.'  Let  the 
Emperor,  the  Electors,  and  the  states  of  the 
Empire,  return  that  answer  to  the  Pope." 

THE  ARCHBISHOP. — "  At  least  retract  some 
articles." 

LUTHER. — "  Provided  they  be  not  those 
which  the  Council  of  Constance  has  con- 
demned." 

THE  ARCHBISHOP. — "  Alas,  I  fear  it  is  pre- 
cisely those." 

LUTHER. — "Then  far  sooner  take  my  life; 
rather  would  I  be  deprived  of  my  limbs  than 
give  up  the  plain  and  sincere  Wrord  of  God.''178 

The  Archbishop  at  length  understood  Lu- 
ther. "  Retire,"  said  he,  still  in  a  tone  of 
much  mildness.  "My  Lord,"  resumed  Lu- 
ther, "  may  I  beg  you  to  request  his  Majesty 
to  send  me  the  safe-conduct  necessary  for  my 
return  whence  I  came." — "  I  will  attend  to 
it,"  replied  the  worthy  Archbishop, — and  they 
parted. 

Thus  terminated  these  negotiations.  The 
attention  of  the  whole  Empire  had  been  en- 
gaged by  this  man,  and  its  urgent  entreaties 
and  direful  threats  had  not  caused  him  to 
stumble.179  His  erect  bearing  under  the  iron 
hand  of  the  Popewras  the  means  of  emancipat- 
ing the  Church — and  the  commencement  of 
a  new  era.  The  interposition  of  Providence 
was  manifest.  It  was  one  of  those  grand 
scenes  in  history  above  which  the  majesty  of 
God  seems  to  rise  and  hover.  Luther  retired 
in  company  with  Spalatin,  who  had  joined 
them  during  his  conversation  with  the  Arch- 
bishop. John  von  Minkwitz,  counsellor  of 
the  Elector  of  Saxony,  had  been  taken  ill  at 
Worms.  The  two  friends  visited  him.  Lu- 
ther comforted  the  sick  man  in  .the  tenderest 
manner.  "Farewell;"  said  he  as  he  left  the 
room,  "  to-morrow  I  leave  Worms." 

Luther  was  not  mistaken.  Scarcely  three 
hours  had  elapsed  from  his  return  to  his  hotel, 
when  the  Chancellor  Eck,  attended  by  the 
Chancellor  of  the  Empire,  and  a  notary,  pre- 
sented themselves. 

The  Chancellor  addressed  him  as  follows  : 
— "Martin  Luther,  His  Imperial  Majesty,  the 
Electors,  Princes,  and  States  of  the  Empire, 
having  repeatedly  and  in  various  ways, — but 


210 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


in  vain, — exhorted  you  to  submission, — the 
Emperor,  in  his  character  of  defender  of  the 
Catholic  faith,  finds  himself  compelled  to  re- 
sort to  other  measures.  He  therefore  orders 
you  to  return  to  whence  you  came,  within  the 
space  of  twenty-one  days,  and  prohibits  you 
from  disturbing  the  public  peace  on  your 
journey,  either  by  preaching  or  writing." 

Luther  was  well  aware  that  this  message 
•was  the  precursor  of  his  condemnation.  "It 
has  happened  unto  me,"  answered  he  mildly, 
"  according  to  the  will  of  the  Eternal.  Bless- 
ed be  his  name!"  He  then  proceeded, — 
"  And  first,  I  humbly,  and  from  the  bottom  of 
my  heart,  thank  his  Majesty,  the  Electors, 
Princes,  and  States  of  the  Empire,  that  they 
have  given  me  so  gracious(a  hearing.  I  nei- 
ther have,  nor  ever  have  had  a  wish  but  for 
one  thing:  to  wit,  a  reformation  of  the  Church 
according  to  the  Holy  Scripture.  I  am  ready 
to  do  or  to  suffer  all  things  for  obedience  to 
the  Emperor's  will.  Life  or  death,  honour  or 
dishonour,  I  will  bear.  I  make  but  one  reser- 
vation— the  preaching  of  the  Gospel ;  for, 
says  St.  Paul,  the  Word  of  God  is  not  to  be 
bound."  The  deputies  retired. 

On  Friday  morning  the  26th  of  April,  the 
Reformer's  friends  and  several  nobles  assem- 
bled at  Luther's  lodgings.180  Men  took  delight 
in  recognising  in  the  Christian  constancy  he 
had  opposed  to  Charles  and  to  the  Empire, 
the  features  of  the  celebrated  character  of  an- 
tiquity. 

Justum  ac  tenacem  propositi  virum, 
Non  civium  ardor  prava  jubentium 
Non  vuitus  instantis  tyranni, 
Mente  quatit  golida.  .  .  (Horat.  Od.  lib.  3.) 

All  were  eager  once  more,  and  perhaps  for 
the  last  time,  to  say  farewell  to  the  intrepid 
monk.  Luther  partook  of  a  simple  repast. 
And  now  he  must  bid  adieu  to  his  friends, 
and  depart  far  from  them  under  a  sky  over- 
hung with  storms.  He  resolved  to  spend  this 
solemn  moment  in  the  presence  of  God.  He 
fortified  his  soul,  and  gave  his  blessing  to 
those  around  him.181  It  was  ten  o'clock.  Lu- 
ther left,  the  hotel,  attended  by  his  friends  who 
had  accompanied  him  to  Worms.  Twenty 
gentlemen  on  horseback  surrounded  the  wa- 
gon. A  crowd  accompanied  him  outside  the 
city.  Sturm,  the  Imperial  herald,  joined  him 
shortly  after  at  Oppenheim,  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  party  arrived  at  Frankfort. 

Thus  did  Luther  leave  those  walls  which 
seemed  destined  to  become  his  tomb.  His 
heart  overflowed  with  praise  to  God.  "Satan 
himself,"  said  he,  "kept  the  Pope's  citadel, 
but  Christ  has  made  a  wide  breach  in  it,  and 
the  devil  has  been  compelled  to  confess  that 
Christ  is  mightier  than  he."182 

"The  day  of  the  Diet  of  Worms,"  says  the 
devout  Mathesius,  the  disciple  and  friend  of 
Luther,  "is  one  of  the  most  glorious  given  to 
the  earth  before  its  great  catastrophe."183 The 
conflict  at  Worms  resounded  far  and  near;  and 
as  the  report  of  it  traversed  Europe  from  the 
northern  countries  to  the  mountains  of  Switzer- 
land, and  the  towns  of  England,  France,  and 


Italy,  many  seized  with  eagerness  the  mighty 
weapons  of  the  word  of  God. 

Arriving  at  Frankfort  on  the  evening  of 
Saturday,  the  27th  of  April,  Luther,  on  the 
following  morning,  took  advantage  of  a  mo- 
ment of  leisure,  the  first  he  had  enjoyed  for  a 
long  time  past,  to  despatch  a  short  letter,  re- 
plete at  once  with  familiarity  and  energy,  to 
his  friend  Lucas  Cranach,  the  celebrated  painter 
at  Wittemberg.  "  My  service  to  you,  dear 
Master  Lucas,"  said  he:  "I  expected  his 
Majesty  would  assemble  fifty  learned  doctors 
to  convict  the  monk  outright.  But  not  at  all. 
Are  these  books  of  your  writing?  Yes. 
Will  you  retract  them1?  No.  Well,  begone! 
There's  the  whole  history.  Deluded  Ger- 
mans .  .  .  how  childishly  we  act ! — how  we 
are  duped  and  defrauded  by  Rome !  Let  the 
Jews  sing  their  Yo  !  Yo !  Yo!  But  a  pass- 
over  is  coming  for  us  also,  and  then  we  will 
sing  Hallelujah!*  We  must  keep  silence 
and  endure  for  a  short  time.  'A  little  while 
and  ye  shall  not  see  me,  and  again  a  little 
while  and  ye  shall  see  me,'  said  Jesus  Christ. 
I  trust  I  may  say  the  same.  Farewell ! — I 
commend  you  all  to  the  Eternal.  May  He 
preserve  in  Christ  your  understanding  and 
your  faith  from  the  attacks  of  the  wolves  and 
dragons  of  Rome.  Amen." 

After  writing  this  rather  mysterious  letter, 
Luther  immediately  set  out  for  Friedberg,  six 
leagues  from  Frankfort.  Time,  in  fact,  pressed. 
On  the  following  morning  he  again  collected 
his  thoughts,  and  resolved  once  more  to  ad- 
dress Charles  the  Fifth.  He  was  unwilling 
to  appear  in  the  light  of  a  guilty  rebel.  In 
his  letter  he  explained  clearly  the  obedience 
the  Christian  owes  to  his  king,  and  that  which 
is  due  to  God,  and  the  point  at  which  the 
former  must  give  place  to  the  latter.  As  we 
read  Luther's  letter,  we  are  involuntarily  re- 
minded of  the  saying  of.  the  greatest  autocrat 
of  modern  times:  "3/y  dominion  ends  where 
that  of  conscience  commences. "f 

"  God  is  rny  witness,  who  knoweth  the 
thoughts,"  said  Luther,  "  that  I  am  ready  with 
all  rny  heart  to  obey  your  Majesty,  through 
good  or  evil  report,  in  life  or  in  death,  with  no 
one  exception,  save  the  word  of  God,  by  which 
man  liveth.  In  all  the  affairs  of  this  life  my 
fidelity  shall  be  unshaken,  for,  in  these,  loss 
or  gain  has  nothing  to  do  with  salvation. 
But  it  is  contrary  to  the  will  of  God,  that  man 
should  be  subject  to  man  in  that  which  per- 
tains to  eternal  life.  Subjection  in  spirituals 
is  a  real  worship,  and  should  be  rendered  only 
to  the  Creator."184 

Luther  also  wrote  in  German  a  letter  to  the 
States.  It  was  nearly  to  the  same  effect,  and 
recapitulated  what  had  taken  place  at  Worms. 
This  letter  was  several  times  transcribed  and 


*  Es  miisscn  die  Juden  einmal  singen  To,  To, 
lo !  .  .  .  (L.  Epp.  i.  589.)  The  shouts  of  the  Jews 
at  the  crucifixion  are  here  taken  to  represent  the 
riumphant.  songs  of  the  partisans  of  Popery  on  the 
downfall  of  Luther;  but  the  Reformer  hears  at  a 
distance  the  hallelujahs  of  deliverance. 

t  Napoleon  to  the  Protestant  deputies,  after  his 
accession  to  the  Empire. 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


211 


circulated  throughout  the  Empire,  exciting 
everywhere,  says  Cochlasus,  the  feelings  of 
the  people  against  the  Emperor  and  the  upper 
ranks  of  the  clergy.185 

Early  the  following  morning  Luther  wrote 
a  note  to  Spalatin,  enclosing  in  it  the  two  let- 
ters he  had  written  on  the  previous  evening. 
He  sent  back  to  Worms  the  herald  Sturm, 
who  had  been  gained  to  the  cause  of  the  Gos- 
pel. Embracing  him,  he  parted  from  him, 
and  set  out  in  haste  for  Grunberg. 

On  the  Tuesday,  when  he  was  within  two 
leagues  distance  from  Hirschfeld,  he  was  met 
by  the  Chancellor  to  the  Prince  Abbot  of  the 
city,  who  had  come  out  to  welcome  him. 
Soon  after  appeared  a  troop  of  horsemen, 
headed  by  the  Abbot.  The  latter  dismounted, 
Luther  stepped  from  his  wagon.  The  Prince 
and  the  Reformer  embraced,  and  entered 
Hirschfeld  together.  The  Senate  received 
them  at  the  gates.186 Thus  dignitaries  of  the 
Church  opened  their  arms  to  a  monk  whom 
the  Pope  had  anathematized,  and  the  higher 
classes  did  honour  to  a  man  whom  the  Empe- 
ror had  placed  under  ban  of  the  Empire. 

"  To-morrow  morning,  at  five  o'clock,  we 
shall  be  at  church,"  said  the  Prince,  rising 
from  a  repast  to  which  he  had  invited  the 
Reformer.  He  insisted  on  his  occupying  his 
own  apartment.  The  following  day  Luther 
preached,  and  the  Prince  Abbot  and  his  suite 
attended  the  sermon. 

In  the  evening  of  that  day  Luther  reached 
Eisenach,  the  scene  of  his  childhood.  All 
his  acquaintance  in  the  place  came  round  him, 
and  entreated  him  to  preach;  and  the  follow- 
ing day  they  escorted  him  to  church.  Upon 
this  the  curate  appeared,  attended  by  a  notary 
and  witnesses.  He  stepped  forward,  trembling 
between  fear  of  losing  his  appointment  and  of 
opposing  the  energetic  man  before  him.  "I 
must  protest"  said  ht*at  last,  with  embarrass- 
ment, "against  the  liberty  you  are  about  to 
take."  Luther  ascended  the  pulpit,  and  a 
voice  which,  three-and-twenty  years  before, 
had  sung  in  the  streets  of  that  same  town  for 
a  morsel  of  bread,  proclaimed  through  the 
vaulted  roofs  of  its  venerable  church  the  word 
which  was  beginning  to  agitate  the  world. 
The  sermon  being  over,  the  curate  stepped  up 
to  Luther.  He  held  in  his  hand  the  record 
drawn  up  by  the  notary,  and  regularly  wit- 
nessed, to  protect  the  curate  from  dismissal. 
<>I  ask  your  pardon,"  said  he,  humbly;  "I 
take  this  course  from  fear  of  the  tyrants  that 
oppress  the  Church."187 

And  truly  there  was  ground  for  apprehen- 
sion. Affairs  at  Worms  had  changed  their 
aspect,  and  Aleander  reigned  paramount.  "The 
only  prospect  for  Luther  is  banishment,"  wrote 
Frederic  to  his  brother,  Duke  John;  "nothing 
can  save  him.  If  God  permits  me  to  see  you 
again,  I  shall  have  strange  things  to  tell  you. 
Not  only  Annas  and  Caiphas,  but  Pilate  and 
Herod  have  conspired  against  him."  Frederic 
had  no  desire  to  prolong  his  stay,  and  accord- 
ingly quitted  Worms,  as  did  the  Elector  Pa- 
latine. The  Elector  Archbishop  of  Cologne 
also  took  his  departure  from  the  Diet,  and  the 
28 


inferior  Princes  followed  the  example.  Deem- 
ing it  impossible  to  avert  the  blow,  they  pre- 
ferred, perhaps  unwisely,  to  leave  the  place. 
The  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  the  most  ultra- 
montane of  the  German  Princes  alone  remained. 

Thus  Aleander  was  master  of  the  field.  He 
presented  to  Charles  a  rough  draft  of  an  edict, 
intended  to  serve  as  a  model  for  that  the  Diet 
was  about  to  publish  against  the  monk.  The 
production  of  the  Nuncio  pleased  the  incensed 
Emperor.  He  assembled  the  members  of  th.p 
Diet  still  at  Worms  in  his  council-chamber,  and 
read  to  them  Aleander's  paper,  which,  as  Palla- 
vicini  informs  us,  was  approved  by  all  present. 

On  the  following  day,  which  was  a  public 
festival,  the  Emperor  repaired  to  the  cathedral, 
attended  by  the  nobles  of  his  court.  The  ser- 
vice being  gone  through,  a  crowd  of  persons 
thronged  the  interior,  when  Aleander,  clothed 
in  the  insignia  of  his  order, approached  Charles.188 
He  held  in  his  hand  two  copies  of  the  edict 
against  Luther,  one  in  Latin,  the  other  in 
German;  and,  kneeling  before  his  Imperial 
Majesty,  he  petitioned  Charles  to  affix  to  it 
his  signature  and  the  seal  of  the  Empire.  It 
was  at  the  moment  when  sacrifice  had  just 
been  offered,  when  the  incense  filled  the  tem- 
ple, and  the  hymn  wras  reverberating  in  the 
vaulted  roofs,  and,  as  it  were,  in  the  imme- 
diate presence  of  God,  that  the  seal  was  to  be 
set  to  the  destruction  of  the  enemy  of  Rome. 
The  Emperor,  in  the  most  gracious  manner, 
took  a  pen  and  attached  his  signature  to  the 
edict.189  Aleander  withdrew  in  triumph,  and 
instantly  sent  the  decree  to  the  printer,  and 
thence  to  every  part  of  Christendom.190  This 
result  of  Roman  diplomacy  had  cost  no  small 
pains  to  the  Papacy.  We  learn  from  Palla- 
vicini  himself  that  the  edict,  though  dated  the 
8th  of  May,  was  written  and  signed  some  days 
later,  but  antedated,  in  order  that  it  might 
appear  sanctioned  by  the  presence  of  the  whole 
Diet. 

"  We,  Charles  the  Fifth,  &c.,"  said  the 
Emperor,  "  to  the  Electors,  Princes,  Prelates, 
and  all  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come. 

"The  Almighty  having  confided  to  us  for 
the  defence  of  our  holy  faith  more  extensive 
dominion  and  rule  than  He  hath  given  to  any 
of  our  predecessors,  we  purpose  to  employ  all 
our  powers  to  preserve  our  holy  empire  from 
being  polluted  by  any  heresy. 

"  The  Augustine  monk,  Martin  Luther,  re- 
gardless of  our  exhortations,  has  madly  at- 
tacked the  holy  Church,  and  attempted  to 
destroy  it  by  writings  full  of  blasphemy.  He 
has  shamefully  vilified  the  unalterable  law 
of  holy  marriage ;  he  has  laboured  to  incite 
the  laity  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the  blood 
of  their  priests:191  and, defying  all  authority, 
has  incessantly  excited  the  people  to  revolt, 
schism,  war,  murder,  theft,  incendiarism,  and 
the  utter  destruction  of  the  Christian  faith. . . 
In  a  word,  and  passing  over  many  other  evil 
intentions,  this  being,  who  is  no  man,  but  Sa- 
tan himself  under  the  semblance  of  a  man  in 
a  monk's  hood,  has  collected  in  one  offensive 
mass,  all  the  worst  heresies  of  former  ages, 
adding  his  own  to  the  number.192 
T 


212 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


"We  have  therefore  dismissed  from  our 
presence  this  Luther,  whom  all  reasonable 
men  count  a  madman,  or  possessed  by  the 
devil ;  and  it  is  our  intention  that,  so  soon  as 
the  term  of  his  safe-conduct  is  expired,  effec- 
tual measures  be  forthwith  taken  to  put  a  stop 
to  his  fury. 

"  For  this  end,  and  on  pain  of  incurring  the 
penalty  of  treason,  we  hereby  forbid  you  to 
receive  the  said  Luther  from  the  moment  when 
the  said  term  is  expired,  or  to  harbour  or  to 
give  him  meat  or  drink,  or  by  word  or  act, 
publicly  or  in  private,  to  aid  or  abet  him. 
We  further  enjoin  you  to  seize,  or  cause  him 
to  be  seized,  wherever  he  may  be,  and  to 
bring  him  before  us  without  delay,  or  hold 
him  in  durance  until  you  shall  be  informed 
how  to  deal  with  him,  and  have  received  the 
reward  due  to  your  co-operation  in  this  holy 
work. 

"  As  to  his  adherents,  you  are  enjoined  to 
seize  upon  them,  putting  them  down,  and 
confiscating  their  property. 

"Touching  his  writings — seeing  that  the 
best  of  food  is  held  in  horror  by  all  men  when 
the  least  poison  is  mixed  therewith,  how 
much  more  should  such  writings,  wherein  the 
main  object  is  a  mortal  venom,  be  not  merely 
rejected,  but  destroyed  1  You  will,  therefore, 
burn,  or  in  other  ways  utterly  destroy  them. 

"As  to  the  authors,  poets,  printers,  painters, 
venders,  or  purchasers  of  caricatures  or  pla- 
cards against  the  Pope  or  the  Church,  you  are 
enjoined  to  seize  on  their  persons  and  pro- 
perty, and  deal  with  them  as  may  seem  fit. 

"And  if  any  one,  whatever  may  be  his 
rank,  should  dare  to  act  contrary  to  this  de- 
cree of  our  Imperial  Majesty,  we  command 
that  he  be  placed  under  ban  of  the  Empire. 

"  Let  each  one  observe  this  decree." 

Such  was  the  edict  signed  in  the  cathedral 
of  Worms.  It  was  more  than  a  Roman  bull, 
which  though  issued  in  Italy  might  not  be 
carried  into  execution  in  Germany.  The  Em- 
peror himself  had  spoken,  and  the  Diet  had 
ratified  the  decree.  The  whole  body  of  Ro- 
manists shouted  for  joy.  "The  tragedy  is 
over,"  exclaimed  they.  "  For  my  part,"  said 
Alphonso  Valdez,  a  Spaniard  of  Charles's 
court,  "  I  am  persuaded  it  is  not  the  last  act, 
but  the  beginning."193 Valdez  clearly  perceived 
that  the  movement  was  in  the  Church,  the 
people,  the  age, — and  that  were  Luther  to  fall, 
his  cause  would  not  perish  with  him.  But 
none  could  help  seeing  the  imminent  and  ine- 
vitable danger  in  which  the  Reformer  was 
placed,  and  the  superstitious  multitude  were 
impressed  by  a  feeling  of  horror  at  the  thought 
of  that  incarnate  Satan  whom  the  Emperor 
pointed  to  as  clothed  with  a  monk's  habit. 

The  man  against  whom  the  mighty  ones  of 
this  earth  were  thus  forging  their  thunderbolts, 
— on  leaving  the  pulpit  of  Eisenach,  endea- 
voured to  muster  resolution  to  take  leave  of 
some  of  his  dearest  friends.  He  decided  not 
to  take  the  road  to  Gotha  and  Erfurth,  but  to 
proceed  by  way  of  the  village  of  Mora,  the 
birthplace  of  his  father,  in  order  once  more 
to  see  his  grandmother  (who  died  four  months 


I  afterwards)  and  to  visit  his  uncle,  Henry  Lu- 
!  ther,  and  some  other  relations.  Schurff,  Jo- 
nas, and  Suaven  set  out  for  Wittemberg : 
Luther  entered  his  wagon,  accompanied  by 
Amsdorff,  and  plunged  into  the  forest  of  Thur 
ringen.194 

That  same  evening  he  arrived  in  the  village 
of  his  fathers.  The  aged  peasant  pressed  to 
her  heart  that  grandson  who  had  dared  to 
confront  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope.  Luther 
passed  the  following  day  with  his  relations, 
joyfully  contrasting  its  sweet  tranquillity  with 
the  turmoil  of  Worms.  The  next  day  he 
again  set  out  in  company  with  Amsdorff  and 
his  brother  James.  It  was  in  these  secluded 
spots  that  the  Reformer's  fate  was  on  the  point 
of  being  decided.  They  skirted  the  woods 
of  Thuringen,  taking  the  path  that  leads  to 
Waltershausen.  As  the  wagon  was  passing 
a  narrow  defile  near  the  ruined  church  of 
Glisbach,  a  short  distance  from  the  castle  of 
Altenstein,  suddenly  a  noise  was  heard,  and 
in  a  moment,  five  horsemen,  masked  and  armed 
from  head  to  foot,  fell  upon  them.  His  bro- 
ther James,  as  soon  as  he  caught  sight  of  the 
assailants,  jumped  from  the  wagon,  and  fled 
as  fast  as  he  could  without  uttering  a  word. 
The  driver  would  have  resisted.  "Stop," 
cried  a  hoarse  voice,  and  instantly  one  of  the 
attacking  party  threw  him  to  the  earth.195  An- 
other oftiie  masks  grasped  Amsdorff,  and  held 
him  fast.  While  this  was  doing,  the  three 
horsemen  laid  hold  on  Luther,  maintaining 
profound  silence.  They  forced  him  to  alight, 
and  throwing  a  knight's  cloak  over  his  shoul- 
ders, set  him  on  a  led  horse  that  they  had 
with  them.  This  done,  the  two  other  masks 
let  go  Amsdorff  and  the  wagoner,  and  the 
whole  five  sprang  into  their  saddles.  One 
dropped  his  cap,  but  they  did  not  stop  to  re- 
cover it;  and  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye,  the 
party  and  their  prisoner  tvere  lost  in  the  thick 
gloom  of  the  forest.  At  first  they  took  the 
direction  of  Broderode ;  but  they  rapidly 
changed  their  route,  and  without  quitting  the 
forest,  rode  first  in  one  direction  and  then  in 
another,  turning  their  horses'  feet  to  baffle  any 
attempt  to  track  their  course.  Luther,  little 
used  to  riding,  was  soon  overcome  with  fa- 
tigue.196 His  guides  permitted  him  to  stop  for  a 
few  instants.  He  rested  on  the  earth  beside 
a  beech  tree,  and  drank  some  water  from  a 
spring,  which  still  bears  his  name.  His  bro- 
ther James,  continuing  his  flight  from  the 
scene  of  the  rencounter,reached  Waltershausen 
that  evening.  The  driver,  hastily  throwing 
himself  into  the  wagon,  in  which  Amsdorff 
had  already  mounted,  galloped  his  horse  at 
full  speed,  and  conducted  Luther's  friend  to 
Wittemberg.  At  Waltershausen,  at  Wittem- 
berg, in  the  open  country,  the  villages  and 
towns  on  the  route,  the  news  spread  that  Lu- 
ther was  carried  off.  Some  rejoiced  at  the 
report,  but  the  greater  number  were  struck 
with  astonishment  and  indignation, — and  soon 
a  cry  of  grief  resounded  throughout  Ger- 
many— "  Luther  has  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
his  enemies !" 

After  the  stirring  conflict  that  Luther  had 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


213 


been  called  to  sustain,  it  had  pleased  God  that 
he  should  be  transferred  to  a  place  of  repose 
and  peace.  After  raising  him  on  the  dazzling 
stage  of  Worms,  where  all  the  energies  of  the 
Reformer's  soul  had  been  roused  to  their 
highest  pitch,  God  had  prepared  for  him  the 
obscure  and  lowly  refuge  of  a  prison.  He 
draws  from  the  deepest  obscurity  the  frail  in- 
struments by  which  He  designs  to  bring 
mighty  things  to  pass  ;  and  then  when  He  has 
suffered  them  to  shine  for  a  while  on  an  illu- 
mined stage,  He  dismisses  them  again  to  ob- 
scurity. The  Reformation  was  to  be  brought 
about  by  other  steps  than  violent  struggles  or 
public  tribunals.  Not  thus  does  the  leaven 
penetrate  the  body  of  the  people  : — the  Spirit 
of  God  seeks  stiller  channels.  The  man  whom 
the  champions  of  Rome  were  pitilessly  perse- 
cuting, was  to  disappear  for  a  time  from  the 
•world.  It  was  needful  that  his  personal  great- 
ness should  be  hidden  in  the  shade,  that  the 
revolution  then  accomplishing  might  not  bear 
the  impress  of  one  man.  It  was  fit  that  the 
man  should  be  put  aside,  that  God  alone  might 
remain,  to  move  by  his  Spirit  over  the  abyss, 
wherein  the  darkness  of  the  middle  ages  was 
sinking,  and  to  say,  "Let  there  be  light!"  in 
order  that  there  might  be  light. 

The  shades  of  evening  closing  in,  and  no 
one  being  now  able  to  observe  their  track,  Lu- 
ther's escort  changed  their  route.  It  was  nearly 
eleven  o'clock  at  night  when  they  arrived  at 
the  foot  of  a  hill.I97The  horses  slowly  climbed 
the  steep  ascent.  On  the  summit  stood  an 
ancient  fortress,  on  every  side  but  that  by 
which  they  approached  it,  surrounded  by  the 
black  forests  which  clothe  the  mountains  of 
Thuringen. 

It  was  to  the  lofty  and  isolated  castle  of 
Wartburg,  where  the  ancient  Landgraves  in 
earlier  times  had  fixed  their  retreat,  that  Lu- 
ther was  thus  led.  The  bolts  were  drawn 
back,  the  iron  bars  fell,  the  gates  unclosed, 
the  Reformer  passed  the  threshold,  and  the 
doors  were  closed  upon  him.  He  dismounted 
in  an  inner  court.  One  of  the  horsemen, 
Burkard  von  Hund,  lord  of  Altenstein,  then 
left  him.  Another,  John  von  Berlepsch,  pro- 
vost of  Wartburg,  conducted  him  to  his 


j  apartment,  where  he  found  a  knight's  gar- 
ment and  sword.  The  three  others  followed, 
and  took  away  his  ecclesiastical  habit,  attiring 
him  in  the  knightly  dress  prepared  for  ,him, 
and  enjoining  him  to  let  his  beard  and  hair 
grow,  that  no  one  in  the  castle  might  know 
who  he  was.198The  attendants  of  the  castle  of 
Wartburg  were  to  know  the  prisoner  only  by 
the  name  of  knight  George.  Luther  scarcely 
recognised  himself  under  his  singular  meta- 
morphosis.'"Left  at  length  to  his  meditations, 
he  had  leisure  to  revolve  the  extraordinary 
events  that  had  befallen  him  at  Worms,  the 
uncertain  future  that  awaited  him,  and  his  new 
and  strange  abode.  From  the  narrow  win- 
dows of  his  turret,  his  eye  discovered  the  dark, 
untrodden,  and  boundless  forest  which  sur- 
rounded him.  "  It  was  there,"  says  Mathe- 
sius,  his  friend  and  biographer,  "  that  Luther 
was  shut  in,  like  St.  Paul  in  his  prison  at 
Rome." 

Frederic  von  Thun,  Philip  Feilitsch,  and 
Spalatin,  in  a  confidential  conversation  with 
Luther,  by  order  of  the  Elector,  had  not  dis- 
guised from  him  that  his  liberty  would  be  sa- 
crificed to  the  anger  of  Charles,  and  of  the 
Pope.2co  Yet  this  forced  abduction  was  so  in- 
volved in  mystery  that  Frederic  himself  was 
for  a  long  time  ignorant  of  the  place  where 
Luther  was  concealed.  The  grief  of  those  who 
were  favourable  to  the  Reformation  continued. 
Spring  passed  away  ;  summer,  autumn,  win- 
ter, succeeded  ; — the  sun  had  run  its  annual 
course,  and  the  walls  of  the  Wartburg  still 
held  their  prisoner.  Truth  had  been  placed 
under  interdict  by  the  German  Diet ;  and  its 
defender,  immured  in  a  fortress,  was  no  longer 
on  the  stage  of  events ;  and  even  the  fate  that 
had  overtaken  him  was  unknown.  Alean- 
der  was  all  confidence,  and  the  Reformation 
appeared  lost  .  .  .  but  God  reigns !  and  the 
blow  which  seemed  to  bring  to  nothing  the 
cause  of  the  Gospel,  will  but  serve  to  rescue 
its  undaunted  servant,  and  diffuse  far  and 
wide  the  radiance  of  faith. 

Let  us  leave  Luther  a  captive  in  Germany, 
on  the  heights  of  the  Wartburg,  and  let  us  see 
what  God  was  then  bringing  to  pass  in  other 
countries  of  Christendom. 


214 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


BOOK    VIIT. 


THE    SWISS. 


1484 — 1522. 

Democracy — Mercenary  Service — The  Cottage  of  Wildbaus — The  Herdsman's  Family — Young 
Ulric — Ulric  at  Bale — Ulric  at  Berne — Jetzer  and  the  Ghost — Jetzer's  Visions — Exposure  of  the 
Dominicans — Passion  for  Music — Wittembach — Schinner — The  Labyrinth — Zwingle  in  Italy — 
Principals  of  the  Reformation — Zwingle's  Studies — Zwingle's  Classical  Studies — Paris  and  Claris 
— Oswald  Myconius — jCEs^laropadius — Zwingle  and  Marignan — Alarm  of  the  Pope — Dawn  of  the 
Reformation — Effects  of  the'jJeleaTat  Marignan — The  Two  Worlds — Our  Lady  of  the  Eremites 
— A  Learned  Society — Zwingle  Transcribes  the  Scriptures — Zwingle  Opposes  Error — Effects  of 
his  Preaching — Zwingle  and  the  Legate — The  Bishop  of  Constance — Stapler  and  Zwingle — The 
Preachership — The  Candidates — Zwingle's  Confession — Zwingle  Elected — Leaves  Einsidlen — 
Reception  by  the  Chapter — Zwingle's  Mode  of  Lecturing — Zwingle  opens  the  Gospel — Effects 
of  his  Preaching — Opposition — Familiar  Manner — Love  of  Music — Imitation  of  Christ — The  Col- 
porteur— Samson  at  Berne — The  Dean  of  Bremgarten — Henry  Bullinger — Samson  and  the  Dean 
— Zwingle's  Studies — Samson  and  the  Helvetic  Diet — THe"Bafhs  of  Pfeffers — The  Critical  Mo- 
ment—Zwingle  Attacked  by  the  Plague— His  Sick  Bed  and  Hymn— General  Joy— The  Adver- 
saries— Effect  of  the  Visitation — Myconius  and  Xyloctect — Myconius  Goes  to  Lucerne — Capido 
and  Hedio — Opposition  .of-  the  Monks — The  Unnatural  Son — Zwingle's  Gentleness — Fall  and 
Recovery  of  Man — Expiation  of  the  God-man — No  Merit  in  Good  Works — Power  of  Love  for 
Christ — Effects  of  his  Preaching — Dejection  and  Courage — Zwingle  and  Staheli — Violent  Attacks 
— The  Reformer  of  Berne — Halfer's  Dejection — Oswald  Persecuted — H.  Bullinger — Gerold  Von 
Knonau — Roubli  at  Bale — War  Between  Francis  and  Charles — Foreign  Service  of  the  Swiss — 
Ferment — Truth  Triumphs  Amidst  Opposition — The  Bishop's  Deputies — The  Councils — The 
Parties  Confronted — The  Coadjutor  and  Zwingle — Zwingle's  Answer — Hofman's  Charge— 
Zwingle's  Reply — The  Bishop's  Mandates — The  Archeteles — The  Bishop  Appeals  to  the  Diet 
— Zwingle  and  the  Monks — The  Nuns  of  Oetenbach — Defeat  of  Bicocca — Francis  Lambert — 
Preaches  at  Zurich — The  Commander  of  the  Johannites — Carnival  at  Berne — The  "Feeders 
Upon  the  Dead" — The  Scull  of  St.  Ann — Appenzel — Adultery  and  Murder — Zwingle's  Marriage 
— Meeting  at  Einsidlen — Petition  to  the  Bishop — The  Meeting  at  Einsidlen  Breaks  Up — A  Scene 
in  a  Convent — Myconius  at  Lucerne — Effects  of  the  Petition — The  Council  and  the  Diet — Fri- 
burg — Treatment  of  Oswald — Oswald  Encouraged — Oswald  Quits  Lucerne — Zwingle's  Family 
Alarmed — His  Resolution — Zwingle's  Prayer. 


AT  the  period  when  the  decree  of  the  Diet 
of  Worms  was  announced,  a  steadily  progres- 
sive movement  was  beginning  to  manifest  it- 
self in  the  quiet  valleys  of  Switzerland.  To 
the  voices  which  were  raised  in  the  plains  of 
Upper  and  Lower  Saxony,  responded  from 
the  mountains  of  Switzerland  the  bold  voices 
of  its  priests  and  herdsmen,  or  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  its  martial  cities.  The  partisans  of 
Rome,  in  their  sudden  alarm,  exclaimed  aloud 
that  a  vast  and  formidable  conspiracy  was 
every  where  forming  against  the  Church. 
The  friends  of  the  Gospel  joyfully  replied, 
that  as  in  spring-time  the  breath  of  life  is  felt 
from  the  sea-shore  to  the  mountain  top,  so  the 
Spirit  of  God  was  now  melting  the  ice  of  a 
long  winter  in  every  part  of  Christendom,  and 
clothing  with  verdure  and  flowers  the  most 
secluded  valleys,  and  the  most  steep  and  bar- 
ren rocks.  Germany  did  not  communicate  the 
light  of  truth  to  Switzerland, — Switzerland  to 
France, — France  to  England  :  all  these  lands 
received  it  from  God;  just  as  no  one  region 
transmits  the  light  to  another,  but  the  same 
orb  of  splendour  dispenses  it  direct  to  the 
earth.  Raised  far  above  men,  Christ,  the 
Day-Star  from  on  high,  was,  at  the  period  of 
the  Reformation,  as  at  the  first  introduction 
of  the  Gospel,  the  Divine  source  whence 
came  the  light  of  the  world.  One  and  the 


same  doctrine  suddenly  established  itself  in 
the  16th  century,  at  the  domestic  hearths,  and 
in  the  places  of  worship,  of  nations  the  most 
distant  and  dissimilar.  It  was  because  the 
same  Spirit  was  every  where  present,  pro- 
ducing the  same  faith. 

The  Reformation  in  Germany  and  that  in 
Switzerland  demonstrate  this  truth.  Zwingle 
did  not  communicate  with  Luther.  Doubtless 
there  was  a  bond  of  union  between  both  these 
men;  but  we  must  seek  it  above  this  earth. 
He  who  gave  the  truth  from  heaven  to  Lu- 
ther, gave  it  to  Zwingle.  Their  communion 
was  in  God.  "  I  began,"  said  Zwingle,  "  to 
preach  the  Gospel  in  the  year  of  grace  1516 
— that  is,  at  a  time  when  the  name  of  Luther 
had  never  been  heard  among  these  countries. 
It  was  not  from  Luther  that  I  learned  the 
doctrine  of  Christ, — it  was  from  God's  word. 
If  Luther  preached  Christ,  he  does  as  I  do : 
that  is  all."1 

But  whilst  the  several  Reformations  de- 
rived from  the  same  Spirit  a  comprehensive 
unity, — they  also  bore  various  peculiar  fea- 
tures derived  from  the  different  populations 
in  the  midst  of  which  they  were  wrought. 

We  have  already  slightly  sketched  the  state 
of  Switzerland  at  the  period  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. We  will  add  but  a  few  words.  In 
Germany  the  principle  of  monarchy  prevailed. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION.1 


215 


In  Switzerland  the  democratic  principle  pre- 
vailed. In  Germany  the  Reformation  had  to 
struggle  against  the  authority  of  princes, — in 
Switzerland  against  the  will  of  the  people. 
A  popular  assembly,  more  readily  swayed 
than  a  single  individual,  is  more  hasty  in 
its  decisions.  The  victory  over  Papal  rule, 
which  beyond  the  Rhine  had  cost  years,  re- 
quired, on  the  Swiss  bank,  but  a  few  months 
or  even  days. 

In  Germany  the  person  of  Luther  rises 
majestically  amid  the  Saxon  population;  he 
seems  almost  alone  in  his  attacks  on  the  Ro- 
man Colossus ;  and  wherever  the  battle  rages 
we  distinguish  his  lofty  figure  on  the  field  of 
conflict.  Luther  is,  as  it  were,  the  monarch 
of  the  change  which  is  effected. — In  Switzer- 
land the  contest  is  begun,  at  one  and  the  same 
time,  in  several  cantons ; — there  is  a  confede- 
ration of  Reformers; — their  very  number  sur- 
prises us.  Doubtless  one  head  is  seen  above 
the  rest, — but  no  one  commands; — it  is  a  re- 
publican magistracy,  to  which  all  come,  bear- 
ing the  peculiar  features  of  their  origin.  We 
have  Wittembach,  Zwingle,  Capito,  Heller, 
(Ecolampadius,  Oswald  Myconius,Leo  Juda, 
Farell,  Calvin; — it  is  at  Claris,  at  Bale,  at 
Zurich,  at  Berne,  at  Neufchatel,  at  Geneva, 
at  Lucerne,  at  Schaffhausen,  at  Appenzel,  at 
Saint  Gall,  and  in  the  country  of  the  Grisons. 
In  the  German  Reformation  but  one  stage  is 
seen,  and  that  uniform  and  level,  like  the  face 
of  the  land ;  but  in  Switzerland  the  Reforma- 
tion appears  broken,  like  the  country  itself, 
by  its  thousand  hills.  Every  valley  has  its 
own  hour  of  awakening,  and  every  mountain 
top  its  own  radiance. 

A  calamitous  period  had  ensued  to  the 
Swiss  people  since  their  exploits  against  the 
Dukes  of  Burgundy.  Europe  having  learned 
the  strength  of  their  arms,  had  drawn  them 
from  their  fastnesses,  and  deprived  them  of 
their  independence,  by  making  them  arbiters 
in  the  field  of  battle  of  the  fortunes  of  her 
states.  The  hand  of  the  Swiss  peasant  turn- 
ed a  sword  against  the  breast  of  his  country- 
man in  the  plains  of  Italy  and  France,  while 
foreign  intrigues  were  spreading  discord  and 
envy  in  those  Alpine  meadows,  so  long  the 
abode  of  simplicity  and  peace.  Tempted  by 
golden  bribes,  sons,  workmen,  and  servants, 
quitted  by  stealth  the  chalets  of  the  mountain 
pastures  to  tread  the  banks  of  the  Rhone  or 
of  the  Po.  Swiss  unity  had  yielded  to  the 
gradual  progress  of  mules  laden  with  gold. 
The  Reformation, — for  in  Switzerland  the  Re- 
formation had  its  political  aspect, — proposed 
to  re-establish  the  unity  and  primitive  virtue 
of  the  cantons.  Its  first  call  was,  that  the 
people  should  tear  in  pieces  the  nets  of  for- 
eign lures,  arid  with  one  heart  embrace  each 
other  at  the  foot  of  the  Cross.  But  its  gene- 
rous desire  was  unheeded;  Rome,  long  used 
to  recruit  in  the  Swiss  valleys  the  blood  she 
lavished  in  the  strife  for  power,  arose  indig- 
nantly. She  excited  the  Swiss  against  their 
own  countrymen ;  and  passions,  till  then  un- 
known, lacerated  the  bosom  of  the  nation. 

Switzerland  stood  in  need  of  a  reformation. 


The  Swiss  were,  it  is  true,  remarkable  for  a 
simplicity  and  credulity  which  were  subjects 
of  ridicule  to  the  cunning  Italians ;  but  they 
were  also  considered  to  be  of  all  nations  the 
most  stained  by  incoritinency.  Astrologers 
ascribed  this  to  the  constellations,2— philoso- 
phers to  the  temperament  of  these  indomita- 
ble people, — moralists  to  the  principles  of  the 
Swiss,  who  counted  deceit,  unkindness,  and 
calumny,  sins  of  deeper  dye  thanunchastity.3 
Marriage  was  forbidden  to  the  priests;  but  it 
would  have  been  difficult  to  find  one  who 
lived  in  true  celibacy.  Often  they  were  en- 
joined to  behave  themselves  not  chastely — 
but  prudently.  This  was  one  of  the  first  dis- 
orders which  the  Reformation  opposed.  It  is 
time  to  take  a  view  of  the  glimmerings  of  the 
new  light  that  was  dawning  in  the  Alps. 

Toward  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century, 
two  pilgrims  penetrated  from  St.  Gall,  in  the 
direction  of  the  mountains  southward  of  that 
ancient  monastery,  and  reached  an  uninhabit- 
ed valley  ten  leagues  in  extent.4  This  valley 
is,  on  the  north,  separated  from  the  canton  of 
Appenzel  by  the  lofty  mountains  of  the  Sen- 
tis,  the  Sommerigkopf,  and  the  Old  Man. 
Southward  the  Kuhfirsten,  with  its  seven 
peaks,  rises  between  it  and  the  Wallenses, 
Sargans,  and  the  Grisons.  Towards  the  east, 
the  valley  lies  open  to  the  rays  of  the  rising 
sun,  displaying  in  the  distance  the  magnifi- 
cent prospect  of  the  Tyrolese  Alps.  The  two 
pilgrims,  arriving  at  the  source  of  a  small 
stream,  the  Thur,  erected  there  two  cells. 
By  slow  degrees  thinly-scattered  habitations 
appeared;  and  on  the  most  elevated  site, 
2010  feet  above  the  lake  of  Zurich,  there 
arose  around  a  little  church  a  village  called 
Wildhaus,  or  the  Wildhouse,  on  which  now 
depend  two  hamlets,  Lisighaus,  or  Elizabeth's 
house,  and  Shonenboden.  On  those  elevated 
spots  the  earth  does  not  yield  its  fruits.  A 
green  sward  of  Alpine  freshness  clothes  the 
whole  valley,  ascending  the  sides  of  moun- 
tains, above  which,  enormous  rocks  rise  in 
savage  grandeur  towards  heaven. 

A  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  church,  near 
Lisighaus,  beside  a  footway  leading  to  the 
pastures  beyond  the  river,  there  still  stands  a 
solitary  house.  Tradition  informs  us  that  the 
wood  required  for  the  building  was  felled  on 
the  very  spot  it  occupies.5  It  has  every  ap- 
pearance of  remote  antiquity.  The  walls  are 
thin, — the  windows  are  composed  of  small 
round  panes, — the  roof  is  formed  of  shingles, 
loaded  with  stones  to  prevent  the  wind  carry- 
ing them  away.  In  front  gushes  a  limpid 
stream. 

There  lived  in  this  house  towards  the  close 
of  the  fifteenth  century  a  man  named  Zwin- 
gle,  amman  or  bailiff  of  the  village.  The 
family  of  Zwingle  or  Zwingli  was  ancient, 
and  in  great  esteem  among  the  dwellers  on 
these  mountains.6  Bartholomew,  the  bailiff's 
brother,  first  curate  of  the  parish,  and  in  1487 
dean  of  Wesen,  enjoyed  a  sort  of  reputation 
in  the  district.7  The  wife  of  the  amman  of 
Wildhaus,  Margaret  Meili,  whose  brother 
John  was  afterwards  abbot  of  the  convent  of 


216 


HISTOkY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Fischingen  in  Thurgovia,  had  already  borne 
him  two  sons,  Henry  and  Klaus,  when  on 
new-year's  day,  1484,  just  seven  weeks  from 
the  birth  of  Luther,  a  third  son,  who  was  af- ' 
terwards  named  Ulric,  saw  the  light  in  this 
solitary  chalet.8  Five  other  sons,  John,  Wolf- 
gang,  Bartholomew,  James,  and  Andrew,  and 
one  daughter,  added  to  the  strength  of  this 
Alpine  family.  Not  a  man  in  the  neighbour- 
ing country  was  more  respected  than  the  bai- 
liff Zwingle.9  His  character,  his  office,  and 
his  numerous  progeny,  made  him  the  patri- 
arch of  these  hills.  He,  as  well  as  his  sons, 
led  a  shepherd  life.  Soon  as  the  early  days 
of  May  arrived  to  cheer  the  mountains,  the 
father  and  his  sons  set  out  with  their  flocks 
for  the  pastures;  ascending  as  the  season  ad- 
vanced, from  station  to  station,  and  attaining 
the  loftiest  summits  of  the  Alps  towards  the 
end  of  July.  Then  they  began  again  to  de- 
scend gradually  toward  the  valley,  and  in  this 
way  the  people  of  Wildhaus  were  accustomed 
to  return  in  autumn  to  their  lowly  cottages. 
Frequently  in  summer  the  young  folks,  who 
had  been  left  behind  in  their  habitations,  eager 
to  breathe  the  pure  air  of  the  mountains,  set 
out  in  parties  for  the  chalets,  accompanying 
with  their  songs  the  sound  of  their  rustic 
music ;  for  all  were  musical.  As  they  arrived 
on  the  Alps,  the  shepherds  saluted  them  from 
afar  with  their  horns  and  songs  and  hastened 
to  regale  them  with  a  repast  of  milk ;  after 
which  the  merry  company,  by  many  a  wind- 
ing path,  descended  again  into  the  valley  to 
the  sound  of  their  pipes.  Ulric,  doubtless, 
sometimes  shared  these  delights  in  early 
youth.  He  grew  up  at  the  foot  of  those 
rocks  which  seemed  everlasting,  and  whose 
peaks  pointed  to  the  skies.  "  I  have  often 
thought,"  said  one  of  his  friends,  "that  be- 
ing brought  near  to  heaven  on  these  sublime 
heights,  he  contracted  a  something  heavenly 
and  divine."10 

Many  were  the  long  winter  evenings  in 
the  cottages  of  Wildhaus.  At  such  seasons 
young  Ulric  listened  at  his  paternal  hearth  to 
the  conversations  of  the  bailiff  and  the  elder- 
ly men  of  the  village.  When  they  recounted 
now  the  people  of  the  valley  had  formerly 
groaned  under  a  cruel  yoke,  his  heart  re- 
sponded to  the  old  men's  joy  at  the  thoughts 
of  the  independence  achieved  by  Tockenburg, 
and  secured  to  it  by  its  alliance  with  the 
Swiss.  The  love  of  his  country  was  kindled, 
and  Switzerland  became  endeared  to  his  heart. 
If  a  word  were  uttered  against  the  confede- 
rated cantons,  the  child  would  immediately 
rise,  and  with  simple  earnestness  undertake 
their  defence.1/  Often,  too,  would  he  sit  quiet- 
ly at  the  knee  of  his  pious  grandmother,  list- 
ening with  fixed  attention  to  her  Bible  stories 
and  superstitious  legends,  and  eagerly  receiv- 
ing them  into  his  heart. 

The  ffood  bailiff  took  delight  in  observing 
the  promising  disposition  of  his  son.  He- 
thought  he  saw  that  Ulric  might  be  fit  for 
something  better  than  tending  his  herds  on 
Mount  Sentis,  and  singing:  the  Ranz  des 
Mergers.  One  day  he  took  him  in  his  hand 


and  directed  his  steps  towards  Wessen.  He 
crossed  the  grassy  summits  of  the  Ammon 
avoiding  the  wild  and  bold  rocks  which  bor- 
der the  lake  of  Wallenstadt;  and  arriving  at 
the  village,  entered  the  dwelling  of  the  dean, 
his  brother,  and  gave  into  his  care  the  young 
mountaineer,  to  be  examined  as  to  his  capaci- 
ties.12 The  dean,  in  a  short  time  loved  his 
nephew  as  if  he  were  his  own  son.  Delight- 
ed with  the  quickness  of  his  understanding, 
he  confided  the  task  of  his  instruction  to  a 
school-master,  who  soon  taught  him  all  he 
himself  knew.  W'hen  he  was  ten  years  old, 
Ulric  already  evinced  marks  of  superior  intel- 
ligence, and  his  father  and  uncle  decided  on 
sending  him  to  Bale.13 

W:hen  this  child  of  the  mountains  of  Tock- 
enburg arrived  in  that  celebrated  city,  a  new 
world  seemed  to  open  before  him.  The  fame 
of  the  celebrated  Council  of  Bale, — its  univer- 
sity founded  by  Pius  II.  in  1460, — its  printing 
presses,  which  recalled  to  life  the  great  writers 
of  antiquity,  and  disseminated  through  the 
world  the  first  fruits  of  the  revival  of  learn- 
ing,— and  the  circumstances  of  its  being  the 
abode  chosen  by  such  eminent  men  as  the 
Wessels  and  Wiltembachs,  and,  above  all, 
by  Erasmus,  made  Bale  at  the  period  of  the 
Reformation  one  of  the  great  foci  of  illumi- 
nation in  the  West. 

Ulric  was  placed  in  St.  Theodore's  school, 
at  that  time  presided  over  by  Gregory  Binzli, 
a  man  of  affectionate  character,  and  of  a 
gentleness  at  that  period  rarely  found  in 
school-masters.  Young  Zwingle  made  ra- 
pid progress.  Learned  discussions,  much  in 
vogue  in  that  age  among  the  doctors  of  uni- 
versities, had  descended  even  to  the  children 
of  the  school.  Ulric  took  part  in  them,  dis- 
ciplining his  nascent  strength  against  the  pu- 
pils of  other  establishments,  and  invariably 
coming  off  victorious  from  these  contests, 
which  were  as  the  preludes  of  those  which 
were  to  overthrow  the  Papal  authority  in 
Switzerland.14  Such  early  successes  roused 
the  jealousy  of  his  senior  rivals.  Ere  long 
he  outgrew  the  school  of  Bale,  as  he  had 
outgrown  that  of  Wesen. 

Lupulus,  a  distinguished  scholar,  had  short- 
ly before  opened  at  Berne,  the  first  learned 
foundation  of  Switzerland.  The  bailiff  of 
Wildhaus,  and  the  curate  of  Wesen,  agreed 
together  to  send  the  youth  there,  and  in  1497, 
Zwingle,  leaving  the  smiling  plains  of  Bale 
again  approached  those  upper  Alps  among 
which  he  had  passed  his  infancy,  and  whose 
snowy  summits  glowing  in  the  sun  might  be 
discerned  from  Berne.  Lupulus,  a  distin- 
guished poet,  introduced  his  pupil  to  the 
hidden  treasures  of  classical  learning,  then 
known  only,  and  but  slightly  to  a  few.15  The 
young  neophyte  was  delighted  to  breathe 
these  perfumes  of  antiquity.  His  mind  open- 
ed, his  style  took  its  form,  and  himself  be- 
came a  poet. 

Among  the  convents  of  Berne,  that  of  the 
Dominicans  was  most  celebrated.  A  grave 
controversy  existed  between  these  monks  and 
the  Franciscans.  The  latter  maintained  the 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


217 


immaculate  conception  of  the  Virgin,  which 
the  former  denied.  Wherever  they  went, — at 
the  splendid  altar  that  adorned  their  church, — 
and  from  the  twelve  columns  which  supported 
its  roof,  the  Dominicans  thought  of  nothing 
but  to  humble  their  rivals.  The  well-toned 
voice  of  Zwingle  had  drawn  their  notice ; 
they  listened  to  the  accounts  brought  them  of 
his  precocious  understanding;  and  thinking 
he  might  do  credit  to  their  order,  sought  to 
attract  him  amongst  them,  and  invited  him 
to  take  up  his  residence  in  the  convent,  until 
the  period  when  he  might  pass  his  noviciate.16 
The  future  usefulness  of  Zwingle  was  at  stake. 
The  am  man  of  Wildhaus,  on  learning  the  baits 
the  Dominicans  held  out,  trembled  for  the  in- 
nocence of  his  son,  and  desired  him  to  leave 
Berne  without  delay.  Thus  Zwingle  escaped 
those  monastic  walls  in  which  Luther  had 
voluntarily  immured  himself.  What  after- 
wards ensued  will  shew  the  greatness  of  the 
danger  Zwingle  then  incurred. 

A  great  agitation  reigned  in  Berne  in  1507. 
A  young  man  of  Zurzack,  named  John  Jetzer, 
having  one  day  presented  himself  at  the  con- 
vent of  the  Dominicans,  had  been  repulsed. 
The  poor  youth,  grieving  at  his  rejection,  had 
returned  to  the  charge,  holding  out  53  florins 
and  some  silk  stuffs.  "  It  is  all  I  have  in  the 
world,"  said  he,  "  take  it,  and  receive  me  into 
your  order."  He  was  admitted  on  the  6th  of 
January  as  a  lay  brother.  But  on  the  very 
first  night  a  strange  noise  in  his  cell  filled 
him  with  terror.  He  fled  to  the  convent  of 
Carthusians,  but  they  sent  him,  back  to  the 
Dominicans. 

The  following  night,  being  the  eve  of  the 
festival  of  St.  Matthias,  he  was  awakened  by 
deep  sighs.  Opening  his  eyes  he  beheld  by 
his  bedside  a  tall  phantom  clothed  in  white : — 
"  I  am  a  soul  from  the  fires  of  purgatory ;" 
said  a  sepulchral  voice.  The  lay  brother  an- 
swered shuddering,  "  May  God  deliver  you  ! 
I  can  do  nothing."  On  this  the  spirit  drew 
nigh,  and  seizing  him  by  the  throat,  reproach- 
ed him  with  his  refusal.  The  terrified  Jetzer 
cried  aloud, — "  What  can  I  do  for  your  de- 
liverance?"— "You  must  scourge  yourself 
to  blood  during  eight  days,  and  lie  prostrate 
on  the  earth  in  the  chapel  of  St.  John." 
This  said,  the  apparition  vanished.  The  lay 
brother  confided  what  he  had  seen  to  his  con- 
fessor, the  convent  preacher,  and  by  his  ad- 
vice submitted  to  the  discipline  enjoined  him. 
It  was  soon  reported  throughout  the  town  that 
a  departed  soul  had  applied  to  the  Dominicans 
for  its  deliverance  out  of  purgatory.  The  mul- 
titude deserted  the  Franciscans,  and  every  one 
hastened  to  the  church  where  the  holy  man 
was  seen  stretched  prostrate  on  the  earth. 
The  soul  of  the  sufferer  had  announced  that 
it  would  return  in  eight  days.  On  the  ap- 
pointed night  it  re-appeared,  accompanied 
by  two  spirits  tormenting  it,  and  howling 
fearfully  : — "  Scot,"  said  the  voice ; — "  Scof, 
the  forger  of  the  Franciscans'  doctrine  of 
the  immaculate  conception  of  the  Virgin  is 
among  those  who  suffer  with  me  these  horri- 
ble torments."  At  this  report,  which  soon 


circulated  in  Berne,  the  partisans  of  the 
Franciscans  were  still  more  appalled.  But 
the  soul  had  announced  that  the  Virgin  her- 
self would  make  her  appearance.  According- 
ly, on  the  day  named,  the  astonished  brother 
beheld  Mary  appear  in  his  cell.  He  could 
not  believe  his  eyes.  She  approached  him 
kindly,  delivered  to  him  three  tears  of  Jesus, 
three  drops  of  his  blood,  a  crucifix,  and  a  let- 
ter addressed  to  Pope  Julius  II.  "  He  is," 
said  she,  "the  man  whom  God  has  chosen  to 
abolish  the  festival  of  the  immaculate  concep- 
tion." Then  coming  close  to  the  bed  in  which 
the  brother  lay,  she  announced  in  a  solemn  tone 
that  a  distinguished  grace  was  about  to  be  con- 
ferred on  him, — and  he  felt  his  hand  pierced 
with  a  nail ! — but  Mary  wrapped  round  the 
wound  a  linen  cloth,  worn  (she  said)  by 
her  son  during  the  flight  into  Egypt.  But 
this  was  not  enough ; — that  the  glory  of  the 
Dominicans  might  equal  that  of  the  Francis- 
cans, Jetzer  was  to  have  the  five  wounds  of 
Christ  and  of  St.  Francis  in  his  hands,  feet, 
and  side.  The  other  four  were  inflicted, — a 
sleeping  potion  was  administered  and  he  was 
placed  in  an  apartment  hung  with  tapestry, 
representing  the  events  of  the  Passion.  Here 
he  passed  days,  his  imagination  becoming 
inflamed.  Then  the  doors  were  from  time  to 
time  thrown  open  to  the  people,  who  came  in 
crowds  to  gaze  on  the  brother  with  the  five 
wounds,  extending  his  arms,  with  his  head 
reclined,  and  imitating  in  his  posture  the 
crucifixion  of  our  Lord.  At  intervals,  losing 
consciousness,  he  foamed  at  the  mouth,  and 
seemed  to  give  up  the  ghost.  "  He  is  suffer- 
ing the  cross  of  Christ,"  whispered  those  who 
stood  round  him.  The  multitude,  eager  for 
wonders,  incessantly  thronged  the  convent. 
Men  worthy  of  high  esteem, — even  Lupulus, 
the  master  of  Zwingle, — were  awe-struck; 
and  the  Dominicans  from  their  pulpits,  ex- 
tolled the  glory  with  which  God  had  covered 
their  order. 

For  some  years  that  order  had  felt  a  neces- 
sity for  humbling  the  Franciscans,  and  adding 
by  the  claim  of  miracles  to  the  devotion  and 
liberality  of  the  people.  Berne,  with  its  "  sim- 
ple, rustic,  and  ignorant  population,"  (adopt- 
ing the  description  of  it  given  by  the  suh-prior 
of  Berne  to  the  chapter  held  at  Wempfen  on 
the  Necker)  had  been  chosen  for  the  scene  of 
these  wonders.  The  prior,  the  sub-prior,  the 
preacher,  and  the  purveyor  of  the  convent  had 
taken  upon  them  the  chief  parts;  but  they 
could  not  play  them  throughout.  Favoured 
with  another  vision  of  Mary,  Jetzer  thought 
he  recognized  the  voice  of  his  confessor,  and 
having  given  utterance  to  his  suspicion,  Mary 
vanished.  Soon  after  she  again  appeared  to 
upbraid  him  with  his  incredulity.  "This 
time  it  is  the  prior!"  cried  Jetzer,  throwing 
himself  forward  with  a  knife  in  his  hand. 
The  saint  hurled  a  pewter  plate  at  the  head 
of  the  brother,  and  again  disappeared. 

In  consternation  at  the  discovery  which 
Jetzer  had  made,  the  Dominicans  sought  to 
rid  themselves  of  him  by  poison.  He  de- 
tected the  artifice,  and  fleeing  from  the  con- 


218 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


vent,  divulged  their  imposture.  They  put  a 
good  face  upon  the  matter,  and  despatched 
deputies  to  Rome.  The  Pope  commissioned 
his  legate  in  Switzerland,  together  with  the 
Bishops  of  Lausanne  and  Sion,  to  investigate 
the  affair.  The  four  Dominicans  were  con- 
victed, and  condemned  to  be  burned  alive, 
and  on  the  first  of  May,  150.9,  they  perished 
in  the  flames,  in  presence  of  more  than  30,000 
spectators.  This  event  made  a  great  noise 
throughout  Europe,  and  by  revealing  one  great 
plague  of  the  Church,  was  instrumental  in 
preparing  the  way  of  the  Reformation.17 

Such  were  the  men  from  whose  hands 
young  Ulric  Zwingle  escaped.  He  had  stu- 
died letters  at  Berne, — he  was  now  to  apply 
himself  to  philosophy  ;  and  for  this  purpose 
he  repaired  to  Vienna  in  Austria.  Joachim 
Vadian,  a  young  native  of  St.  Gall,  whose 
genius  seemed  to  give  promise  of  a  distin- 
guished statesman  to  Switzerland; — Henri 
Loreti,  of  the  canton  of  Glaris,  commonly 
called  Glarianus,  and  who  shewed  considera- 
ble talent  for  poetry ; — a  young  Suabian,  John 
Heigerlin,  son  of  a  smith,  and  on  that  account 
called  Faber,  of  supple  character,  fond  of 
distinction,  and  manifesting  the  qualities  of  a 
courtier : — such  were  the  companions  of  Ul- 
ric's  studies  and  amusements  in  the  Austrian 
capital. 

In  1502  Zwingle  returned  to  Wildhaus  : 
while  he  gazed  on  its  mountains,  he  felt  that 
he  had  tasted  of  the  sweets  of  learning,  and 
was  no  longer  able  to  live  amid  his  brethren's 
songs,  andlhe  bleatings  of  their  flocks.  He 
was  eighteen :  he  went  to  Bale  to  renew  his 
application  to  study;18  and  there  at  one  and 
the  same  time  master  and  student,  he  taught 
in  the  school  of  St.  Martin,  and  pursued  his 
studies  at  the  university:  he  could  now  dis- 
pense with  his  father's  succours.  Shortly 
after  he  took  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts. 
A  native  of  Alsace,  named  Capito,  who  was 
nine  years  older  than  himself,  was  one  of  his 
dearest  friends. 

Zwingle  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of 
scholastic  theology, — for,  called  as  he  was  at 
a  later  period  to  combat  its  sophisms,  it  was 
necessary  he  should  explore  its  tangled  laby- 
rinths. But  often  the  joyous  student  of  the 
mountains  of  the  Sentis  was  seen  suddenly 
to  shake  off  the  dust  of  the  schools,  and  ex- 
changing his  philosophic  toils  for  amusement, 
take  the  lute,  harp,  violin,  flute,  dulcimer,  or 
hunting-horn,  and  pour  forth  gladsome  sounds 
as  in  the  meadows  of  Lisighaus,  making  his 
apartment,  or  the  houses  of  his  friends  echo 
with  the  airs  of  his  beloved  country,  and  ac- 
companying them  with  his  own  songs.  In 
his  love  of  music  he  was  a  true  son  of  Tock- 
enburg,  a  master  among  many.19  He  played 
the  instruments  we  have  named,  and  others 
besides.  Enthusiastically  attached  to  the  art, 
he  diffused  a  taste  for  it  through  the  univer- 
sity, not  that  he  relished  dissipation,  but  be- 
cause he  loved  relaxation  from  the  fatigue  of 

graver  studies,  and  its  power  of  restoring  i  after  being  ordained  at  Constance  by  the 
him  with  fresh  strength  for  close  application.20 1  bishop,  preached  his  first  sermon  at  Rappers- 
There  was  no  one  more  cheerful  or  more  ami- !  will.  On  St.  Michael's  day  he  read  his  first 


able,  or  whose  discourse  had  more  charms.-1 
He  might  have  been  compared  to  a  vigorous 
alpine-tree,  expanding  in  all  its  grace  and 
strength,  not  yet  pruned,  and  sending  forth 
its  strong  boughs  on  every  side.  The  mo- 
ment was  destined  to  arrive,  when  these 
branches  would  shoot  upward  with  renewed 
vigour  toward  heaven. 

Having  made  his  way  into  scholastic  the- 
ology, he  returned  weary  and  disgusted  from 
these  arid  sands,  having  found  nothing  but 
confused  ideas, — a  vain  babble,  emptiness, 
and  barbarism,  without  any  sound  idea  of 
doctrine.  "It  is  mere  lost  time,"  said  he,— 
and  he  waited  to  know  more. 

Just  at  that  crisis  (November,  1505)  arrived 
in  Bale,  Thomas  Wittembach,  son  of  a  bur- 
gomaster of  Bienne.  Wittembach  had  pre- 
viously been  teaching  at  Tubingen  at  the 
same  time  with  Reuchlin.  He  was  in  the 
prime  of  life,  sincere,  pious,  versed  in  the  liberal 
sciences,  in  mathematics,  arid  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  Zwingle  and  all  the  young  stu- 
dents immediately  gathered  round  him.  An 
energy  hitherto  unknown  breathed  in  his  dis- 
courses, and  prophetic  words  proceeded  from 
his  lips.  "  The  time  is  not  far  distant,"  said 
he,  "when  the  scholastic  theology  will  bo 
abolished,  and  the  primitive  teaching  of  the 
Church  restored."22  "The  death  of  Christ," 
added  he,  "is  the  only  ransom  of  our  souls."23 
The  heart  of  Zwingle  eagerly  received  those 
seeds  of  life.24 

Among  the  students  who  constantly  attend- 
ed the  lectures  of  the  youthful  Doctor,  was  a 
young  man  of  twenty-three  years  of  age,  of 
small  stature,  and  weak  and  unhealthy  ap- 
pearance, but  whose  look  bespoke  at  once 
gentleness  and  intrepidity.  It  was  Leo  Juda, 
son  of  a  curate  of  Alsace,  and  whose  uncle 
had  lost  his  life  at  Rhodes,  under  the  standard 
of  its  knights,  for  the  defence  of  Christendom. 
Leo  and  Ulric  lived  in  the  closest  intimacy. 
Leo  played  the  dulcimer,  and  had  a  very  fine 
voice.  Often  in  his  apartment  the  two  friends 
of  the  arts  amused  themselves  in  joyous  song. 
Leo  Juda  became  subsequently  Zwingle's 
colleague,  and  death  itself  could  not  terminate 
this  sacred  friendship. 

The  situation  of  pastor  of  Glaris  became 
vacant  at  this  period.  Henry  Goldi,a  young 
courtier  in  the  Pope's  service,  groom  of  his 
Holiness's  palfrey,  and  already  endowed  with 
several  benefices,  hastened  to  Glaris  with  the 
Pope's  letter  of  appointment.  But  the  shep- 
herds of  Glaris,  proud  of  the  antique  glories 
of  their  race,  and  of  their  struggles  for  liberty, 
were  unwilling  to  bow  their  heads  before  a 
parchment  from  Rome.  Wildhaus  is  not  far 
from  Glaris;  and  Wesen,  of  which  Zwingle's 
uncle  was  curate,  is  the  place  where  that 
people  hold  their  market.  The  reputation  of 
the  young  master  of  arts  at  Bale  had  pene- 
trated to  these  mountains.  The  people  of 
Glaris  resolved  to  choose  Zwingle  for  their 
priest.  They  invited  him  in  1506.  Zwingle, 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


219 


mass  at  Wildhaus,  in  presence  of  all  his  rela- 
tions and  the  friends  of  his  family,  and  towards 
the  close  of  the  year  reached  Glaris. 

He  immediately  applied  himself  zealously 
to  the  duties  of  his  extensive  parish.  Yet  he 
was  but  twenty-two  years  of  age,  and  at  times 
he  yielded  to  dissipation  and  the  loose  mo- 
rality of  the  age.  As  a  Romish  priest  he  was 
like  other  priests  all  around  him.  But  even 
at  that  time,  when  as  yet  the  Gospel  had  not 
changed  his  heart,  Zvvingle  never  plunged 
into  those  scandals  which  often  grieved  the 
Church,  and  he  constantly  felt  that  it  was 
necessary  to  subject  his  desires  to  the  holy 
rule  of  God's  word.25 

A  passion  for  war  at  that  time  disturbed 
the  quiet  valleys  of  Glaris.  There  dwelt  in 
those  valleys  whole  families  of  heroes ;  the 
Tschudi,  the  Wala,  the  Aebli,  whose  blood  had 
been  shed  on  the  field  of  battle.  The  elder 
warriors  were  accustomed  to  recount  to  youths 
ever  ready  to  listen  to  such  recitals,  the  events 
of  the  wars  of  Burgundy  and  Suabin,  the  bat- 
tles of  St.  James  and  of  Ragaz.  But  alas,  it 
was  no  longer  against  the  enemies  of  their 
liberty  that  these  martial  shepherds  took  arms. 
They  might,  be  seen  at  the  bidding  of  the  King 
of  France,  of  the  Emperor,  of  the  Duke  of 
Milan,  or  of  the  Pope,  descending  like  an 
avalanche  from  the  Alps,  and  rushing  with  the 
noise  of  thunder  against  the  trained  soldiers 
of  the  plain. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century, 
a  poor  boy  named  Matthew  Schinrier,  who 
was  attending  the  school  of  Sionin  the  Valais, 
was  one  day  singing  before  the  doors,  as 
Luther  used  to  do  rather  later,  when  he  heard 
himself  called  by  an  old  man  ;  the  latter  struck 
by  the  liberty  with  which  the  child  answered 
his  questions,  said  in  that  prophetic  accent 
which,  say  some,  man  sometimes  acquires 
shortly  before  his  departure  from  this  world — 
"  Thou  shalt  be  a  Bishop  and  a  Prince!"26 
The  prediction  made  a  deep  impression  on  the 
young  mendicant,  and  from  that  moment  an 
ambition  the  most  unbounded  took  possession 
of  his  heart.  At  Zurich,  and  at  Como,  his 
progress  in  his  studies  amazed  his  teachers. 
He  was  appointed  curate  in  a  small  parish  in 
the  Valais ;  rose  rapidly  in  reputation,  and 
being  subsequently  sent  to  Rome  to  solicit  the 
Pope's  confirmation  of  a  recent  election  of  a 
Bishop  of  Sion,  he  procured  the  bishopric  for 
himself,  and  encircled  his  head  with  the  epis- 
copal crown.  Ambitious  and  artful,  yet  not 
unfrequently  noble  and  generous,  this  man 
never  regarded  one  dignity  as  anything  but  a 
stepping-stone  to  a  higher.  Having  tendered 
his  services  to  Louis  XII.  for  a  stipulated 
price,  the  King  remarked,  "  It  is  too  much  for 
any  one  man." — "I  will  shew  him,"  replied 
the  Bishop  of  Sion  in  a  passion,  "  that  I  am  a 
man  worth  purchasing  at  the  cost  of  many." 
Accordingly  he  made  proposals  to  Pope  Ju- 
lius II.  who  received  his  advances  with  joy; 
and  Schinner,  in  the  year  1510,  succeeded  in 
uniting  the  whole  Swiss  Confederation  with 
the  policy  of  the  ambitious  Pontiff.  The 
Bishop  having  been  rewarded  with  a  Cardi- 
29 


!  nal's  hat,  smiled   to  see  but  a  single  step 
j  between  him  and  the  papal  throne  itself! 

Schinner's  attention  was  continually  en- 
;  gaged  by  the  Swiss  cantons,  and  as  soon  as 
I  he  discerned  any  man  of  rising  influence,  he 
j  hastened  to  attach  him  to  his  interest.  The 
•  pastor  of  Glaris  drew  his  notice;  and  it  was 
not  long  before  Zwingle  was  apprized  that  the 
Pope  had  granted  him  an.  annual  pension  of 
fifty  florins,  to  encourage  him  in  his  studies. 
His  poverty  being  such  as  did  not  allow  his 
purchasing  books,  this  money,  so  long  as  he 
received  it,  was  spent  in  procuring  classical 
and  theological  works  from  Bale.27  Zwingle 
thenceforward  connected  himself  with  the  Car- 
dinal, and  thus  became  attached  to  the  Roman- 
ist party.  Schinner  and  Julius  II.  at  length 
laid  as'ide  the  mask.  Eight  thousand  Swiss 
collected  together  by  the  eloquence  of  the 
Cardinal  Bishop  passed  the  Alps ; — but  want 
of  supplies,  and  the  valour  and  bribes  of  the 
French,  obliged  them  to  retreat  ingloriously  to 
their  mountains.  They  brought  with  them  the 
usual  effects  of  their  foreign  wars, — suspicion, 
licentiousness,  party  spirit,  violence,  and 
every  kind  of  disorder.  The  citizens  rose 
against  their  magistrates,  the  children  against 
their  fathers, — agriculture  and  their  flocks 
were  neglected, — and  luxury  and  beggary 
increased, — the  most  sacred  ties  were  broken, 
and  the  Confederacy  seemed  on  the  point  of 
falling  to  pieces. 

Then  it  was  that  the  eyes  of  the  young 
curate  of  Glaris  were  opened,  and  his  indig- 
nation was  awakened.  His  powerful  voice 
was  raised  to  shew  the  people  the  gulph  into 
which  they  were  hurrying.  In  the  year  1510, 
he  published  his  poem,  entitled  the  Labyrinth. 
Behind  the  mazes  of  that  mysterious  gar- 
den, Minos  has  concealed  the  Minotaur,  a 
monster  half  man  and  half  bull,  whom  he  feeds 
with  the  blood  of  the  Athenian  youth.  The 
Minotaur,  says  Zwingle,  is  the  sin,  the  irreli- 
gion,  and  the  foreign  service  of  the  Swiss 
which  devour  her  children. 

A  brave  man,  Theseus,  undertakes  to  deli- 
ver his  country ;  but  many  obstacles  are  in  the 
way ; — first,  a  lion  with  one  eye ;  it  is  Spain 
and  Arragon; — next  a  crowned  eagle,  with 
open  throat;  it  is  the  Empire; — then  acock 
with  crest  erect,  as  if  provoking  to  the  onset; 
it  is  France.  The  hero  overcoming  all  these 
obstacles,  slays  the  monster  and  delivers  his 
country. 

«« So  it  is  now,"  exclaims  the  poet.  "  the 
people  wander  in  the  labyrinth;  but  being 
without  the  clue,  they  never  return  to  light. 
We  nowhere  see  men  following  the  walk  of 
Christ.  For  a  breath  of  fame  we  risk  our 
lives, — harass  our  neighbours, — rush  into 
strifes,  war,  and  battles  ....  as  if  the  very 
furies  had  broken  loose  from  hell."28 

A  Thesus  was  needed, — a  Reformer; — 
Zwingle  saw  this,  and  from  that  moment  he 
had  an  obscure  presentiment  of  his  destiny. 
Shortly  after  this  he  put  forth  another  allegory, 
in  which  his  meaning  was  more  clearly  con- 
veyed.29 _ 
In  April,  1512,  the  confederates  again  rose 


220 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


at  the  Cardinal's  summons  to  the  rescue  of 
the  Church.  Glaris  was  foremost.  The  whole 
commune  was  enrolled  for  the  campaign,  and 
ranged  under  its  banner  with  its  Landaman 
and  Pastor.  Zwingle  was  compelled  to  join 
the  march.  The  army  passed  the  Alps;  and 
the  Cardinal  made  his  appearance  among  the 
confederates,  with  the  Pontiffs  presents, — a 
ducal  cap  adorned  with  pearls  and  gold,  and 
surmounted  with  the  Holy  Spirit,  represented 
under  the  figure  of  a  dove.  The  Swiss  scaled 
the  walls  of  the  fortified  towns,  and  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy  swam  the  rivers,  naked, 
with  their  halberds  in  their  arms.  Every 
where  the  French  were  defeated,  the  bells  and 
trumpets  sounded,  people  flocked  from  all 
sides  ;  the  nobles  sent  to  the  army  wine  and 
fruits  in  great  abundance  ;  monks  and  priests 
proclaimed  on  the  roads  that  the  confederates 
were  God's  people,  and  the  avengers  of  the 
spouse  of  Christ;  while  the  Pope,  a  prophet 
similar  to  Caiaphas,  conferred  on  the  confede- 
rates the  title  of  "  Defenders  of  the  Liberty  of 
the  Church."30 

This  visit  to  Italy  was  not  without  its  con- 
sequences to  Zwingle  in  his  vocation  as  a 
Reformer.  It  was  on  his  return  from  this 
campaign  that  he  began  to  study  Greek, — "  in 
order,"  he  said,  "  to  draw  from  the  true  source 
the  doctrine  of  Christ."31  "I  am  resolved  to 
apply  myself  so  closely  to  Greek  (he  wrote  to 
Vidian,  Feb.  23,  1513,)  that  no  one  but  God 
shall  call  me  off  from  that  study."  "I  do  so 
from  a  love  of  divine  learning,  and  not  for  the 
sake  of  fame."  At  a  subsequent  period,  a 
worthy  priest  who  had  been  his  school-fellow, 
having  visited  him, — "  Master  Ulric,"  said 
the  visitor,  "  they  tell  me  you  have  gone  into 
the  new  error,  and  that  you  are  a  follower  of 
Luther." — "I  am  no  Lutheran,"  said  Zwingle, 
"  for  I  understood  Greek  before  I  had  heard 
the  name  of  Luther."32  To  understand  Greek 
and  study  the  Gospel  in  the  original,  was  in 
Zw ingle's  judgment  the  basis  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. 

Zwingle  went  beyond  this  early  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  great  principle  of  Evangelic 
Christianity,  namely  the  unerring  authority 
of  Holy  Scripture.  He  further  saw  the  way 
of  determining  the  sense  of  the  Divine  Word  : 
— "Those  persons  have  but  low  thoughts  of 
the  Gospel,  who  regard  whatever  they  think 
incompatible  with  their  reason  as  of  no  conse- 
quence, unnecessary,  or  unjust.23  Men  are  not 
permitted  to  bend  the  Gospel  according  to 
their  pleasure,  to  their  own  interpretations." 
"Zwingle  looked  to  heaven,"  says  his  best 
friend,  "desiring  to  have  no  other  interpreter 
than  the  Holy  Ghost."25 

Such,  from  the  very  commencement  of  his 
career,  was  the  man  who  has  been  boldly 
represented  as  having  aimed  to  subject  the 
Bible  to  human  reason.  "Philosophy  and 
Theology,"  said  he,  "were  constantly  raising 
difficulties  in  my  mind.  At  length  I  was 
brought  to  say,  we  must  leave  these  things, 
and  endeavour  to  enter  into  God's  thoughts  in 
his  own  word.  I  applied  myself,"  continues 
he,  "in  earnest  prayer  to  the  Lord  to  give  me 


lis  light;  and  though  I  read  nothing  but 
Scripture,  its  sense  became  clearer  to  me  than 
f  I  had  studied  many  commentators."  He 
3ompared  Scripture  with  Scripture,  interpret- 
ng  obscure  texts  by  such  as  were  more  clear.36 
Ere  long  he  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with 
he  Bible,  and  especially  with  the  New 
Testament.37  When  Zwingle  thus  turned 
towards  the  Holy  Scriptures,  Switzerland 
made  its  earliest  advance  towards  the  Re- 
formation. Accordingly,  when  he  expounded 
their  meaning,  all  felt  that  his  leaching 
came  from  God  and  not  from  man.38  "A 
work  altogether  divine!"  exclaims  Oswald 
Myconius; — "it  was  in  this  manner  that 
we  recovered  the  knowledge  of  heavenly 
truth." 

Yet  Zwingle  did  not  despise  the  explana- 
tions of  the  most  celebrated  teachers ;  he  sub- 
sequently studied  Origen,  Ambrose,  Jerome, 
Augustine,  Chrysostom,  but  never  as  authori- 
ties. "I  study  the  doctors,"  said  he,  "just 
as  we  ask  a  friend,  How  do  you  understand, 
this?"  Holy  Scripture  was,  in  his  judgment, 
the  touchstone  by  which  the  holiest  doctors 
should  themselves  so  be  tested.39 

Zwingle's  advance  was  slow  and  progres- 
sive. He  did  not  arrive  at  truth,  as  Luther 
had  done,  by  those  tempest-shocks,  which 
compel  the  soul  hastily  to  seek  a  refuge;  he 
reached  it  by  the  gentle  influence  of  Scripture 
— a  power  which  gradually  subdues  the  heart 
of  man.  Luther  attained  the  wished-for  shore 
after  struggling  with  the  storms  of  ocean; — 
Zwingle  by  steering  cautiously  and  slowly 
along  the  shore.  They  are  the  two  leading 
methbdsby  which  God  conducts  men.  Zwingle 
was  not  fully  converted  to  God  and  his  Gospel 
until  the  early  days  of  his  abode  at  Zurich ;  yet 
the  moment  when  in  1514orl515,thisbold  man 
bowed  the  knee  before  God,  to  ask  of  Him  to 
enable  him  to  understand  His  word,  was  that 
wherein  appeared  the  dawn  of  the  day-star 
which  afterwards  rose  upon  him. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  a  poem  of  Eras- 
mus, wherein  that  writer  introduced  Jesus 
Christ  speaking  to  one  who  was  perishing  by 
his  own  apathy,  produced  a  deep  impression 
on  Zwingle's  thoughts.  Alone  in  his  room 
he  repeated  to  himself  the  passage  in  which 
Jesus  complained  that  men  came  not  to  him 
for  all  grace,  though  he  was  the  fountain  of 
all  blessing.  ".#///"  said  Zwingle,  ".,?///" 
and  that  word  again  and  again  recurred  to  his 
mind — "Are  there  then  any  created  beings  or 
saints,  from  whom  we  should  seek  help  1  No, 
Christ  is  our  only  treasure."* 

Zwingle  did  not  confine  his  reading  to 
Christian  writers.  One  of  the  accompani- 
ments of  the  Reformation  of  the  sixteenth 
century  was  an  attentive  study  of  the  classics. 
Zwingle  delighted  in  the  poems  of  Hesiod, 
Homer,  and  Pindar,  and  has  left  commenta- 
ries on  the  two  latter.  He  studied  closely 
Cicero  and  Demosthenes,  whose  writings 
instructed  him  in  oratory  and  politics.  The 

*  Zwinele,  speaking  in  1523,  says  he  read  this 
poem  of  Erasmus  eight  or  nine  years  before. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


221 


child  of  the  mountains  also  loved  the  wonders  I 
of  nature  as  reported  by  Pliny.  Thucydides,  ! 
Sallust,  Livy,  Caesar,  Suetonius,  Plutarch, 
and  Tacitus,  gave  him  an  insight  into  the 
affairs  of  life.  He  has  been  blamed  for  his 
enthusiastic  attachment  to  the  great  names  of 
antiquity  ;  and  true  it  is  that  some  of  his  ex- 
pressions respecting  them  are  not  to  be  justi- 
fied. But  in  paying  them  so  much  honour, 
he  thought  he  discerned  in  them  not  mere 
human  virtues,  but  the  influence  of  the  Holy 
Spirit.  God's  dealings,  far  from  being  limited 
in  former  ages  to  the  Holy  Land,  extended, 
as  he  thought,  to  the  whole  world.40  "Plato, 
also,"  said  he,  "drew  from  a  source  divine; 
and  if  the  Catos,  Camillus',  and  Scipios,  had 
not  been  deeply  religious,  could  they  have 
acted  so  nobly  as  we  know  they  did1?"41 

Zwingle  diffused  around  him  a  love  of  let- 
ters. Several  young  persons  of  distinction 
were  brought  up  in  his  school.  "You  have 
offered  me  not  only  your  books,  but  yourself," 
wrote  Valentine  Tschudi,  son  of  one  of  the 
heroes  in  the  wars  of  Burgundy;  and  this 
youth,  who  had  already  studied  at  Vienna 
and  Bale  under  the  first  masters,  added,  "I 
have  never  met  with  any  one  who  explains 
the  classics  with  so  much  justness  of  thought, 
and  depth  of  understanding,  as  yourself."42 
Tschudi  went  to  Paris,  and  had  an  opportunity 
of  comparing  the  genius  of  its  university,  with 
that  he  had  known  in  the  narrow  valley  of  the 
Alps,  overlooked  by  the  gigantic  summits  and 
eternal  snows  of  the  Dodi,  the  Glarnisch,  the 
Rhigi,  and  the  Freyberg.  "In  what  trifling 
do  they  educate  the  youth  of  France!"  said 
he,  "no  poison  can  equal  the  sophistical  art 
they  are  trained  in.  It  dulls  the  faculties, 
destroys  the  judgment,  and  reduces  to  the 
level  of  the  brutes.  It  makes  a  man  a  mere 
echo,  an  empty  sound.  Ten  women  could 
not  compete  with  one  of  such  sophists.43  Even 
in  their  prayers  I  feel  assured  they  bring  their 
sophisms  to  God  himself,  and  would  by  syl- 
logisms oblige  the  Holy  Spirit  to  grant  their 
petitions."  Such  at  this  period  was  Paris, 
the  intellectual  capital  of  Christendom,  con- 
trasted with  Giaris,  a  market-town  of  shep- 
herds of  the  Alps.  One  gleam  of  light  from 
God's  word  gives  more  true  illumination  than 
all  the  wisdom  of  man. 

A  great  genius  of  that  age,  Erasmus,  exer- 
cised much  influence  on  Zwingle.  The  mo- 
ment any  of  his  writings  appeared,  Zwingle 
hastened  to  procure  it.  In  1514  Erasmus 
visited  Bale,  and  was  received  by  its  Bishop 
with  every  expression  of  esteem.  All  the 
friends  of  learning  assembled  round  him. 
But  the  monarch  of  the  schools  had  at  once 
discovered  the  man  who  promised  to  be  the 
glory  of  Switzerland.  "I  congratulate  the 
Swiss  People,"  said  he,  writing  to  Zwingle, 
"that  you  are  doing  your  best  to  civilize 
and  ennoble  it,  by  studies. and  moral  conduct 
alike  worthy  of  admiration. "44Zwingle  longed 
to  sec  him.  "Spaniards  and  Gauls  once 
made  the  journey  to  Rome  to  look  on  Titus 
Livius,"  said  he,  and — set  out.  Arriving 
at  Bale,  he  there  found  a  man  about  forty 


years  of  age,  of  small  stature,  weak  health, 
and  delicate  constitution,  but  extremely  ami- 
able and  polite.45  It  was  Erasmus.  The  charm 
of  his  intimacy  banished  Zwingle's  timidity, 
and  the  power  of  his  intellect  impressed  him 
with  reverence.  "As  poor,"  said  Ulric,  "as 
^Eschines,  when  the  disciples  of  Socrates 
ach  brought  a  gift  to  their  master,  1  make 
you  the  present  he  made,  and  give  you  my- 
self" 

Among  the  men  of  learning  who  then  form- 
ed a  kind  of  a  court  of  Erasmus, — Amerbach, 
Rhenarius,  Froben,  Nessenus.  Glareanus,  and 
the  rest — Zwingle  took  notice  of  a  young 
native  of  Lucerne,  twenty-seven  years  of  age, 
named  Oswald  Geishussler.  Erasmus,  trans- 
ating  his  name  into  Greek,  had  named  him 
Myconius.  We  shall  often  speak  of  him  by 
tiis  Christian  name,  to  distinguish  this  friend 
of  Zwinale  from  Frederic  Myconius,  the  dis- 
iple  of  Luther.  Oswald,  after  studying  at 
Rothwyl  with  another  young  man  of  his  own 
age,  named  Berthold  Haller, — then  at  Berne, 
and  afterwards  at  Bale, — had  become  rector 
of  St.  Theodoric's  and  still  later  of  St.  Peter's 
school  in  that  city.  Though  the  humble 
schoolmaster  had  but  a  slender  income,  he 
bad  married  a  young  girl  of  a  simplicity  and 
purity  of  mind  that  won  all  hearts.  We  have 
already  said  that  it  was  a  time  of  trouble  in 
Switzerland  ;  when  foreign  wars  gave  rise  to 
scandalous  disorders,  and  the  soldiers  return- 
ing to  their  country  brought  with  them  habits 
of  licentiousness  and  brutality.  One  winter's 
day,  gloomy  and  overcast,  some  of  these 
wretches  attacked  the  qniet  dwelling  of  Os- 
wald in  his  absence.  They  assaulted  the 
door,  threw  stones,  and  with  indecent  lan- 
guage called  for  his  wife.  At  last  they  burst 
open  the  door,  and  having  made  their  way  to 
his  school,  broke  every  thing  in  the  place,  and 
then  retired.  Shortly  after  Oswald  returned. 
His  son,  little  Felix,  ran  to  meet  him  with 
loud  cries;  and  his  wife,  speechless,  made 
signs  of  horror.  In  a  moment  he  perceived 
what  had  happened.  At  the  same  instant  a 
noise  was  heard  in  the  street.  Unable  to 
control  himself,  the  schoolmaster  seized  a 
weapon  and  pursued  the  rioters  to  the  ceme- 
tery. They  took  refuge  within  it  and  prepared 
to  resist.  Three  of  them  rushed  upon  Myco- 
nius and  wounded  him ;  and  while  his  wounds 
were  being  dressed,  the  wretches  again  broke 
into  his  house  with  horrid  cries.  Oswald  tells 
no  more/16  Such  were  the  scenes  which  took 
place  in  Switzerland  at  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  before  the  Reformation  had 
humanized  the  manners  of  the  people. 

The  uprightness  of  Oswald  Myconius,  and 
his  desire  of  learning  and  virtue  brought  him 
into  contact  with  Zwingle.  The  rector  of  the 
school  of  Bale  at  once  acknowledged  the 
superior  genius  of  the  curate  of  Giaris.  In 
unaffected  humility  he  shrunk  from  the 
praises  of  Zwingle  and  Erasmus.  "  You 
schoolmasters,"  the  latter  would  often  say, 
"  are,  in  my  opinion,  equal  to  kings."  But 
the  modest  Myconius  was  of  a  different  judg- 
ment. "I  do  but  creep  upon  the  earth,"  said 


222 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


he;  "from  my  childhood  there  has  been  a 
something  low  and  small  about  me."47 

A  preacher  who  had  arrived  in  Bale,  almost 
at  the  same  time  as  Zwingle,  was  then  ex- 
citing attention.  Of  mild  and  peaceful  tem- 
per, lie  loved  a  tranquil  life; — slow  and  cir- 
cumspect in  his  actions,  he  was  most  happy 
in  studious  occupations,  and  in  endeavours  to 
promote  good  will  among  Christians.48  He 
was  named  John  Hausschein,  in  Greek  (Eco- 
lampadius,  or  "light  of  the  house,"  and  was 
horn  in  Franconia,  of  rich  parents,  one  year 
before  the  birth  of  Zwingle.  His  pious  mother 
wished  to  devote  to  learning  and  to  God  him- 
self the  only  child  that  providence  had  left 
her.  His  father  at  first  destined  him  to  com- 
merce, and  afterwards  to  jurisprudence;  but 
on  CEcolampadius's  return  from  Bologna, 
(where  he  had  studied  law)  the  Lord,  whose 
purpose  it  was  to  make  him  a  light  in  the 
Church,  called  him  to  the  study  of  Theology,49 
He  was  preaching  in  his  native  town  when 
Capito,  who  had  made  his  acquaintance  at 
Heidelberg,  obtained  his  election  as  preacher 
at  Bale.  He  there  proclaimed  Christ  with  an 
eloquence  which  was  the  admiration  of  his 
hearers.50  Erasmus  admitted  him  to  intimacy. 
(Ecolampadius  was  charmed  with  the  hours 
he  spent  in  the  society  of  this  distinguished 
genius.  "  We  must  seek,"  said  the  prince  of 
scholars,  "  we  must  seek  but  one  thing  in 
Holy  Scripture,  namely,  Jesus  Christ."51  He 
presented  to  the  young  preacher  in  token  of 
his  friendship  the  first  chapters  of  St.  John's 
Gospel.  (Ecolampadius  would  often  kiss  this 
pledge  of  so  valued  a  friendship,  and  appended 
it  to  his  crucifix,' "in  order,"  said  he,  "that 
I  may  always  remember  Erasmus  in  my 
prayers." 

Zwingle  returned  to  his  mountain-home 
with  his  mind  and  heart  full  of  all  he  had 
seen  and  heard  at  Bale.  "1  should  not  be 
able  to  sleep,"  said  he,  writing  to  Erasmus, 
"  without  holding  some  discourse  with  you. 
There  is  nothing  I  am  so  proud  of  as  having 
seen  Erasmus."  Zwingle  had  received  a  new 
impulse.  Such  visits  have  at  times  great 
effects  on  a  Christian's  conduct.  The  disci- 
ples of  Zwingle,  Valentin,  .lost,  Louis,  Peter, 
and  Egidius  Tschudi ;  his  friends,  the  bailiff 
Aebli,  the  curate  Binzli  of  Wesen,  Fridolin 
Brunner,  and  the  celebrated  professor  Glarea- 
nus,  were  delighted  to  watch  his  growth  in 
wisdom  and  knowledge.  The  old  respected 
him  as  a  courageous  defender  of  his  country; 
— the  faithful  pastors  as  a  zealous  minister  of 
the  Lord.  Nothing  was  transacted  in  the 
country  without  his  advice.  All  the  better 
sort  looked  to  him  as  destined  one  day  to  re- 
store the  ancient  virtues  of  their  country.52 

Francis  the  First  having  ascended  the  throne, 
and  preparing  to  avenge  on  Italy  the  honour  of 
France,  the  Pope  in  alarm,  sought  to  gain 
over  the  cantons.  Thus,  in  1515,  Ulric  again 
saw  the  plains  of  Italy  covered  by  the  batta- 
lions of  his  fellow-countrymen.  But  the  dis- 
cord which  the  intrigues  of  the  French  intro- 
duced among  the  army  of  the  confederates 
grieved  his  spirit.  Often  might  he  be  seen, 


in  the  midst  of  the  camp,  haranguing,  in  words 
of  energy  and  wisdom,  an  audience  armed 
from  head  to  foot  and  ready  for  battle.63  On 
the  8th  of  September,  five  days  before  the 
battle  of  Marignan,  he  preached  in  the  square 
of  Monza,  where  the  Swiss  troops  who 
I  adhered  to  their  standards  were  assembled. 
I  "If  the  advice  of  Zwingle  had  then  been 
followed,"  says  Werner  Steiner  of  Zug, 
"  what  miseries  would  our  country  have  bec-n 
spared  !"  But  all  ears  were  closed  against 
the  accents  of  concord,  peace,  and  submission. 
The  overpowering  eloquence  of  the  Cardinal 
Schinner  electrified  the  confederates,  and 
made  them  rush  impetuously  to  the  fata! 
plains  of  Marignan.  The  flower  of  the  Swiss 
youth  perished.  Zwingle,  who  had  failed 
in  his  attempts  to  avert  these  calamities,  ex- 
posed himself  in  the  cause  of  Rome  to  the 
greatest  danger.  His  hand  grasped  a  sword!34 
Melancholy  mistake  of  Zwingle.  He,  a  min- 
ister of  Christ,  more  than  once  forgot  that  it 
was  his  duty,  to  fight  only  with  the  weapons 
of  the  Spirit,  and  he  was  doomed  to  see 
accomplished  in  his  own  case  in  a  most 
striking  manner,  that  prophecy  of  the  Lord, 
They  that  take  the  sword  shall  perish  by  the 
sword. 

Zwingle  and  the  Swiss  failed  to  save  Rome 
from  defeat.  The  Venitian  ambassador,  at 
the  court  of  Rome,  was  the  first  to  learn  the 
news  of  the  defeat  at  Marignan.  Overjoyed 
he  repaired  early  to  the  Vatican.  The  Pope 
left  his  apartments,  though  scarcely  attired, 
to  give  him  audience.  Leo  the  Tenth  on 
hearing  the  intelligence  made  no  secret  of  his 
fears.  In  a  moment  of  alarm  he  saw  nothing 
but  Francis  the  First,  and  lost  all  hope  : — 
"  My  Lord  ambassador,"  said  he  tremblingly 
to  Zorsi,  "  we  must  throw  ourselves  into  the 
king's  arms  and  cry  for  mercy."  Luther  and 
Zwingle,  when  in  circumstances  of  peril, 
knew  another  refuge  and  invoked  another 
mercy.55 

This  socond  visit  to  Italy  was  not  unattended 
with  advantage  to  Zwingle.  He  took  notice 
of  the  differences  between  the  Ambrosian 
ritual,  in  use  at  Milan,  and  that  of  Rome.  He 
collected  and  compared  with  each  other  the 
most  ancient  canons  of  the  Mass.  Thus  his 
spirit  of  inquiry  found  employment  amid  the 
tumult  of  camps.  At  the  same  time  the  sight 
of  the  children  of  his  native  land,  drawn  from 
their  mountains,  and  delivered  up  to  slaughter 
like  their  cattle,  filled  him  with  indignation. 
"  The  blood  of  the  confederates,"  said  he,  "  is 
counted  of  less  value  than  their  sheep  and 
oxen."  The  faithlessness  and  ambition  of 
the  Pope,56-the  avarice  and  ignorance  of  the 
clergy, — the  licentiousness  and  immorality  of 
the  monks, — the  pride  and  luxury  of  the 
prelates, — the  corruption  and  venality  that 
spread  on  all  sides  among  his  countrymen, — 
all  these  evils  were  forced  more  than  ever  on 
his  notice,  and  helped  to  deepen  more  than 
ever  his  conviction  of  the  necessity  of  a  refor- 
mation in  the  Church. 

Zwingle  from  that  time  preached  the  word 
of  God  with  more  distinctness.    He  expound 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


223 


ed  the  portions  of  the  Gospels  and  Epistles 
chosen  for  public  worship;  ever  comparing 
Scripture  with  Scripture.57  He  spoke  with 
force  and  animation,  and  pursued  with  his 
auditors  the  same  course  that  God  was  pur- 
suing with  him.58  He  did  not  expose,  as  Lu- 
ther did,  the  wounds  of  the  Church ;  but, 
according  as  his  study  of  the  Bible  discovered 
to  him  any  profitable  instruction,  he  imparted 
it  to  his  flock.  He  laboured  to  persuade  them 
to  receive  the  truth  into  their  hearts ;  and  then 
depended  upon  it  for  the  effect  it  was  destined 
to  produce.59  "If  the  people  see  clearly  what 
is  true,"  thought  he,  "  they  will  at  once  dis- 
cern what  is  false." — This  maxim  is  good  in 
the  commencement  of  a  reformation,  but  a 
time  arrives  when  error  must  be  boldly  de- 
nounced. Zwingle  well  knew  this.  "The 
spring,"  said  he,  "is  the  season  for  sowing 
our  seed." — It  was  then  seed  time  with  him. 

Zwingle  has  marked  this  period  as  the 
dawn  of  the  Swiss  Reformation.  Four  years 
before,  he  had  bent  over  God's  book ;  and  he 
now  raised  his  head  and  turned  toward  the 
people  to  impart  to  them  the  light  he  had  re- 
ceived from  it.  It  was  a  new  and  important 
epoch  in  the  development  of  the  religious 
revolution  of  these  countries;  but  it  is  a  mis- 
taken conclusion  to  infer  that  Zwingle's  re- 
formation preceded  Luther's.  Zwingle  may 
possibly  have  preached  the  Gospel  a  year  pre- 
vious to  the  theses  of  Luther,  but  the  Gospel 
was  preached  by  Luther  himself  four  years 
before  those  celebrated  propositions.  If  Lu- 
ther and  Zwingle  had  done  nothing  but  preach, 
the  Reformation  would  not  have  so  soon  spread 
through  the  Church.  The  one  and  the  other 
was  neither  the  first  monk,  nor  the  first  priest 
who  taught  a  purer  doctrine  than  the  scholas- 
tic teachers;  but  Luther  was  the  first  who 
boldly  and  publicly  raised  the  standard  of 
truth  against  prevailing  error,  and  invited 
general  attention  to  the  fundamental  doctrine 
of  the  Gospel,  salvation  by  grace;  thus  intro- 
ducing his  generation  to  that  path  of  know- 
ledge, faith,  and  life,  from  which  a  new  world 
has  arisen,  and  commencing  a  rea!  and  saving 
change.  The  great  battle,  of  which  the  sig- 
nal was  given  in  the  theses  of  1517,  was  the 
true  parent  of  the  Reformation,  and  gave  to  it 
both  its  soul  a»d  its  form.  Luther  was  the 
earliest  of  the  Reformers. 

A  spirit  of  inquiry  was  beginning  to  breathe 
on  the  Swiss  mountains.  One  day  the  curate 
of  Claris,  being  in  the  lovely  country  of  Mol- 
lis,  at  the  house  of  Adam  the  curate  of  the 
place  in  company  with  Binzli,  curate  of  We- 
sen,  and  Varchon,  curate  of  Kerensen,  the 
party  of  friends  found  an  old  liturgy  in  which 
they  read  these  words, — "After  the  child  is 
baptized,  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's  Supper 
and  the  cup  is  to  be  given  him. "£0-"  Then," 
remarked  Zwingle,  "  the  Supper  was  at  that 
time  given  under  both  kinds!"  The  liturgy 
in  question  was  about  two  centuries  old. 
This  was  a  grand  discovery  for  the  priests 
of  the  Alps. 

The  defeat  at  Marignan  produced  the  con- 
sequences that  were  to  be  expected  in  the  j 


remoter  cantons.  The  victorious  Francis  I. 
lavished  gold  and  flattery  to  win  over  the 
confederates;  and  the  Emperor  adjured  them 
by  their  honour,  by  the  tears  of  widows  and 
orphans,  and  the  blood  of  their  brethren,  not 
to  sell  their  services  to  their  murderers.  The 
French  party  prevailed  in  Glari,?,  and  his  re- 
sidence in  the  country  became  from  that  time 
a  burthen  to  TJlric. 

At  Claris,  Zwingle  might  have  remained  a 
man  of  his  own  age.  Party  intrigue,  poliiical 
prejudices,  the  Empire,  France,  the  Duke  of 
Milan,  might  have  almost  absorbed  his  life. 
God  never  leaves  in  the  tumult  of  the  world 
those  whom  he  is  training  for  the  people. 
He  leads  them  aside, — he  sets  them  in  soli- 
tude, where  they  may  feel  themselves  in  his 
presence,  and  gather  inexhaustible  instruc- 
tion. The  Son  of  God  himself,  the  type  in 
that  particular  of  his  denlings  with  his  ser- 
vants, passed  forty  days  in  the  desert.  The 
time  had  come  when  Zwingle  was  to  be  de- 
livered from  the  turmoil  of  his  political  agita- 
tion, which  by  constant  passage  through  his 
soul  would  have  quenched  the  Spirit  of  God. 
It  was  time  that  he  should  be  disciplined  for 
another  stage  than  that  whereon  figured  cour- 
tiers and  factions,  and  on  which  he  might 
have  been  tempted  to  waste  an  energy  worthy 
of  better  aims.  His  country  stood  in  need  of 
a  very  different  service.  It  was  necessary 
that  a  new  life  should  at  this  time  descend 
from  heaven,  and  that  he  who  was  to  be 
the  instrument  in  communicating  it  to  others 
should  himself  unlearn  the  things  of  time. 
These  two  spheres  are  entirely  distinct; — a 
wide  space  separates  these  two  worlds;  and 
before  passing  from  the  one  to  the  other, 
Zwingle  was  to  halt  for  a  while  en  a  neutral 
territory,  a  middle  and  preparatory  ground, 
there  to  be  taught  of  God.  God  at  this  time 
took  him  from  the  centre  of  the  factions  of 
Claris,  and  led  him,  for  his  noviciate,  to  the 
solitude  of  a  hermitage.  Thus  was  the  hope- 
ful promise  of  the  Reformation,  which  ere 
long  was  to  be  transplanted  to  another  soil, 
and  to  cover  the  mountains  with  its  shadow, 
shut  up  in  the  narrow  enclosure  of  the  walls 
of  an  abbey. 

About  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century,  a 
wayfaring  monk,  Meinrad  of  Hohenzollern, 
had  passed  between  the  lakes  of  Zurich  and 
Wallstetten,  and  resting  on  a  little  hill  in 
front  of  an  amphitheatre  of  fir  trees,  had  con- 
structed there  his  cell .  Outlaws  had  imbrued 
their  hands  in  the  blood  of  the  saint.  For  a 
long  time  the  blood-stained  cell  was  deserted. 
But  towards  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  a 
convent  and  church,  in  honour  of  the  Virgin, 
was  built  on  this  sacred  spot.  On  the  eve  of 
the  day  appointed  for  its  consecration,  the 
Bishop  of  Constance  and  his  priests  were  at 
prayers  in  the  church — when  a  heavenly 
chaunt,  proceeding  from  some  invisible  be- 
ings, suddenly  resounded  in  the  chapel. 
They  listened  prostrate  and  amazed.  Next 
day,  as  the  bishop  was  about  to  consecrate 
the  chapel,  a  voice  three  times  repeated, 
"  Stop !  Stop !  God  himself  lias  consecrated 


224 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


it."61  Christ  in  person,  it  was  said,  had  pro- 
nounced his  blessing  on  it  during  the  night; 
the  hymns  heard  were  those  of  the  angels, 
apostles,  and  saints ;  and  the  Virgin  had  ap- 
peared for  an  instant  like  a  flash  of  lightning 
on  the  altar.  A  bull  of  Leo  VIII.  forbade  the 
faithful  to  doubt  the  truth  of  this  legendary 
tale.  P^rom  that  time  a  vast  crowd  of  pil- 
grims poured  incessantly  to  our  Lady  of  the 
Eremites  for  the  consecration  of  the  angels. 
Delphi  and  Ephesus  in  former  ages,  and  Lo- 
retto  in  modern  times,  have  alone  equalled  the 
renown  of  Einsidlen.  It  was  in  this  singular 
scen.e  that  Ulric  Zwingle  was,  in  15 16,  called 
to  be  priest  and  preacher. 

Zwingle  did  not  hesitate.  "I  am  neither 
swayed  by  ambition,  nor  the  love  of  gain," 
said  he,  "  but  driven  by  the  intrigues  of  the 
French."62  Motives  of  a  higher  kind  concur 
to  decide  him.  On  the  one  hand  being  more 
retired,  having  more  quiet,  and  a  charge  of 
less  extent,  he  will  have  more  time  for  study 
and  meditation.  On  the  other  hand,  this  re- 
sort of  pilgrims  will  afford  him  opportunity 
for  diffusing  to  the  most  distant  lands  the 
knowledge  of  Christ.63 

The  friends  of  the  gospel  at  Glaris  loudly 
expressed  their  grief.  "  What  worse  could 
have  befallen  Glaris,"  said  Peter  Tschudi, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  the 
canton,  "than  to  lose  so  valuable  a  man."64 
His  parishioners,  seeing  his  inflexibility,  re- 
solved to  continue  to  him  the  name  of  pastor 
of  Glaris,  with  a  part  of  the  stipend,  and  the 
power  of  returning  to  it  whenever  he  would.65 

Conrad  of  Reichberg,  a  gentleman  de- 
scended from  an  ancient  family,  of  serious, 
open-hearted,  intrepid,  and  sometimes  stern 
manners,  was  one  of  the  best  known  hunts- 
men of  the  country  whither  Zwingle  was  go- 
ing. He  had  establ  ished  on  one  of  his  estates 
a  stud  for  the  breeding  of  horses,  which  be- 
came famous  in  Italy.  This  man  was  the  Jib- 
hot  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Eremites.  Reichberg 
held  in  equal  aversion  the  pretensions  of  Rome, 
and  theological  controversy.  When  one,  on 
occasion  of  a  visitation  of  the  order,  made 
some  remarks :  "  I  am  master  here  and  not 
you,"  answered  he  abruptly  ;  "  go  about  your 
business."  Another  time,  wThen  Leo  Juda 
was  discussing  some  subject  at  table  with  the 
administrator  of  the  convent,  the  hunting  Ab- 
bot exclaimed :  "  Let  me  put  an  end  to  your 
disputings  : — I  say  with  David, — Have  merer/ 
upon  me,  0  God!  according  to  thy  loving  kind- 
ness .-  Enter  not  into  judgment  with  thy  servant ! 
— and  I  want  to  know  nothing  more."66 

The  Baron  Theobald  de  Geroldsek  was 
administrator  of  the  monastery.  He  was  of 
mild  character,  sincerely  pious,  and  fond  of 
learning.  His  favourite  scheme  was  to  col- 
lect in  his  convent  a  society  of  learned  men. 
With  this  view  he  had  invited  Zwingle. 
Eager  for  instruction,  he  entreated  his  new 
friend  to  direct  his  studies.  "Read  the  Holy 
Scriptures,"  answered  Zwingle,  "  and  for  the 
better  understanding  them,  consult  St.  Je- 
rome." "And  yet,"  he  continued,  "a  time 
is  coming  (and-  soon  too,  with  God's  help,) 


when  Christians  will  think  little  of  St.  Jerome? 
or  any  other  teacher,  but  the  Word  of  God."67 
The  conduct  of  Geroldsok  exhibited  evidence 
of  his  progress  in  the  faith.  He  gave  per- 
mission to  the  nuns  of  a  nunnery  attached 
to  Einsidlen  to  read  the  Bible  in  the  vulgar 
tongue,  and  some  years  after  he  took  up  his 
abode  at  Zurich,  in  Zwingle's  neighbourhood, 
and  died  on  the  plain  of  Cappel.  The  same 
attraction  soon  united  to  Zwingle  the  worthy 
QExlin,  Lucas,  and  other  inmates  of  the  abbey 
walls.  These  studious  men,  remote  from  the 
clamours  of  party,  were  accustomed  to  read 
together  the  Scriptures,  the  Fathers,  the  mas- 
terpieces of  antiquity,  and  the  writings  of  the 
restorers  of  learning.  It  often  happened  that 
friends  from  distant  parts  joined  their  interest- 
ing circle.  One  day  Capito,  among  others, 
arrived  on  a  visit  to  Einsidlen.  The  two 
friends,  renewing  the  connexion  formed  at 
Baden,  together  went  round  the  convent  and 
its  wild  environs, — absorbed  in  conversation 
touching  the  Scripture  and  the  will  of  God. 
On  one  point  they  were  agreed  ; — it  was  that 
the  Pope  must  fall!  Capito  was  at  that  time 
a  braver  man  than  he  was  at  a  later  date. 

In  this  quiet  retreat,  Zwingle  had  rest,  lei- 
sure, books,  and  friends  ;  and  he  grew  in  un- 
derstanding and  in  faith.  Then  it  was  (May 
1507,)  that  he  applied  himself  to  a  task  that 
was  very  useful  to  him.  As  in  early  times, 
the  kings  of  Israel  with  their  own  hands 
transcribed  the  law  of  God,  so  Zwingle  copied 
out  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul.  There  were  then 
none  but  cumbrous  editions  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, and  Zwingle  wished  to  be  able  to 
carry  it  always  about  him.*  He  learnt  by 
heart  the  whole  of  the  Epistles;  then  the  re- 
maining books  of  the  New  Testament ;  and 
after  that  portions  of  the  Old.  Thus  did  his 
heart  cleave  more  and  more  to  the  supreme 
authority  of  God's  WTord.  Not  satisfied  with 
acknowledging  its  supremacy  he  formed  the 
resolution  to  subject  his  life  to  it  in  sincerity. 
Gradually  his  walk  became  in  every  thing 
more  Christian.  The  purpose  for  which  he 
had  been  brought  into  this  wilderness  was 
then  accomplishing.  Doubtless  it  was  not 
till  his  visit  to  Zurich  that  the  Christian  life 
penetrated  his  soul  with  power;  but  already 
at  Einsidlen  his  progress  in  sanctification 
was  evident.  At  Glaris  he  had  been  seen  to 
take  part  in  worldly  amusements; — at  Ein- 
sidlen he  was  more  noticeable  for  purity  of 
manners  and  freedom  from  every  stain  and 
from  every  kind  of  worldliness :  be  began  to 
see  the  great  spiritual  interests  of  the  people, 
and  by  slow  degrees  learned  what  God  would 
teach  him. 

Providence  had  besides  other  purposes  in 
bringing  him  to  Einsidlen.  He  was  to  have 
a  nearer  view  of  the  superstitions  and  corrup- 
tions which  had  invaded  the  Church.  The 
image  of  the  Virgin,  carefully  preserved  in 
the  monastery,  it  was  alleged  had  the  power 
of  working  miracles.  Over  the  gate  of  the 
abbey  might  be  read  this  pompous  inscription 


'  This  manuscript  is  in  the  library  of  Zurich. 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


225 


—  •"Here  may  be  obtained  complete  remission  |  they  had  brought  to  present  to  the  Virgin, 
ot  sins."  A  multitude  of  pilgrims  from  all  A  crowd  of  pilgrims  returned  to  their  native 
parts  of  Christendom  flocked  to  Einsidlen, 


to 

that  they  might  obtain  this  grace  for  their  pil- 
grimage. The  church,  the  abbey,  the  whole 
valley,  was  crowded  on  occasion  of  the  fete 
of  the  Virgin,  with  her  devout  worshippers. 
But  it  was  especially  on  the  grand  fete  of  the 
consecration  of  the  angels,  that  the  crowd 
thronged  the  hermitage.  Long  files,  to  the 
number  of  several  thousands  of  both  sexes, 
climbed  the  steep  sides  of  the  mountain  lead- 
ing to  the  oratory,  singing  hymns,  or  counting 
the  beads  of  their  chaplets.  These  devout 
pilgrims  forced  their  way  into  the  church,  be- 
lieving themselves  nearer  to  God  there  than 
any  where  else. 

Zwingle's  residence  at  Einsidlen  had  simi- 
lar effects  to  those  attending  Luther's  visit  to 
Rome,  in  admitting  him  to  a  closer  view  of 
the  corruptions  of  the  Papacy.  It  was  there 
his  education,  as  a  Reformer,  was  completed. 
The  seriousness  his  soul  had  acquired  soon 
manifested  itself  in  outward  action.  Affected 
at  the  sight  of  so  many  evils,  he  resolved  to 
oppose  them  energetically.  He  did  not  falter 
between  his  conscience  and  his  interest.  He 
boldly  stood  up,  and  his  powerful  eloquence 
fearlessly  attacked  the  superstition  of  the 
crowd  that  surrounded  him.  "  Think  not," 
said  he,  speaking  from  his  pulpit,  "that  God 
is  in  this  temple  more  than  in  any  other  part 
of  creation.  Wherever  he  has  fixed  your 
dwelling  he  encompasses  you,  and  hears  you 
as  much  as  at  our  Lady  at  Einsidlen.  What 
power  can  there  be  in  unprofitable  works, 
weary  pilgrimages,  offerings,  prayers  to  the 
Virgin  and  the  saints,  to  secure  you  the  fa- 
vour of  God  ?  What  signify  the  multiplying 
of  words  in  prayer?  What  efficacy  in  the 
cowl,  or  shaven  crown,  or  priestly  garments 
falling,  and  adorned  with  gold  !  God  looks 
upon  the  heart — and  our  heart  is  far  off  from 
God."68 

But  Zwingle  was  resolved  to  do  more  tfian 
resist  superstition;  he  sought  to  satisfy  the 
ardent  desire  after  reconciliation  with  God, 
which  urged  on  some  of  the  pilgrims  that 
flocked  to  the  chapel  of  our  Lady  of  Einsid- 
len. "  Christ,"  he  cried,  like  the  Baptist  from 
another  wilderness  of  Judea;  "Christ,  who 
offered  himself  on  the  cross  once  for  all,  is 
the  sacrifice  and  victim  which  satisfies  for  all 
eternity,  for  the  sins  of  all  believers."69  Thus 
Zwingle  went  forward.  From  the  hour,  when 
so  bold  a  style  of  preaching  was  heard  in  the 
most  venerated  sanctuary  in  Switzerland,  the 
banner  of  resistance  to  Rome  was  more  dis- 
tinctly visible  above  its  mountains  :  and  there 
was  a  kind  of  earthquake  of  reformation  which 
moved  its  very  foundations. 

In  truth,  an  universal  astonishment  took 
possession  of  men's  minds  at  the  sound  of 


the  eloquent  priest's  sermons.  Some  with- 
drew with  horror;  others  fluctuated  between 
the  faith  of  their  fathers  and  the  doctrine  that 
wa«  to  give  them  peace;  many  were  led 
that  Jesus  who  was  declared  to  be  full  of 
mercy,  and  took  away  with  them  the  tapers 


places,  everywhere  announcing  the  tidings 
they  had  heard  at  Einsidlen.  "  Christ  ALONE 
saves  us,  and  he  saves  EVERYWHERE  !"  It 
often  happened  that  troops  of  pilgrims,  as- 
tonished at  what  they  thus  heard  recounted, 
turned  back  without  completing  their  pil- 
Trimage.  The  worshippers  of  Mary  were 
every  day  fewer.  It  was  from  their  offerings 
;he  revenue  of  Zwingle  and  of  Geroldsek  was 
drawn.  But  the  bold  witness  for  the  truth 
was  too  happy  to  see  himself  impoverished, 
while  thus,  spiritually,  making  many  rich. 

On  Easter  Sunday,  1518,  among  the  nume- 
rous hearers  of  Zwingle  was  a  learned  man, 
of  gentle  character  and  active  charity,  named 
Gaspard  Hedio,  a  doctor  of  divinity  at  Bale. 
Zwingle  preached  on  the  history  of  the  man 
taken  with  palsy,  (Luke  v.)  in  which  occurs 
our  Lord's  declaration:  **  The  Son  of  Man 
hath  power  on  earth  to  forgive  sins,"  a  passage 
well  suited  to  strike  the  crowd  assembled  in 
the  church  of  the  Virgin.  The  preacher's 
discourse  moved,  delighted,  and  inspired  the 
whole  assembly ;  and  in  an  especial  manner 
the  doctor  of  Bale.70  Long  afterwards  Hedio 
would  express  his  admiration  : — "  How  beau- 
tiful and  profound !  how  grave  and  convinc- 
ing !  how  moving  and  agreeable  to  the  Gospel 
was  that  discourse !"  said  he.  "  How  it  re- 
minds one  of  the  fvspyia,  (force)  of  the  an- 
cient doctors."71  From  that  moment  Hedio 
admired  and  loved  Zwingle.72  He  longed  to 
go  to  him  and  open  his  heart;  he  lingered 
about  the  abbey  without  daring  to  make  ad- 
vances, restrained,  as  he  tells  us,  by  a  sort  of 
superstitious  fear.  Mounting  his  horse,  he 
slowly  departed  from  our  Lady's  chapel,  look- 
ing back  on  a  spot  which  held  so  great  a  trea- 
sure, with  the  warmest  regret.73 

In  this  manner  did  Zwingle  preach ;  less 
powerfully,  no  doubt,  but  with  more  mode- 
ration, and  no  less  success  than  Luther;  he 
avoided  precipitation,  and  gave  less  offence 
to  men's  minds  than  the  Saxon  monk;  he 
trusted  to  the  power  of  Truth  for  results. 
The  same  prudence  marked  his  intercourse 
with  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church.  Far 
from  directly  opposing  them,  like  Luther, — 
he  continued  long  on  friendly  terms  with 
them.  They  treated  him  with  respect,  not 
only  on  account  of  his  learning  and  talents, 
(and  Luther  would  have  been  entitled  to 
equal  attention  from  the  Bishops  of  Mentz 
and  Brandeburg)  but  still  more  on  account 
of  his  devotion  to  the  Pope's  political  views, 
and  the  influence  that,  such  a  man  as  Zwingle 
must  needs  possess  in  a  republic. 

In  fact,  several  cantons,  weary  of  the  Pope's 
service,  were  on  the  point  of  a  rupture.  But 
the  Legates  hoped  to  retain  many  on  their 
side  by  gaining  Zwingle,  as  they  had  gained 


over  Erasmus,  by  pensions  and  honours. 
The  Legates,  Ennius  and  Pucci,  often  visited 
Einsidlen,  where,  from  the  proximity  of  the 
to  democratic  cantons,  their  negociations  with 
those  states  were  most  easy.  But  Zwingle, 
far  from  sacrificing  truth  to  the  solicitations 


226 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


and  bribes  of  Rome,  allowed  no  opportunity  to 
pass  of  defending1  the  Gospel.  The  famous 
Schinner,  who  was  then  on  ill  terms  with 
his  diocese,  spent  some  time  at  Einsidlen. 
"The  whole  Papacy,"  remarked  Zwingle,  in 
conversation  with  him,  "rests  on  bad  foun- 
dations.74 Do  you  begin  and  clear  away  er- 
rors and  corruptions,  or  else  you  will  see  the 
whole  fabric  come  tumbling  to  the  ground 
with  frightful  noise."75 

He  spoke  with  the  same  frankness  to  the 
Legate  Pucci.  Four  times  did  he  return  to 
the  charge.  "By  God's  help,"  said  he,  "I 
mean  to  preach  the  Gospel, — and  that  will 
shake  Rome :"  and  then  he  went  on  to  ex- 
plain what  was  needed  in  order  to  save  the 
Church.  Pucci  promised  every  thing,  but 
did  nothing.  Zwingle  declared  his  intention 
to  throw  up  the  Pope's  pension,  but  the  Le- 
gate entreated  him  to  retain  it.  As  he  had 
no  desire  to  appear  in  open  hostility  against 
the  head  of  the  Church,  Zwingle  continued  in 
receipt  of  it  for  three  years.  "  But  do  not 
think,"  said  he,  "that  for  any  money  I  will 
suppress  a  single  syllable  of  truth."7**  Pucci, 
in  alarm,  procured  the  nomination  of  the  Re- 
former as  acolyte  of  the  Pope.  It  was  a  step 
to  further  honours.  Rome  sought  to  intimi- 
date Luther  by  solemn  judgments; — and  to 
win  Zwingle  by  her  favours.  Against  one 
she  hurled  excommunications;  to  the  other 
she  cast  her  gold  and  splendours.  They 
were  two  different  methods  for  attaining  the 
same  end,  and  sealing  the  daring  lips  which 
presumed,  in  opposition  to  the  Pope's  plea- 
sure, to  proclaim  the  word  of  God  in  Germa- 
ny and  Switzerland.  The  last  device  was 
the  most  skilfully  conceived, — but  neither 
was  successful.  The  enlarged  hearts  of  the 
preachers  of  the  Gospel  were  shewn  to  be 
above  the  reach  of  vengeance  or  seduction. 

About  this  time,  Zwingle  conceived  great 
hopes  of  another  Swiss  prelate.  This  was 
Hugo  of  Landenberg,  Bishop  of  Constance. 
Landenberg  gave  directions  for  a  general 
visitation  of  the  churches, — but  being  a  man 
of  very  feeble  character,  he  allowed  himself 
to  be  overruled,  sometimes  by  Faber  his  vicar, 
at  others  by  a  bad  woman,  from  whose  in- 
fluence he  could  not  extricate  himself.  He 
sometimes  seemed  to  honour  the  Gospel ; — 
and  yet,  if  any  one  preached  it  boldly,  he 
looked  upon  the  preacher  as  a  disturber.  He 
was  one  of  those  men  too  often  met  with  in 
the  church,  who,  preferring  truth' to  error,  are 
nevertheless  more  tender  of  error  than  con- 
cerned for  truth  ;  and  are  frequently  found  at 
last  opposed  to  those  in  whose  ranks  they 
ought  to  be  contending.  Zwingle  applied  to 
Hugo; — but  in  vain.  He  was  doomed  to  ex- 
perience, as  Luther  had  done,  that  it  was  use- 
less to  invoke  the  assistance  of  the  heads  of 
the  Church  ;  and  that  the  only  way  to  revive 
Christianity  was  to  act  the  part  of  a  faithful 
teacher  of  God's  word.  The  opportunity  for 
this  was  not  long  delayed. 

in  1518,  a  barefooted  Carmelite  arrived 
on  the  heights  of  St.  Gothard,  in  those  ele- 
vated passes  which  have  been  with  difficulty 


opened  across  the  steep  rocks  that  separate 
Switzerland  from  Italy.  This  man  had  been 
brought  up  in  an  Italian  convent,  and  was  the 
bearer  of  Papal  indulgences,  which  he  was 
commissioned  to  sell  to  the  good  Christian 
people  of  the  Helvetic  league.  Brilliant  suc- 
cesse>s  under  two  preceding  Popes  had  made 
him  notorious  for  this  shameful  traffic.  Com 
panions  of  his  journey,  whose  business  it  was 
to  puff  off  his  wares,  accompanied  his  advance 
across  snows  and  ice-fields,  as  old  as  creation 
itself.  The  caravan,  miserable  in  its  appear- 
ance, and  a  good  deal  resembling  a  troop  of 
adventurers  in  quest  of  booty,  went  forward 
to  the  sound  of  the  dashing  streams  that  form 
by  their  confluence  the  rivers  Rhine,  Reuss, 
Aar,  Rhone,  Tessino,  and  others, — silently 
meditating  the  spoiling  of  the  simple  Swiss. 
Samson, — for  that  was  the  name  of  the  Car- 
melite, attended  by  his  company,  arrived  first 
at  Uri,  and  commenced  their  trade.  They 
had  soon  made  an  end  with  these  poor  coun- 
try folks,  and  removed  thence  to  the  canton 
of  Schwitz.  It  was  there  Zwingle  was  re- 
siding; and  there  it  was  that  the  contest 
between  these  servants  of  two  widely  differ- 
ent masters  was  to  begin.  " I am  empowered 
to  remit  all  sins!"  said  the  Italian  monk  (the 
Tetzel  of  Switzerland)  to  the  people  of 
Schwitz.  "Heaven  and  earth  are  subject 
to  my  authority;  and  I  dispose  of  Christ's 
merits  to  whoever  will  purchase  them, — by 
bringing  me  their  money  for  their  indul- 
gence." 

When  tidings  of  this  discourse  reached 
Zwingle,  his  zeal  was  kindled,  and  he 
preached  vehemently.  "Christ,"  said  he, 
"the  Son  of  God,  says,  Come  unto  me  all  ye. 
who  labour  and  are  heavy  laden,  and  I  will 
give  you  rest.  What  audacious  folly  and 
madness  is  it  then  to  say,  contradicting  him: 
'  Buy  letters  of  indulgence, — apply  to  Rome, 
— give  yonr  money  to  the  monks, — sacrifice 
to  the  priests!77-if  you  do  these  things,  I  will 
absolve  you  from  your  sins.'  Christ  is  the 
one  offering!  Christ  is  the  only  sacrifice! 
Christ  is  the  only  way  !"78 

Throughout  Schwitz  people  soon  spoke  of 
Samson  as  a  cheat  and  impostor.  He  took 
the  road  to  Zug;  and,  for  the  moment,  the 
two  champions  missed  each  other. 

Scarcely  had  Samson  taken  his  departure 
from  Schwitz,  when  a  citizen  of  that  canton 
named  Stapfer,  who  was  much  respected,  and 
afterwards  public  secretary,  was  suddenly 
reduced,  with  his  family,  to  a  state  of  total 
destitution.  "Alas!"  said  he,  addressing 
himself  in  his  perplexity  to  Zwingle,  "I 
know  not  how  to  satisfy  my  hunger  and  the 
wants  of  my  poor  children."79  Zwingle  could 
give  when  Rome  would  take;  and  he  was  as 
ready  to  do  good  works,  as  he  was  to  oppose 
those  who  inculcated  them  as  means  by  which 
we,  are  saved.  He  daily  supplied  Stapfer 
with  support.80  "It  is  God,"  said  he,  intent 
on  taking  no  credit  to  himself,  "it  is  God 
who  begets  charity  in  the  believer,  and  gives 
at  once  the  first  thought,  the  resolve,  and  the 
work  itself:  it  is  God  who  does  it  by  his  own 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


227 


power."81  Stapfer's  affection  for  him  lasted 
till  death ;  and  four  years  after  this,  when 
he  filled  the  post  of  Secretary  of  Schwitz, 
he  turned  to  Zwingle  under  the  feeling  of  a 
higher  want,  and  with  noble  candour  said, 
"Since  it  was  you  who  once  supplied  my 
temporal  need,  how  much  more  may  I  expect 
you  may  give  me  that  which  shall  satisfy  the 
famine  of  my  soul." 

The  friends  of  Zwingle  multiplied  daily. 
It  was  no  longer  at  Glaris,  Bale,  and  Schwitz, 
that  persons  were  found  whose  hearts  were 
with  him: — at  Uri,  there  was  Schmidt  the 
secretary  ;  at  Zug,  Colin  Muller,  and  Werner 
Steiner,  his  old  companion  in  arms  at  Marig- 
nan;  at  Lucerne,  Xyloctect  and  Kilchrneyer; 
at  Bienne,  Wittemhach;  and  in  other  parts 
not  a  few.  But  the  curate  of  Einsidlen  had 
no  more  devoted  friend  than  Oswald  Myco- 
nius.  Oswald  had  quitted  Bale  in  1516  to 
take  the  direction  of  the  cathedral  school  at 
Zurich.  At  this  period  that  city  possessed 
neither  learned  men  nor  schools.  Oswald 
laboured ,  in  conjunction  with  several  benevo- 
lent persons,  to  reclaim  the  people  of  Zurich 
from  their  ignorance,  and  initiate  them  in  an- 
cient learning.  He  at  the  same  time  defended 
the  uncompromising  truth  of  holy  Scripture, 
and  declared  that  if  the  Pope  or  the  Emperor- 
should  enjoin  what  was  contrary  to  the  Gos- 
pel, it  was  man's  duty  to  obey  God  alone, 
who  is  above  Emperor  or  Pope. 

Seven  centuries  before,  Charlemagne  had 
added  a  college  of  canons  to  that  same  cathe- 
dral, the  school  attached  to  which  was  placed 
under  Oswald  Myconius.  These  canons  hav- 
ing declined  from  their  first  institution,  and 
wishing  to  enjoy  their  benefices  in  the  sweets 
of  indolence,  had  adopted  the  custom  of  elect- 
ing a  preacher,  to  whom  they  delegated  the 
duty  of  preaching  and  the  cure  of  souls.  This 
post  became  vacant  shortly  after  the  arrival 
of  Oswald,  who  immediately  thought  of  his 
friend.  What  a  blessing  it  would  be  to  Zu- 
rich !  Zwingle's  manners  and  appearance 
were  prepossessing; — he  was  a  handsome 
man,82  of  polite  address,  and  pleasing  conver- 
sation, already  remarked  for  his  eloquence, 
and  distinguished  among  all  the  confederated 
Swiss  for  his  brilliant  genius.  Myconius 
spoke  of  him  to  the  provost  of  the  chapter, 
Felix  Frey,  who  was  prepossessed  by  the 
manners  and  talents  of  Zwingle;83— to  Utinger, 
an  old  man  much  respected,  and  to  the  canon 
Hoffman,  a  man  of  upright  and  open  charac- 
ter, who  having  for  a  long  time  opposed  the 
foreign  service  cf  the  Swiss,  was  favourably 
inclined  toward  Ulric.  Other  inhabitants 
of  Zurich  had,  on  different  occasions,  heard 
Zwingle  at  Einsidlen,  and  had  returned  home 
full  of  admiration.  The  approaching  election 
of  a  preacher  for  the  cathedral  ere  long  put 
every  body  in  Zurich  in  motion.  Various  in- 
terests were  started  : — many  laboured  night 
and  day  to  promote  the  election  of  the  elo- 
quent preacher  of  our  Lady  of  the  Eremites.84 
Myconius  apprized  his  friend  of  it.  "  On 
Wednesday  next,"  answered  Zwingle,  "I 
am  going  to  dine  at  Zurich,  and  we  will  talk 
30 


it  over."  He  came  accordingly.  Calling  on 
one  of  the  canons  the  latter  inquired  :  "  Could 
you  not  come  amongst  us  and  preach  the  word 
of  God?" — "I  could,"  answered  Zwingle, 
"but  I  will  not  come  unless  invited  ;"  and 
forthwith  he  returned  to  his  monastery. 

This  visit  alarmed  his  enemies.  They  per- 
suaded several  priests  to  offer  themselves  as 
candidates  for  the  vacant  post.  A  Suabian, 
named  Lorenzo  Fable,  even  preached  a  ser- 
mon in  proof  of  his  talent ;  and  a  report  pre- 
vailed that  he  was  chosen.  "True  it  is,  then," 
said  Zwingle  when  he  heard  it,  "no  prophet 
is  honoured  in  his  own  country;  since  a 
Suabian  is  preferred  before  a  Swiss.  I  see 
what  popular  applause  is  worth."85  Imme- 
diately afterwards  Zwingle  received  intelli- 
gence from  the  secretary  of  Cardinal  Schinner 
that  the  election  had  not  taken  place;  never- 
theless the  false  report  that  had  reached  him 
piqued  the  curate  of  Einsidlen.  Finding  one 
so  unworthy  as  Fable  aspiring  to  fill  the 
office,  he  was  the  more  bent  on  obtaining  it, 
and  wrote  to  Myconius  on  the  subject.  Os- 
wald answered  the  following  day.  "Fable 
will  continue  Fable.-  the  good  folks  who  will 
have  to  decide  the  election,  have  learned  that 
he  is  the  father  of  six  sons,  and  is  besides 
possessed  of  I  can't  tell  how  many  benefices."83 

Zwingle's  opponents  were  not  discouraged  ; 
true,  all  agreed  in  extolling  his  distinguished 
acquirements;87butsorne  said,  "he  is  too  pas- 
sionately fond  of  music;"  others,  "he  is  fond 
of  company  and  pleasure;"  others  again,  "he 
was  in  his  youth  very  intimate  with  people 
of  loose  morals."  One  man  even  charged 
him  with  having  been  guilty  of  seduction. 
This  was  mere  calumny : — yet  Zwingle,  al- 
though more  innocent  than  the  ecclesiastics 
of  his  age,  had  more  than  once,  in  the  first 
years  of  his  ministry,  given  way  to  the  pas- 
sions of  youth.  It  is  not  easy  to  estimate 
the  effect  upon  the  soul  of  the  atmosphere 
in  which  it  lives.  There  existed  under  the 
Papacy,  and  among  the  clergy,  disorders  that 
were  established,  allowed,  and  recognised,  as 
agreeable  to  the  laws  of  nature.  A  saying 
of  ^Eneas  Sylvius,  afterwards  Pope  Pius  II., 
gives  some  notion  of  the  wretched  state  of 
public  morals  at  this  period.88  Licentiousness 
had  become  almost  every  where  allowed. 

Oswald  exerted  all  his  activity  in  his 
friend's  favour.  He  laboured  to  the  utmost 
to  clear  his  character,  and  happily  succeeded.89 
He  visited  the  burgomaster  Roust,  Hoffman, 
Frey,  and  Utinger.  He  extolled  the  probity, 
the  frankness,  and  deportment  of  Zwingle, 
and  confirmed  the  favourable  impression  that 
he  had  made  on  the  people  of  Zurich.  But 
little  credence  was  given  to  the  assertions  of 
his  adversaries.  The  men  of  most  weight 
gave  their  judgment  that  Zwingle  should  he 
the  preacher  of  Zurich.  The  canons  whis 
pered  the  same  thing.  "You  may  hope  for 
success,"  wrote  Oswald  with  emotion,  "  for 
I  have  hopes  of  it."  At  the  same  time  he 
apprised  him  of  the  charges  of  his  enemies. 
Although  Zwingle  was  not  yet  altogether  a 
new  man,  his  was  the  soul  of  one  whose  cort- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


science  is  awakened,  and  who  may  fall  into 
sin,  but  never  without  struggle  and  remorse. 
Often  had  he  determined  to  live  a  holy  life, — 
alone  among  his  order, — in  the  world.  But 
when  he  heard  himself  accused  he  would  not 
boast  of  exemption  from  sin.  Accordingly  he 
vrote  to  the  canon  U  linger.  "With  none  to  ! 
walk  with  me  in  the  path  of  holiness  (many 
even  of  those  about  me  being  offended  at  it,) 
1  did  alas!  fall; — and,  as  St.  Peter  says, 
turned  again,  like  a  dog,  to  my  own  vomit.90 
God  knows  with  what  shame  and  anguish  I 
have  dragged  forth  into  light  these  sins  from 
the  depths  of  my  heart,  and  spread  them  be- 
fore that  mighty  God,  to  whom  I,  however, 
confess  my  wretchedness  more  freely  than  to 
mortal  man."91  But  while  Zwingle  acknow- 
ledged himself  a  sinner,  he  vindicated  him- 
self from  the  odious  charges  brought  against 
him,  and  affirmed  that  he  had  ever  abhorred 
the  thought  of  adultery,  or  the  seduction  of 
the  innocent;92-melancholy  excesses !  then 
too  common  : — "  I  call  to  witness,"  he  added, 
"all  with  whom  I  ever  lived."93 

On  the  llth  of  December  the  election  took 
place.  Zwingle  was  chosen  by  a  majority 
of  seventeen  out  of  twenty-four  votes.  The 
time  had  come  for  the  Reformation  to  arise 
in  Switzerland.  The  chosen  instrument  that 
Providence  had  been  for  three  years  preparing 
in  the  seclusion  of  Einsidlen  was  ready,  and 
was  to  be  transferred  to  another  scene.  God, 
who  had  made  choice  of  the  rising  university 
of  Witteniberg,  situate  in  the  heart  of  Ger- 
many, under  the  protection  of  the  wisest  of 
princes,  there  to  call  Luther, — made  a  choice 
of  Zurich,  esteemed  the  chief  town  of  Hel- 
vetia, there  to  fix  Zwingle.  At  Zurich  he 
would  be  in  communication  not  merely  with 
the  most  intelligent  and  simple-minded,  the 
most  resolute  and  energetic,  of  the  Swiss 
population,  but  also  with  the  various  cantons 
that  lay  around  that  ancient  and  influential 
state.  The  hand  that  had  taken  up  a  poor 
herdsman  of  mount  Sentis,  and  placed  him 
in  a  preparatory  school, — now  established 
him,  mighty  in  word  and  in  deed,  in  the 
face  of  all  his  nation,  that  he  might  become 
the  instrument  of  its  regeneration.  Zurich 
was  to  become  the  focus  of  illumination  for 
the  whole  of  Switzerland. 

To  the  inmates  of  Einsidlen,  the  day  on 
which  they  received  the  tidings  of  Zwingle's 
nomination  was  a  day  of  rejoicing  and  grief 
intermingled.  The  society  which  had  been 
formed  there  was  about  to  be  broken  up  by 
the  removal  of  its  most  valuable  member; 
and  who  could  tell  whether  superstition  might 
not  again  assert  her  sway  over  that  ancient 
haunt  of  the  pilgrim  "\  The  Council  of  Schwitz 
transmitted  to  Ulric  an  address,  expressive  of 
their  sentiments,  in  which  they  styled  him 
"their  reverend,  learned,  and  very  gracious 
master  and  worthy  friend."94  "  Choose  for  us 
at  least  a  successor  worthy  of  yourself,"  said 
Geroldsek  to  Zwingle.  "  I  have  a  little  lion 
for  you,  he  replied,  who  is  both  simple-hearted 
and  wise;  a  man  conversant  with  the  mys- 
teries of  Holy  Writ."  "  I  will  have  him," 


said  the  administrator  immediately.  This 
was  Leo  Juda,  that  mild  yet  intrepid  man, 
with  whom  Zwingle  had  contracted  so  close 
a  fellowship  at  Bale.  Leo  Juda  accepted  a 
charge  which  brought  him  nearer  to  his  be- 
loved Ulric.  The  latter,  after  embracing  his 
friends,  bade  farewell  to  the  solitude  of  Ein- 
sidlen, and  pursued  his  journey  to  that  de- 
lightful region,  where  the  cheerful  and  goodly 
city  of  Zurich  is  seated,  amidst  an  amphi- 
theatre of  gentle  hills,  whose  sides  are 
clothed  with  vineyards,  and  their  feet  be- 
decked with  meadows  and  orchards,  while 
over  their  wooded  crests  are  descried  the 
lofty  summits  of  the  distant  Albis.  Zurich, 
the  political  centre  of  Switzerland,  where  the 
leading  men  of  the  nation  were  frequently  as- 
sembled, was  a  point  from  which  the  Helvetic 
territory  might  be  acted  on,  and  the  seeds  of 
truth  scattered  over  the  whole  of  the  cantons. 
Accordingly  the  friends  of  literature  and  of 
the  Gospel  hailed  the  election  of  Zwingle 
with  their  heartiest  acclamations.  At  Paris, 
especially,  the  Swiss  students,  who  were  a 
numerous  body  there,  were  transported  with 
joy  at  the  tidings.95  But  if  at  Zurich,  Zwingle 
had  the  prospect  of  a  mighty  victory  opened 
to  him,  he  had  also  to  expect  an  arduous  con- 
flict. Glareanus  wrote  to  him  from  Paris: 
"I  foresee  that  your  learning  will  excite  a 
bitter  hostility  against  you  ;  but  take  courage, 
and,  like  Hercules,  you  will  overcome  all  the 
monsters  you  have  to  encounter."96 

It  was  on  the  27th  of  December,  1518,  that 
Zwingle  arrived  at  Zurich ;  he  alighted  at  the 
hotel  of  Einsidlen.  His  welcome  was  a  cor- 
dial and  honourable  one97  The  chapter  im- 
mediately assembled  to  receive  him,  and  he 
was  invited  to  take  his  place  among  his  col- 
leagues. Felix  Frey  presided ;  the  canons, 
whether  friendly  or  hostile  to  Zwingle,  were 
seated  indiscriminately  round  their  principal. 
There  was  a  general  excitement  throughout 
the  assembly ;  every  one  felt,  though  proba- 
bly he  knew  not  why,  that  this  new  appoint- 
ment was  likely  to  have  momentous  results. 
As  the  innovating  spirit  of  the  young  priest 
was  regarded  with  apprehension,  it  was  agreed 
that  the  most  important  of  the  duties  attached 
to  his  new  office  should  be  distinctly  pointed 
out  to  him.  "You  will  use  your  utmost 
diligence,"  he  was  gravely  admonished,  "in 
collecting  the  revenues  of  the  chapter — not 
overlooking  the  smallest  item.  You  will  ex- 
hort the  faithful,  both  from  the  pulpit  and  in 
the  confessional,  to  pay  all  dues  and  tithes, 
and  to  testify  by  their  offerings  the  love  which 
they  bear  to  the  Church.  You  will  be  care- 
ful to  increase  the  income  that  arises  from  the 
sick,  from  masses,  and  in  general  from  all 
ecclesiastical  ordinances."  The  chapter  add- 
ed :  "As  to  the  administration  of  the  sacra- 
ments, preaching  and  personally  watching 
over  the  flock, — these  also  are  among  the 
duties  of  the  priest.  But  for  the  performance 
of  these,  you  may  employ  a  vicar  to  act  in 
your  stead, — especially  in  preaching.  You 
are  to  administer  the  sacraments  only  to 
persons  of  distinction,  and  when  especially 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


229 


called  upon: — you  are  not  allowed  to  admin- 
ister them  indiscriminately  to  people  of  all 
ranks."98 

What  regulations  were  these  for  Zwingle 
to  subscribe  to!  Money!  money!  nothing 
but  money  !  Was  it  then  for  this  that  Christ 
had  appointed  the  ministry  1  Prudence,  how- 
ever stepped  in  to  moderate  his  zeal :  he  knew 
that  it  is  impossible  for  the  seed  to  be  dropped 
into  the  earth,  and  the  tree  to  grow  up,  and 
the  fruit  to  be  gathered  all  at  once.  Without 
offering  any  remarks  on  the  charge  that  had 
been  delivered  to  him,  he  modestly  expressed 
the  nrratitude  he  felt  for  having  been  made  the 
object  of  so  honourable  a  choice,  and  then  pro- 
ceeded to  explain  what  were  his  intentions. 
"The  history  of  Jesus,"  said  he,  "has  been 
too  long  kept  out  of  the  people's  view.  It  is 
my  purpose  to  lecture  upon  the  whole  of  the 
Gospel  according  to  St.  Matthew,89  drawing 
from  the  fountains  of  Scripture  alone,  sound- 
ing all  its  depths,  comparing  text  with  text, 
and  putting  up  earnest  and  unceasing  prayers, 
that  I  may  be  permitted  to  discover  what  is 
the  mind  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  10°  It  is  to  the 
glory  of  God,  to  the  praise  of  his  only  Son, 
to  the  salvation  of  souls,  and  their  instruction 
in  the  true  faith,  that  I  desire  to  consecrate 
my  ministry."101  Language,  so  new  to  their 
ears,  made  a  deep  impression  on  their  chap- 
ter. Some  heard  it  with  joy  ;  but  the  greater 
part  signified  their  disapproval  of  it.102"  This 
method  of  preaching  is  an  innovation,"  cried 
they;  "one  innovation  will  soon  lead  to  an- 
other;— and  where  can  we  stop?"  The  canon 
Hoffman,  especially,  thought  it  his  duty  to 
prevent  the  fatal  effects  of  an  appointment 
which  he  had  himself  promoted.  "This  ex- 
pounding of  Scripture,"  said  he,  "will  do  the 
people  more  harm  than  good." — "It  is  no 
new  method,"  replied  Zwingle,  "it  is  the  old 
one.  Recollect  St.  Chrysostom's  homiles 
upon  Matthew,  and  St.  Augustine's  upon 
John.  Besides,  I  will  be  cautious  in  all  that 
I  say,  and  give  no  one  cause  to  complain." 

In  abandoning  the  exclusive  use  of  detach- 
ed portions  of  the  Gospels  merely,  Zwingle 
was  departing  from  the  practice  that  had  pre- 
vailed since  the  days  of  Charlemagne,  and 
restoring  the  Holy  Scriptures  to  their  ancient 
rights;  he  was  connecting  the  Reformation, 
even  in  the  beginning  of  his  ministry,  with 
the  primitive  times  of  Christianity,  and  pre- 
paring for  future  ages  a  deeper  study  of  the 
Word  of  God.  But  more  than  this  :  the  firm 
and  independent  posture  which  he  assumed 
in  relation  to  the  Church,  gave  iitirnation 
that  his  aim  was  extraordinary  :  his  character 
as  a  Reformer  began  npw  to  manifest  itself 
distinctly  to  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen;  and 
the  Reformation  consequently  moved  a  step 
onward. 

Hoffman,  having  failed  in  the  chapter,  ad- 
dressed a  written  request  to  the  principal,  that 
lie  would  prohibit  Zwingle  from  disturbing 
the  people  in  their  faith.  The  principal  sent 
for  the  new  preacher,  and  spoke  to  him  in  a 
very  affectionate  tone.  But  no  human  power 
could  seal  his  lips.  On  the  31st  of  December, 


he  wrote  to  the  Council  of  Claris,  that  ho 
entirely  relinqirshed  the  cure  of  souls,  which, 
by  their  favour,  he  had  hitherto  retained  ;  and 
for  the  future  he  dedicated  himself  entirely  to 
Zurich,  and  the  work  which  God  was  prepar- 
ing for  him  in  that  city. 

On  Saturday,  the  first  of  January,  1519, 
Zwingle,  having  on  that  day  completed  his 
thirty-fifth  year,'  ascended  the  pulpit  of  the 
cathedral.  "The  church  was  filled  by  a  nu- 
merous assemblage  of  persons  desirous  to 
see  a  man  who  had  already  acquired  cele- 
brity, and  to  hear  that  new  Gospel  of  which 
every  one  was  beginning  to  speak.  "  It  is  to 
Christ,"  said  Zwingle,  "  that  I  wish  to  guide 
you, — to  Christ,  the  true  spring  of  salvation. 
This  divine  word  is  the  only  food  that  I  seek 
to  minister  to  your  hearts  and  souls."  Ho 
then  announced  that  on  the  following  day, 
the  first  Sunday  of  the  year,  he  would  begin 
to  explain  the  Gospel  according  to  Saint 
Matthew.  On  the  morrow,  accordingly,  the 
preacher,  and  a  still  more  numerous  audito- 
ry, were  assembled  in  their  places.  Zwingle 
opened  the  Gospel,  the  book  that  had  so  long 
been  sealed,  and  read  the  first  page.  Pass- 
ing under  review  the  history  of  the  Patriarchs 
and  prophets  (from  the  first  chapter  of  Mat- 
thew,) he  expounded  it  in  such  a  manner,  that 
all  exclaimed  in  astonishment  and  delight — 
"  We  never  heard  the  like  of  this  before?'103 

He  continued  in  this  way  to  explain  the 
whole  of  St.  Matthew  according  to  the  Greek 
original.  He  showed  how  the  explanation 
and  the  application  of  the  Bible  were  both  to 
be  found  in  the  very  nature  of  man.  Setting 
forth  the  sublimest  truths  of  the  gospel  in  fa- 
miliar language;  his  preaching  adapted  itself 
to  every  class, — to  the  wise  and  learned,  as 
well  as  the  ignorant  and  simple.104 He  magni- 
fied the  infinite  mercies  of  God  the  Father, 
while  he  besought  his  hearers  to  put  their 
trust  in  Jesus  Christ  as  the  only  Saviour.1C5At 
the  same  time  that  he  called  them  to  repent- 
ance by  the  most  persuasive  appeals,  he  com- 
bated the  errors  which  prevailed  among  his 
countrymen  by  the  most  vigorous  reasoning. 
He  raised  a  fearless  voice  against  luxury,  in- 
temperance, extravagance  in  dress,  injustice 
to  the  poor,  idleness,  mercenary  service  in 
war,  and  the  acceptance  of  pensions  from 
foreign  princes.  "In  the  pulpit,"  says  one 
of  his  contemporaries,  "  he  spared  no  one, 
neither  Pope,  nor  Emperor,  nor  Kings,  nor 
Dukes,  nor  Princes,  nor  Lords,  not  even  the 
Confederates.  All  the  strength  and  all  the 
joy  of  his  own  heart  were  in  God  ;  therefore 
he  exhorted  the  whole  city  of  Zurich  to  trust 
in  none  but  Him."106 "Never  before  had  any 
man  been  heard  to  speak  with  so  much  autho- 
rity," says  Oswald  Myconius,  who  watched 
the  labours  of  his  friend  with  joy  and  ardent 
hope. 

It  was  impossible  that  the  Gospel  could  be 
proclaimed  in  Zurich  without  effect.  A 
great  and  continually  increasing  multitude  of 
every  class,  but  especially  of  the  lower  orders, 
flocked  to  hear  it.107  Many  of  the  citizens  of 
Zurich  had  ceased  to  attend  public  worship. 


230 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


"  I  derive  no  benefit  from  the  discourses  of 
these  priests,"  was  the  frequent  observation 
of  Fusslin,  a  poet  and  historian,  as  well  as  a 
councillor  of  state  ; — "they  do  not  preach  the 
things  pertaining  to  salvation  ;  for  they  un- 
derstand them  not.  Avarice  and  voluptuous- 
ness are  the  only  qualities  I  discover  in  them." 
Henry  Ranschlin,  the  state-treasurer,  a  dili- 
gent reader  of  the  Scriptures,  entertained  the 
same  sentiments.  "The  priests,"  said  he, 
"  gathered  together  by  thousands  at  the  Coun- 
cil of  Constance  ....  to  burn  the  best  man 
among  them  all."  These  distinguished  men, 
attracted  by  curiosity,  came  to  hear  Zwingle's 
first  lecture.  The  emotions  which  the  preach- 
er awakened  in  their  minds,  were  successively 
depicted  in  their  countenances.  "  Glory  be  to 
God,"  said  they  as  they  left  the  church  ;  "this 
is  a  preacher  of  the  truth.  He  wrill  be  our 
Moses  ;to  lead  us  forth  from  Egypt.108  From 
that  hour  they  became  the  intimate  friends  of 
the  Reformer.  "  Ye  rulers  of  this  world," 
said  Fiisslin,  "  cease  to  persecute  the  doctrine 
of  Christ.  After  Christ  the  Son  of  God  had 
been  put  to  death,  fishermen  were  raised  up  to 
publish  his  Gospel.  And  so  now,  if  you 
destroy  the  preachers  of  the  truth,  you  will 
see  glass  workers,  and  millers,  and  potters, 
and  founders,  and  shoemakers,  and  tailors, 
starting  up  to  teach  in  their  stead."109 

At  first  there  was  but  one  cry  of  admira- 
tion throughout  Zurich,  but  when  the  first 
burst  of  enthusiasm  had  subsided,  the  enemy 
took  heart  again.  Many  well-meaning  men, 
alarmed  by  the  thought  of  a  Reformation, 
gradually  fell  away  from  Zwingle.  The  vio- 
lence of  the  monks,  which  for  a  brief  space 
had  been  suppressed,  now  broke  out  anew, 
and  the  college  of  the  canons  resounded  with 
complaints.  Zwingle  remained  immovable. 
His  friends,  as  they  contemplated  his  courage, 
recognised  in  their  teacher  the  true  spirit  of 
the  apostolic  age.110  Among  his  enemies  there 
were  some  who  jeered  and  mocked  at  him, 
others  who  resorted  to  insulting  threats;  but 
he  endured  all  with  the  patience  of  a  Chris- 
tian.111 "  If  we  would  win  souls  to  Christ,"  he 
often  remarked,  "  we  must  learn  to  shut  our 
eyes  against  many  things  that  meet  us  in  our 
way."112  An  admirable  saying,  which  ought 
not  to  pass  unnoted. 

His  character,  and  his  habitual  deportment 
towards  his  fellow-men,  contributed  as  much 
as  his  public  ministrations  to  gain  all  hearts. 
He  was  at  once  a  true  Christian  and  a  true 
republican.  The  equality  of  mankind  was 
with  him  no  unmeaning  phrase;  it  was  in- 
scribed on  his  heart,  and  his  life  was  in 
accordance  with  it.  He  had  neither  that 
Pharisaical  pride  nor  that  monkish  coarseness 
by  which  men  of  simple  and  of  refined  taste 
are  alike  disgusted;  all  acknowledged  the 
attraction  of  his  manner,  and  found  themselves 
at  ease  in  his  society.  Bold  .and  energetic 
in  the  pulpit,  he  was  affable  to  those  whom 
he  met  in  the  streets  or  public  walks;  he  was 
often  seen  in  the  places  where  the  civic  com- 
panies or  trading  bodies  held  their  meetings, 
explaining  to  the  burghers  the  leading  arti- 


cles of  the  Christian  faith,  or  holding  familiar 
conversation  with  them.  He  accosted  peasants 
and  patricians  with  the  same  cordiality. 
"  He  invited  the  country-folks  to  dinner," 

•  says  one  of  his  most  violent  enemies,  "walked 

I  with  them,  talked  to  them  about  God,  and 
often  put  the  devil  into  their  hearts,  and  his 
own  writings  into  their  pockets."  His 
example  had  such  weight,  that  even  the 
town-councillors  of  Zurich  would  visit  those 
rustic  strangers,  supply  them  with  refresh- 
ment, go  about  the  city  with  them,  and  pay 
them  all  possible  attention.113 

He  continued  to  cultivate  music,  though 
"  with  moderation,"  as  Bullinger  assures  us; 
nevertheless  the  adversaries  of  the  Gospel 
took  advantage  of  this,  and  called  him  "  the 
evangelical  lute-player  and  piper."114Faber, 
on  one  occasion,  reproved  him  for  indulging 
in  this  recreation.  "  My  dear  Faber,"  replied 
Zwingle,  with  manly  frankness,  "thou  know- 
estnot.  what  music  is.  I  do  not  deny  that  I 
have  learned  to  play  the  lute  and  the  violin, 
and  other  instruments;  and  at  worst,  they 
serve  me  to  quiet  little  children  when  they 
cry;115  but  as  for  thee,  thou  art  too  holy  for 
music  ! — and  dost  thou  not  know,  then,  that 
David  was  a  cunning  player  on  the  harp,  and 
how  he  chased  the  evil  spirit  out  of  Saul  ] 
Oh !  if  thy  ears  were  but  awake  to  the  notes 
of  the  celestial  lute,  the  evil  spirit  of  ambi- 
tion and  greediness  of  wealth,  by  which  thou 
art  possessed,  would  in  like  manner  depart 
from  thee."  Perhaps  there  was  something  of 
weakness  in  Zwingle's  attachment  to  music; 
yet  it  was  in  a  spirit  of  open  heartedness,  and 
evangelical  liberty,  that  he  cultivated  an  art 
which  religion  has  always  connected  with  her 
loftiest  exercises.  He  composed  the  music 
of  several  of  his  Christian  lyrics,  and  was  not 
ashamed  sometimes  to  touch  his  lute  for  the 
amusement  of  the  little  ones  of  his  flock.  He 

I  displayed  the  same  kindly  disposition  in  his 
demeanour  towards  the  poor.  "He  ate  and 
drank,"  says  one  of  his  contemporaries,  "with 
all  who  invited  him,  he  treated  no  one  with 
disdain, — he  was  full  of  compassion  for  the 
poor,  and  always  composed  and  cheerful  in 
good  or  evil  fortune.  No  calamity  ever  daunted 
him,  his  speech  was  ever  hopeful, — his  heart 
ever  stedfast."116Thus  did  Zwingle  continually 
enlarge  the  sphere  of  his  influence, — sitting 
alternately  at  the  poor  man's  scanty  board, 
and  the  banquet  table  of  the  great,  as  his 
Master  had  done  before  Kim, — and  never,  in 
any  situation,  omitting  an  opportunity  to  fur- 
ther the  work  with  which  God  had  entrusted 
him. 

From  the  same  motive  he  was  indefatigable 
in  study.  From  sun-rise  until  the  hour  of  ten 
he  employed  himself  in  reading,  writing,  or 
translating;  the  Hebrew  especially,  during 
that  portion  of  the  day  occupied  much  of  his 
attention.  After  dinner  he  gave  audience  to 
those  who  had  any  communication  to  make  to 
him,  or  stood  in  any  need  of  his  advice;  he 
walked  out  in  company  with  his  friends,  and 
visited  his  people.  At  two  o'clock  he  resumed 

i  his  walk.     He  took  a  short  turn  after  suppej 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


231 


and  then  began  writing  letters,  which  often 
engaged  him  till  midnight.  He  always  read 
and  wrote  standing,  and  never  allowed  the 
customary  allotment  of  his  time  to  he  dis- 
turbed ,  except  for  some  very'im portant  cause.117 

But  the  efforts  of  one  man  were  notenough. 
He  received  a  visit  about  this  time  from  a 
stranger  named  Lucian,  who  brought  him 
some  of  the  works  of  the  German  Reformer. 
Rhenanus,  a  scholar  then  resident  at  Bale, 
and  an  unwearied  propagator  of  Luther's 
writings  in  Switzerland,  had  sent  this  man  to 
Zwingle.  It  had  occurred  to  Rhenanus  that 
the  hawking  of  books  might  be  made  a  pow- 
erful means  of  spreading  the  doctrines  of  the 
Gospel.  "Ascertain,"  said  Rhenanus  to 
Zwingle,  "  whether  this  Lucian  possesses  a 
sufficient  share  of  discretion  and  address;  if 
it  shall  appear  that  he  does,  let  him  go  from 
city  to  city,  from  town  to  town,  from  village 
1o  village,  nay  from  house  to  house, — all  over 
Switzerland,  carrying  with  him  the  writings 
of  Luther,  and  especially  the  exposition  of  the 
Lord's  Prayer,  written  for  the  laity.113  The 
more  it  is  known,  the  mare  purchasers  will  it 
find.  But  be  sure  to  let  him  take  no  other 
books  ;in  his  pack,  for  if  he  have  none  but 
Luther's,  he  will  sell  them  the  faster."  To 
this  expedient  was  many  a  Swiss  family 
indebted  for  the  gleam  of  light  that  found  an 
entrance  into  their  humble  dwelling.  There 
was  one  book,  however,  which  Zwingle  should 
have  caused  to  be  circulated  before  any  of 
Luther's — the  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ. 

An  opportunity  of  displaying  his  zeal  in  a 
new  field  of  service  was  soon  afforded  him. 
Samson,  the  famous  dealer  in  indulgences, 
was  journeying  by  slow  stages  toward  Zurich. 
This  vender  of  disreputable  wares  had  arrived 
from  Schwitz  at  Zug  on  the  20th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1518,  and  had  remained  at  Zug  three 
days.  An  immense  crowd  had  gathered  about 
him  in  that  town.  Those  of  the  poorest  class 
were  the  most  eager  of  the  throng,  and  thus 
prevented  the  rich  from  making  their  way  to 
him.  This  did  not  suit  the  monk's  purpose, 
and  accordingly  one  of  his  attendants  kept 
crying  out  to  the  populace : — "  Good  people, 
do  not  press  forward  so  hard.  Clear  the  way 
for  those  who  have  money.  We  will  do  our 
best  afterwards  to  satisfy  those  who  have 
none."  From  Zug,  Samson  and  his  company 
went  on  to  Lucerne, — from  Lucerne  to  Un- 
derwalden, — and  thence,  passing  through  a 
cultivated  region  of  the  Alps,  with  its  rich 
interjacent  villages, — skirting  the  everlasting 
snows  of  the  Oberland, — and  displaying  their 
Romish  merchandise  for  sale  in  every  inhabit- 
ed spot  of  the  loveliest  district  of  Switzerland, 
— they  arrived  at  length  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Berne.  At  first,  the  monk  received  an 
intimation  that  he  would  hot  be  allowed  to 
enter  the  city  ;  but  eventually,  by  the  aid  of 
some  interested  auxiliaries  within,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  admission,  and  spread  out 
his  stall  in  St.  Vincent's  church.  He  there 
began  to  cry  up  his  wares  more  loudly  than 
ever.  "Here,"  said  he  to  the  rich,  "are 
indulgences  on  parchment,  for  one  crown! — 


There,"  addressing  himself  to  the  poor,  "  are 
absolutions  on  common  paper,  for  two  batz 
only  !"  One  day,  a  knight  of  high  name, 
Jacob  von  Stein,  presented  himself  before  him, 
mounted  on  a  prancing  dapple-grey  charger. 
"  Give  me,"  said  the  knight,  "an  indulgence 
for  myself;  for  my  troop,  which  is  five  hun- 
dred strong; — for  all  the  vassals  on  my 
domain  of  Belp;  and  for  all  my  ancestors; 
and  I  will  give  you  in  return  this  dapple  grey 
horse  of  mine."  It  was  a  high  price  to  ask 
for  a  horse.  Nevertheless,  the  charger  pleased 
the  barefooted  Carmelite.  The  bargain  was 
struck,  the  beast  was  led  into  the  monk's 
stable,  and  all  those  souls  were  duly  declared 
to  have  been  delivered  forever  from  the  pains 
of  hell.119  On  another  occasion,  a  burgher  ob- 
tained from  him  for  thirteen  florins  an  indul- 
gence, by  virtue  of  which,  his  confessor  was 
authorized  to  absolve  him,  among  other 
things,  from  every  kind  of  perjury.120  Samson 
was  held  in  suck  reverence,  that  the  council- 
lor, Von  May,  an  old  man  of  enlightened 
mind,havingdropped  some  expressions  against 
him,  was  obliged  to  ask  pardon  of  the  haughty 
monk  on  his  knees. 

The  last  day  of  his  stay  had  now  arrived. 
A  deafening  clamour  of  bells  gave  warning  to 
the  inhabitants  of  Berne  that  the  monk  was 
about  to  take  his  departure.  Sarnson  was  in 
the  church,  standing  on  the  steps  of  the  high 
altar.  The  canon,  Henry  Lupulus,  Zwingle's 
former  master,  officiated  as  his  interpreter. 
"  When  the  wolf  and  the  fox  come  abroad 
together,"  said  the  canon  Anselm,  addressing 
the  Schultheiss  von  Watteville,  "  the  wisest 
plan  for  you,  worshipful  Sir,  is  to  gather  your 
sheep  and  your  geese  •with  all  speed  into  a 
place  of  safety."  But  the  monk  cared  little 
for  such  remarks  as  these,  which,  moreover, 
seldom  reached  his  ears.  "Fall  on  your 
knees,"  said  he  to  the  superstitious  crowd ; 
"repeat  three  pater  nosters  and  three  ava 
marias,  and  your  souls  will  instantly  be  as 
pure  as  they  were  at  the  moment  of  your 
baptism."  The  multitude  fell  on  their  knees 
forthwith.  Then  determined  to  outdo  himself, 
Samson  cried  out,  "  I  deliver  from  the  tor- 
ments of  purgatory  and  hell  the  souls  of  all 
the  people  of  Berne  who  have  departed  this 
life,  whatsoever  may  have  been  the  manner  or 
the  place  of  their  death."  These  mountebanks, 
like  those  who  perform  at  fairs,  always 
reserved  their  most  astounding  feat  for  the 
last. 

Samson,  now  heavily  laden  with  coin, 
directed  his  course  towards  Zurich,  through 
the  Argan  and  Baden.  As  he  proceeded  on 
his  journey,  this  Carmelite,  who  had  made  so 
sorry  a  figure  when  he  first  crossed  the  Alps, 
displayed  an  increasing  pomp  and  pride  of 
retinue.  The  bishop  of  Constance,  having 
taken  umbrage  because  he  had  not  applied  to 
him  to  legalize  his  bulls,  had  forbidden  aH  the 
curates  of  his  diocese  to  open  their  churches  to 
him.  At  Baden,  however,  the  curate  did  not 
venture,  to  persevere  in  obstructing  the  holy 
traffic.  The  monk's  effrontery  rose  to  a  high- 
er pitch.  Pacing  round  the  church-yard  at 


232 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


the  head  of  a  procession,  he  used  to  fix  his  j  carrying  him  off,  when  some  passers-by  re- 
eyes  on  some  object  in  the  air,  while  his  cognised  and  rescued  him.  At  the  age  of 
acolytes  were  chaunting  the  hymn  for  the  three  years,  he  already  knew  the  Lord's 
dead,  and  pretending  that  he  saw  the  liberated  prayer  and  the  Apostles'  creed;  and  would 


souls  flying  up  from  the  church-yard  towards 
heaven,  to  cry  out:  "Ecce  volant!  Behold! 
they  fly  !"  One  day  a  man,  residing  in  the 
neighbourhood,  found  his  way  into  the  tower 
of  the  church  and  mounted  to  the  belfry ; 
presently  a  quantity  of  white  feathers  floated 
in  the  air,  and  fell  thickly  on  the  astonished 
procession  :  "  Behold  !  they  fly  !"  cried  the 
waggish  citizen  of  Baden,  from  his  lofty 
perch,  still  shaking  more  feathers,  out  of  a 
pillow  that  he  had  unripped.  Many  of  the 
bystanders  laughed  heartily  at  the  jest'.121  Sam- 
son, on  the  contrary,  was  greatly  incensed, — 
norcould  he  be  appeased  until  assurances  were 
given  him  that  the  man  was  at  times  disorder- 
ed in  his  intellect.  He  left  Baden  quite 
crest-fallen. 

Pursuing  his  journey,  he  arrived  about  the 
end  of  February,  1519,  at  Bremgarten,  whither 
he  had  been  invited  by  the  Schultheiss,  and 
the  second  curate  of  the  town,  both  of  whom 
had  seen  him  at  Baden.  The  dean  of  Brem- 
garten, Bullinger,  was  a  man,  than  whom 
none,  in  all  that  country,  stood  higher  in 
public  estimation.  He  was  but  ill-informed,  it 
is  true,  as  to  the  errors  of  the  Church,  and 
imperfectly  acquainted  with  the  word  of  God; 
— but  his  frank  disposition,  his  overflowing 
zeal,  his  eloquence,  his  liberality  to  the 
poor,  his  willingness  to  do  kind  offices  for  his 
humble  neighbours,  made  him  universally 
beloved.  In  his  youth  he  had  formed  a  con- 


often  steal  into  the  church,  mount  his  father's 
pulpit,  gravely  stand  up  there,  and  repeat  at 
the  full  pitch  of  his  voice,  "  1  believe  in  God 
the  Father,  &c.,  &c."  When  he  was  twelve 
years  old,  his  parents  sent  him  to  the  grammar 
school  of  Emmeric, — not  without  feelings  of 
strong  apprehension,  for  those  were  dangerous 
times  for  an  inexperienced  boy.  Instances 
were  frequent  of  students,  to  whom  the  disci- 
pline of  a  university  appeared  too  severe,  ab- 
sconding from  their  college  in  troops,  carrying 
children  along  with  them,  and  encamping  in 
the  woods, — whence  they  sent  out  the  young- 
est of  their  party  to  beg,  or  else,  with  arms  in 
their  hands  attacked  travellers,  plundered 
them,  and  then  consumed  the  fruit  of  their  ra 
pine  in  debauchery.  Henry  was  happily  pre- 
served from  evil  in  his  new  and  distant  abode 
Like  Luther,  he  gained  his  subsistence  by 
singing  at  the  doors  of  houses,  for  his  father 
was  resolved  that  he  should  learn  to  depend 
on  his  own  resources.  He  had  reached  the 
age  of  sixteen  when  he  first  opened  a  New 
Testament.  "I  there  found,"  said  he,  "  all 
that  is  necessary  for  man's  salvation,  and  from 
that  hour  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  we 
must  follow  the  Holy  Scriptures  alone,  and 
reject  all  human  additions.  1  neither  trust  the 
Fathers,  nor  myself;  but  I  explain  Scripture 


by    Scripture,   addin< 
nothing  away."122Goc 


nothing,   and    taking 
was  in  this  way  train- 


ing up  the  youth,  who  was  afterwards  to  be 


nection  of  aconscientious  kind  with  the  daugh-  the  successor  of  Zwingle.  He  is  the  author 
ter  of  a  councillor  of  the  same  town.  Such  was  of  that  manuscript  chronicle  from  which  we 
the  custom  with  those  members  of  the  priest- 
hood, who  wished  to  avoid  a  life  of  profligacy. 
Anna  had  brought  him  five  children,  and  his 
numerous  family  had  in  no  degree  diminished 
the  consideration  in  which  the  Dean  was  held. 
There  was  not  in  all  Switzerland  a  more  hos- 
pitable house  than  his.  Being  much  addicted 
to  the  chase,  he  was  often  seen,  surrounded  by 
ten  or  a  dozen  dogs,  and  accompanied  by  the 
lords  of  Hall wyll,  the  abbottof  Mury,  and  the 
partricians  of  Zurich,  scouring  the  fields  and 
forests  in  his  vicinity.  He  kept  open  house, 
and  not  one  among  all  his  guests  was  a  blither 
man  than  himself.  When  the  deputies,  who 
were  sent  to  the  Diet,  passed  through  Brem- 
garten, on  their  way  to  Baden,  they  never 
failed  to  take  their  seats  at  the  Dean's  table. 
Bullinger,"  said  they,  "keeps  court  like 


some  powerful  baron." 
Strangers,   when   they 


visited   the  house, 


were  sure  to  remark  a  boy  of  intelligent  as- 
pect, whom  they  found  among  its  inmates. 
This  was  Henry,  one  of  the  Dean's  sons.  The 
child  in  his  earliest  years  passed  through 
many  imminent  perils.  He  had  been  seized 
with  the  plague,  and  reduced  to  such  extremi- 
ty, that  he  was  thought  to  be  dead, — and 
preparations  were  making  for  his  burial, 
when,  to  the  joy  of  his  parents,  he  gave  signs 
that  he  was  yet  alive.  At  another  time,  a 
vagrant  enticed  him  from  the  house,  and  was 


so  frequently  quote. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Samson  arrived 
at  Bremgarten,  with  all  his  train.  The  stout- 
hearted Dean,  not  in  the  least  intimidated  by 
this  little  army  of  Italians,  gave  notice  to  the 
monk  that  he  must  not  vend  his  merchandise 
within  his  jurisdiction.  The  Schultheiss,  the 
town-council,  and  the  second  pastor,  all  friends 
of  Samson,  were  assembled  in  a  room  of  the 
inn,  where  the  latter  had  taken  up  his  quar- 
ters, and  clustered  in  much  perplexity  round 
the  irritated  monk.  The  Dean  entered  the 
chamber.  "Here  are  the  Pope's  bulls !  "  said 
the  monk,  "  open  your  church  to  rne !  " 

THE  DEAN.  "I  will  suffer  no  one,  under 
colour  of  unauthenticated  letters  like  these 
(for  the  bishop  has  not  legalized  them,)  to 
squeeze  the  purses  of  my  parishioners." 

THE  MONK,  in  a  solemn  lone.  "  The  Pope 
is  above  the  bishop.  I  charge  you  not  to  de- 
prive your  flock  of  so  marvellous  a  grace." 

THE  DEAN.  "  W7ere  it  to  cost  me  my  life, 
— I  will  not  open  my  church." 

THK  MONK,  in  great  anger.  "Rebellious 
priest!  in  the  name  of  our  most  holy  lord,  the 
Pope,  I  pronounce  against  thee  the  greater 
excommunication, — nor  will  1  grant  thee  ab- 
solution until  thou  hast  paid  a  penalty  of  three 
hundred  ducats  for  this  unheard  of  presump- 
tion." 

THE  DEAN,  turning  to  go  out  again.     "  1 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


233 


am  prepared   to  answer   for   myself  before  j 
my  lawful  judges;  as  for  thee,  and  thy  ex- 
communication, I   have   nothing  to  do  with 
either." 

THE  MONK,  transported  with  rogr.123-"Head- 
strong  beast  that  thou  art!  I  am  going  straight 
to  Zurich,  and  there  I  will  lodge  my  com- 
plaint with  the  deputies  of  the  Confederation." 

THE  DEAN. — "  I  can  show  myself  there  as 
well  as  thou,  and  thither  will  I  go." 

While  these  things  were  passing  at  Brem- 
garten,  Zwingle,  who  saw  the  enemy  gradu- 
ally draw  nigh,  was  preaching  with  great 
vigour  against  indulgences.124 The  vicar,  Faber 
of  Constance,  encouraged  him  in  this,  and 
promised  him  the  support  of  the  bishop.125"! 
know,"  said  Sampson,  on  his  road  to  Zurich, 
"that  Zwingle  will  speak  against  me,  but  I 
will  stop  his  mouth."  Assuredly,  Zwingle 
felt  too  deeply  the  sweetness  of  the  pardoning 
grace  of  Christ  to  refrain  from  attacking  the 
paper  pardons  of  these  presumptuous  men. 
Like  Luther,  he  often  trembled  on  account  of 
sin;  but  in  the  Saviour  he  found  deliverance 
from  his  fears.  Humble,  yet  strong-minded, 
he  was  continually  advancing  in  the  know- 
ledge of  the  Lord.  "  When  Satan,"  said  he, 
"attempts  to  terrify  me,  crying  aloud:  Lo! 
this  and  that  thou  hast  left  undone,  though 
God  has  commanded  it! — the  gentle  voice  of 
the  Gospel  brings  me  instant  comfort,  for  it 
whispers:  What  thou  canst  not  do  (and  of  a 
truth  thou  canst  do  nothing), — that  Christ 
does  for  thee,  and  does  it  thoroughly."  "Yes !" 
continued  the  pious  evangelist,  "when  my 
heart  is  wrung  with  anguish  by  reason  of  my 
impotence,  and  the  weakness  of  the  flesh,  my 
spirit  revives  at  the  sound  of  these  joyful 
words:  Christ  is  thy  sinlessness!  Christ  is 
thy  righteousness !  Christ  is  the  Alphaand  the 
Omega  ;  Christ  is  the  beginning  and  the  end ; 
Christ  is  all ;  he  can  do  all  !126  All  created 
things  will  disappoint  and  deceive  thee;  but 
Christ,  the  sinless  and  the  righteous,  will  ac- 
cept thee."—"  Yes,  it  is  He,"  exclaimed 
Zwingle,  "  who  is  our  righteousness,  and  the 
righteousness  of  all  those  who  shall  appear  as 
righteous  forever  before  the  throne  of  God  !" 

Confronted  by  truths  like  these,  the  indul- 
gences could  never  stand  :  Zwingle,  therefore, 
hesitated  not  to  attack  them.  "No  man," 
said  he,  "  has  power  to  remit  sins, — except 
Christ  alone,  who  is  very  God  and  very  man 
in  one.127  Go,  if  thou  wilt,  and  buy  indulgen- 
ces. But  be  assured,  that  thou  art  in  nowise 
absolved.  They  who  sell  the  remission  of 
sins  for  money,  are  but  companions  of  Simon 
the  magician,  the  friends  of  Balaam,  the  am- 
bassadors of  Satan." 

The  worthy  Dean  Bullinger,  still  heated  by 
his  altercation  with  the  monk,  arrived  before 
him  at  Zurich.  He  came  to  lay  a  complaint 
before  the  Diet  against  the  shameless  traffick- 
er, and  his  fraudulent  trade.  Deputies  sent 
by  the  bishop  on  the  same  errand  were  already 
on  the  spot,  with  whom  he  made  common 
cause.  Assurances  of  support  were  proffered 
him  on  all  hands.  The  same  spirit  which 
animated  Zwingle  was  now  breathing  over 


the  whole  city.     The  council  of  state  resolved 
to  prohibit  the  monk  from  entering  Zurich. 

Sampson  had  arrived  in  the  suburbs,  and 
alighted  at  an  inn.  Already  he  had  his  foot 
in  the  stirup  to  make  his  entry  into  the  city, 
when  he  was  accosted  by  messengers  from 
the  council,  who  offered  him  the  honorary 
wine-cup,  as  an  agent  of  the  Pope,  and  at  the 
same  time  intimated  to  him  that  he  might 
forego  his  intention  of  appearing  in  Zurich. 
"  I  have  somewhat  to  communicate  to  the 
Diet,  in  the  name  of  his  Holiness,"  replied 
the  monk.  This  was  only  a  stratagem.  It 
was  determined,  however,  that  he  should  be 
admitted  ;  but  as  he  spoke  of  nothing  but  his 
bulls,  he  was  dismissed,  after  having  been 
forced  to  withdraw  the  excommunication  he 
had  pronounced  against  the  Dean  of  Brem- 
garten.  He  departed  in  high  dudgeon;  and 
soon  after  the  Pope  recalled  him  into  Italy. 
A  cart,  drawn  by  three  horses,  and  loaded 
with  coin,  obtained  under  false  pretences  from 
the  poor,  rolled  before  him  over  those  steep 
roads  of  the  St.  Gothard,  along  which  he  had 
passed  eight  months  before,  indigent,  unat- 
tended, and  encumbered  by  no  burden  save 
his  papers.128 

The  Helvetic  Diet  showed  more  resolution 
at  this  time  than  the  Diet  of  Germany.  The 
reason  was,  that  no  bishops  or  cardinals  had 
seats  in  it.  And  accordingly  the  Pope,  un- 
supported by  those  auxiliaries,  was  more 
guarded  in  his  proceedings  towards  Switzer- 
land than  towards  Germany.  Besides  this, 
the  affair  of  the  indulgences,  which  occupies 
so  prominent  a  place  in  the  narrative  of  the 
German  Reformation,  forms  but  an  episode 
in  the  history  of  the  Reformation  in  Switzer- 
land. 

Zwingle's  zeal  overlooked  all  considera- 
tions of  personal  ease  or  health ;  but  continued 
toil  at  last  rendered  relaxation  necessary.  He 
was  ordered  to  repair  to  the  baths  of  Pfeffers. 
"  Oh  !"  said  Herus,  one  of  the  pupils  resident 
in  his  house,  who  in  this  parting  salutation 
gave  utterance  to  a  feeling  which  was  shared 
by  all  to  whom  Zwingle  was  known,  "  had  I 
a  hundred  tongues,  a  hundred  mouths,  and  a 
voice  of  iron,  as  Virgil  says — or  rather,  had  I 
the  eloquence  of  Cicero,  never  could  I  express 
how  much  I  owe  you,  or  how  much  pain  I 
suffer  from  this  separation."129 Zwingle,  how- 
ever, was  constrained  to  go.  His  journey  to 
Pfeffers  led  him  through  the  frightful  gorge 
formed  by  the  impetuous  torrent  of  the  Jarnina. 
He  descended  into  that "  infernal  gulf,"  to  use 
the  phrase  of  Daniel  the  hermit,  and  reached 
the  baths  of  which  he  was  in  quest, — a  site 
continually  shaken  by  the  din  of  the  tumbling 
torrent,  and  moistened  by  the  cloud  of  spray 
that  rises  from  its  shattered  waters.  In  the 
house  in  which  Zwingle  was  lodged,  it  was 
necessary  to  burn  torches  at  noonday  ;  and  it 
was  the  belief  of  the  neighbourhood  that  fear- 
ful spectres  might  sometimes  be  descried  glid- 
ing to  and  fro  amidst  the  darkness:  and  yet 
even  here  he  found  an  opportunity  of  serving 
his  Master.  His  affability  won  the  hearts  of 
many  of  the  invalids  assembled  at  the  baths. 


234 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Of  this  number  was  the  celebrated  poet,  Philip 
Ingentinus,  a  professor  of  Friburg,  in  the  Bris- 
gau,  who  from  that  time  became  a  strenuous 
supporter  of  the  Reformation.130 

God  was  watching  over  his  work,  and  it 
was  his  will  to  hasten  it.  The  defect  of 
Zwingle  consisted  in  his  strength.  Strong  in 
bodily  constitution,  strong  in  character,  strong 
in  talent,  he  was  destined  to  see  all  his  strength 
laid  low  in  the  dust,  that  he  might  become  such 
an  instrument  as  God  loves  best  to  employ. 
There  was  a  baptism  with  which  he  yet  need- 
ed to  be  baptized, — the  baptism  of  adversity, 
infirmity,  weakness,  and  pain.  Luther  had 
received  it  in  that  season  of  anguish  when 
piercing  cries  burst  forth  from  his  narrow  cell, 
and  echoed  through  the  long  corridors  of  the 
convent  at  Erfurth.  Zwingle  was  to  receive 
it  by  being  brought  into  contact  with  sickness 
and  death.  In  the  history  of  the  heroes  of 
this  world, — of  such  men  as  Charles  XII.  or 
Napoleon, — there  is  always  a  critical  moment 
which  shapes  their  career  and  ensures  their 
future  glory;  it  is  that  in  which  a  conscious- 
ness of  their  own  strength  is  suddenly  impart- 
ed to  them.  And  a  moment  not  less  decisive 
than  this, — though  stamped  with  an  impress 
altogeiher  different, — is  to  be  found  in  the 
life  of  every  heroic  servant  of  God; — it  is  that 
moment  in  which  he  first  recognises  his  abso- 
lute helplessness  and  nothingness; — then  it  is 
that  the  strength  of  God  is  communicated  to 
him  from  on  high.  A  work  such  as  that  which 
Zwingle  was  called  to  perform  is  never  ac- 
complished in  the  natural  strength  of  man;  it 
would  in  that  case  come  to  naught,  just  as  a 
tree  must  wither  which  is  planted  in  its  full 
maturity  and  vigour.  The  plant  must  be 
weak,  or  its  roots  will  never  strike ;  the  grain 
must  die  in  the  earth,  or  it  cannot  bring  forth 
much  fruit.  God  was  about  to  lead  Zwingle, 
and  with  him  the  work  which  seemed  to  be 
dependent  on  him  for  success, — to  the  very 
gates  of  the  grave.  It  is  from  amidst  the  dry 
bones,  the  darkness  and  the  dust  of  death,  that 
God  delights  to  raise  His  instruments,  when 
He  designs  to  scatter  light  and  regeneration 
and  vitality  over  the  face  of  the  earth. 

While  Zwingle  was  buried  among  the  stu- 
pendous rocks  that  overhang  the  headlong  tor- 
rent of  the  Jamina,  he  suddenly  received  in- 
telligence that  the  plague,  or  tbe"great  death?™ 
as  it  was  called,  had  visited  Zurich.  This 
terrible  malady  broke  out  in  August,  on  St. 
Lawrence's  day,  and  lasted  till  Candlemas, 
sweeping  away  during  that  period  no  fewer 
than  two  thousand  five  hundred  souls.  The 
young  people  who  resided  under  Zwingle's 
roof  had  immediately  quitted  it,  according  to 
the  directions  he  had  left  behind  him.  His 
house  was  deserted  therefore' — but  it  was  his 
time  to  return  to  it.  He  set  out  from  Pfeffers 
in  all  haste,  and  appeared  once  more  among 
his  flock,  which  the  disease  had  grievously 
thinned.  His  young  brother  Andrew,  who 
would  gladly  have  stayed  to  attend  upon  him, 
he  sent  back  at  once  to  Wildhaus,  and  from 
that  moment  gave  himself  up  entirely  to  the 
victims  of  that  dreadful  scourge.  It  was  his 


daily  task  to  testify  of  Christ  and  his  conso 
lations  to  the  sick.*  His  friends,  while  they 
rejoiced  to  see  him  still  unharmed,  while  the 
arrows  of  pestilence  were  flying  thick  around 
him,  were  visited  nevertheless  with  many  se- 
cret misgivings  on  his  account.132"  Do  good," 
was  the  language  of  a  letter  written  to  him 
from  IMle,  by  Conrad  Brunner,  who  himself 
died  of  the  plague  a  few  months  afterwards ; 
— "but  at  the  same  time  be  advised  to  take 
care  of  your  own  life."  The  caution  came  too 
late ;  Zwingle  had  been  seized  by  the  plague. 
The  great  preacher  of  Switzerland  was  stretch- 
ed on  a  bed  from  which  it  was  probable  he 
might  never  rise.  He  now  turned  his  thoughts 
upon  the  state  of  his  own  soul,  and  lifted  up 
his  eyes  to  God.  He  knew  that  Christ  had 
given  him  a  sure  inheritance;  and  pouring 
forth  the  feelings  of  his  heart  in  a  hymn  full 
of  unction  and  simplicity, — the  sense  and  the 
rhythm  of  which  we  will  endeavour  to  exhibit, 
though  we  should  fail  in  the  attempt  to  copy 
its  natural  and  primitive  cast  of  language, — 
he  cried  aloud : 

Lo  at  my  door 
Gaunt  death  I  spy  ;133 
Hear,  Lord  of  lite, 
Thy  creature's  cry. 

The  arm  that  hung 
Upon  the  tree, 
Jesus,  uplift — 
And  rescue  me. 

Yet,  if  to  quench 
My  sun  at  noon 
Be  thy  behest,134 
Thy  will  be  done  ! 

In  faith  and  hope 
Earth  I  resign, 
Secure  of  heaven, — 
For  I  am  thine  ! 

The  disease  in  the  mean  time  gained  ground ; 
his  friends  in  deep  affliction  beheld  the  man  on 
whom  the  hopes  of  Switzerland  and  of  the 
Church  reposed  ready  to  be  swallowed  up  by 
the  grave.  His  bodily  powers  and  natural  fa- 
culties were  forsaking  him.  His  heart  was 
smitten  with  dismay ;  yet  he  found  strength 
sufficient  left  him  to  turn  towards  God,  and  to 
cry: 

Fierce  grow  my  pains : 

Help,  Lord,  in  haste  ! 

For  flesh  and  heart 

Are  failing  last. 

Clouds  wrap  my  sight, 
My  tongue  is  dumb, 
Lord,  tarry  not, 
The  hour  is  come.1135 

In  Satan's  grasp 
On  hell's  dark  brink 
My  spirit  reels, 
Ah,  must  I  sink  ? 


*  M.  de  Chateaubriand  had  forgotten  this  fact, 
and  a  thousand  similar  ones,  when  he  remarked 
that  "  the  Protestant  pastor  abandons  the  helpless 
on  the  bed  of  death,  and  is  never  seen  rushing 
into  the  grasp  of  the  pestilence."  (Essay  on 
English  Literature.) 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


235 


No,  Jesus,  no ! 
Him  I  defy, 
While  here  beneath 
Thy  cross  I  lie. 

The  Canon  Hoffman,  sincerely  attached  to 
the  creed  which  he  professed,  could  not  bear 
the  idea  of  seeing  Zwingle  die  in  the  errors 
which  he  had  inculcated.  He  waited  on  the 
principal  of  the  chapter.  "  Think,"  said  he, 
"  of  the  peril  of  his  soul.  Has  he  not  given 
the  name  of  fantastical  innovators  to  all  the 
doctors  who  have  taught  for  the  last  three 
hundred  and  eighty  years  and  upwards — Al- 
exander of  Hales,  Saint  Bonaventura,  Al- 
bertus  Magnus,  Thomas  Aquinas,  and  all  the 
canonists  H  Does  he  not  affirm  that  the  doc- 
trines they  have  broached  are  no  better  than 
dreams  into  which  they  have  fallen,  with  their 
hoods  drawn  over  their  eyes,  in  the  gloomy 
corners  of  their  cloisters?  Alas!  it  would 
have  been  better  for  the  city  of  Zurich  had  he 
ruined  our  vintages  and  harvests  for  many  a 
year ;  and  now  that  he  is  at  death's  door  I  be- 
seech you  save  his  poor  soul !"  It  would  ap- 
pear that  the  principal,  more  enlightened  than 
the  canon,  did  not  think  it  necessary  to  con- 
vert Zwingle  to  St.  Bonaventura  and  Albertus 
Magnus.  He  was  left  undisturbed 

Great  was  the  consternation  that  prevailed 
throughout  the  city.  The  believers  cried  to 
God  night  and  day,  earnestly  entreating  that 
He  would  restore  their  faithful  pastor.136  The 
alarm  had  spread  from  Zurich  to  the  moun- 
tains of  Tockenburg.  Even  in  that  elevated 
region  the  plague  had  made  its  appearance. 
Seven  or  eight  persons  had  fallen  a  prey  to  it 
in  the  village  :  among  these  was  a  servant  of 
Nicholas,  Zwingle's  brother.137No  tidings  were 
received  from  the  Reformer.  "  Let  me  know," 
wrote  young  Andrew  Zwingle,  "  what  is  thy 
state,  my  beloved  brother !  The  abbot,  and 
all  our  brothers  salute  thee."  It  would  seem 
that  Zwingle's  parents  were  already  dead, 
since  they  are  not  mentioned  here. 

The  news  of  Zwingle's  illness,  followed  by 
a  report  of  his  death,  was  circulated  through- 
out Switzerland  and  Germany.  "  Alas  !"  ex- 
claimed Hedio,  in  tears,  "  the  deliverer  of 
our  country,  the  trumpet  of  the  Gospel,  the 
magnanimous  herald  of  the  truth  is  stricken 
with  death  in  the  flower  and  spring-tide  of  his 
age!"138 When  the  intelligence  reached  Bale 
that  Zwingle  was  no  more,  the  whole  city  re- 
sounded with  lamentations.139 

But  that  glimmering  spark  of  life  which  had 
been  left  unquenched,  began  now  to  burn 
more  brightly.  Though  labouring  still  under 
great  bodily  weakness,  his  soul  was  impressed 
with  a  deep  persuasion  that  God  had  called 
him  to  replace  the  candle  of  His  word  on  the 
deserted  candlestick  of  the  Church.  The  plague 
had  relinquished  its  victim.  With  strong 
emotion  Zwingle  now  exclaimed  : — 

My  Father  God, 
Behold  me  whole  ! 
Again  on  earth 
A  living  soul  I 

31 


Let  sin  no  more 
My  heart  annoy, 
But  fill  it,  Lord, 
With  holy  joy. 

Though  now  delayed, 
My  hour  must  come, 
Involved,  perchance, 
In  deeper  gloom.* 

It  matters  not ; 

Rejoicing  yet 

I'll  bear  my  yoke 

To  heaven's  bright  gate.t 

As  soon  as  he  was  able  to  hold  a  pen,  (it 
was  about  the  beginning  of  November,)  he 
wrote  to  his  family.  Unspeakable  was  the 
joy  which  his  letter  imparted  to  all  his  rela- 
tives,140 but  especillay  to  his  younger  brother 
Andrew,  who  himself  died  of  the  plague  in 
the  course  of  the  following  year,  leaving  Ulric 
to  lament  his  loss  with  tears  ajid  cries,  sur- 
passing the  measure, — as  he  himself  remarks, 
— even  of  a  woman's  passion.141  At  Bale,  Con- 
rad Brunner,  Zwingle's  friend,  and  Bruno 
Amerbach,  the  celebrated  printer, — both  young 
men, — had  been  carried  to  the  grave  after 
three  days'  illness.  It  was  believed  in  that 
city  that  Zwingle  also  had  perished.  There 
was  a  general  expression  of  grief  throughout 
the  university.  "  He  whom  God  loves,"  said 
they,  "ismadeperfectinthemorning  of  life."142 
But  what  was  their  joy  when  tidings  were 
brought,  first  by  Collinus,  a  student  from  Lu- 
cerne, and  afterwards  by  a  merchant  of  Zu- 
rich, that  Zwingle  had  been  snatched  from  the 
brink  of  the  grave.143The  vicar  of  the  Bishop 
of  Constance,  John  Faber.  that  early  friend  of 
Zwingle,  who  was  afterwards  his  most  violent 
opponent,  wrote  to  him  on  this  occasion  : — 
44  Oh,  my  beloved  Ulric !  what  joy  does  it  give 
me  to  learn  that  thou  hast  been  delivered  from 
the  jaws  of  the  cruel  pestilence.  When  thy 
life  is  in  jeopardy,  the  Christian  common- 
wealth has  cause  to  tremble.  The  Lord  has 
seen  it  good  by  this  trial  to  incite  thee  to  a 
more  earnest  pursuit  of  eternal  life." 

This  was  indeed  the  end  which  the  Lord 
had  in  view  in  subjecting  ZwTingle  to  trial ; 
and  the  end  was  attained,  but  in  another  way 
than  Faber  contemplated.  This  pestilence  of 
the  year  1519,  which  committed  such  frightful 
ravages  in  the  north  of  Switzerland,  became 
an  effectual  agent  in  the  hands  of  God  for  the 
conversion  of  many  souls.144But  on  no  one  did 
it  exercise  so  powerful  an  influence  as  on 
Zwingle.  The  Gospel,  which  he  had  hereto- 
fore embraced  as  a  mere  doctrine,  now  became 
a  great  reality.  He  rose  from  the  dark  bor- 

*  These  words  were  fulfilled  in  a  remarkable 
manner,  twelve  years  afterwards,  on  the  bloody 
field  of  Cappel. 

t  Although  these  three  fragments  of  poetry  have 
their  respective  date  attached  to  them,  "  at  the  be- 
ginning,— in  the  middle, — at  the  end — of  the  sick- 
ness," and  truly  represent  the  feelings  of  Zwin- 
gle at  the  different  epochs,  it  is  probable  that  they 
were  not  thrown  into  the  form  into  which  we  now 
find  them,  until  after  his  recovery .-<See  Bullin- 
ger,  MS.) 


236 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


ders  of  the  tomb  with  a  new  heart.  His  zeal 
became  more  ardent,  his  life  more  holy,  his 
preaching  more  free,  more  Christian,  more 
persuasive.  This  was  the  epoch  of  Zwingle's 
complete  emancipation:  henceforward  he  de- 
voted himself  entirely  to  God.  But,  along 
with  the  Reformer,  the  Reformation,  also,  of 
Switzerland  received  new  life.  The  scourge 
of  God,  "  the  great  death,"  while  it  ranged 
over  those  mountains,  and  swept  along  those 
valleys,  impressed  a  character  of  deeper  holi- 
ness on  the  movement  which  was  taking  place 
within  their  bosom.  The  Reformation,  as 
well  as  Zwingle,  was  immersed  in  the  waters 
of  sanctified  affliction,  and  came  forth  endued 
with  a  purer  and  more  vigorous  vitality.  It 
was  a  memorable  season  in  the  dispensations 
of  God  for  the  regeneration  of  the  Swiss  people. 

Zwingle  derived  an  accession  of  that  strength 
of  which  he  stood  so  much  in  need,  from  his 
renewed  communion  with  his  friends.  With 
Myconius  especially  he  was  united  by  the 
bonds  of  a  strong  affection.  They  walked 
side  by  side,  each  supporting  the  other,  like 
Luther  and  Melancthon.  Oswald  was  happy 
at  Zurich.  His  position  there  was  a  constrained 
one,  it  is  true;  but  the  virtues  of  his  modest 
wife  made  him  amends  for  all  his  discomforts. 
It  was  of  her  that  Glareanus  said,  "  Could  I 
meet  a  young  woman  resembling  her,  I  would 
prefer  her  to  a  king's  daughter."  The  enjoy- 
ment which  Zwingle  and  Myconius  found  in 
their  reciprocal  friendship  was  sometimes 
broken  in  upon,  however,  by  the  voice  of  a 
faithful  monitor.  That  monitor  was  the  canon 
Xyloctect,  who  was  continually  calling  on 
Myconius  to  return  to  Lucerne,  the  place  of 
his  birth.  "  Zurich  is  not  thy  country,"  said 
he,  "but  Lucerne.  Thou  sayest  that  the  Zu- 
richers  are  thy  friends;  I  acknowledge  it:  but 
canst  thou  tell  how  it  will  fare  with  thee  when 
the  shadows  of  evening  begin  to  fall  on  thy 
path!  Remember  thy  duty  to  thy  country:145 
such  is  my  desire,  my  entreaty,  and,  if  I  may 
so  speak,  my  command  !"  Following  up  his 
words  by  acts,  Xyloctect  caused  Myconius  to 
be  elected  rector  of  the  collegiate  school  of  his 
native  city.  Oswald  then  hesitated  no  longer ; 
he  saw  the  finger  of  God  in  this  nomination, 
and,  great  as  was  the  sacrifice  demanded  of 
him,  he  resolved  to  make  it.  Might  it  not  be 
the  will  of  the  Lord  to  employ  him  as  His  in- 
strument in  publishing  the  doctrine  of  peace 
in  the  warlike  canton  of  Lucerne"?  But  how 
shall  we  describe  the  parting  between  Zwin- 
gle and  Myconius!  On  either  side,  their 
farewell  was  accompanied  with  tears.  "Thy 
departure,"  observed  Ulric  in  a  letter  written 
to  Oswald  shortly  afterwards, "  has  been  such 
a  discouragement  to  the  cause  which  I  defend, 
as  can  only  be  compared  to  that  which  would 
be  felt  by  an  army  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle, 
were  it  suddenly  deprivedof  one  of  its  wings.146 
Alas!  now  I  feel  the  value  of  my  Myconius, 
and  can  perceive  how  often,  when  I  dreamed 
not  of  it,  he  has  upheld  the  cause  of  Christ." 

Zwingle  felt  the  loss  of  his  friend  the  more 
acutely,  by  reason  of  the  debilitated  state  to 
which  the  plague  had  reduced  him.  "  It  has 


enfeebled  my  memory,"  he  complains,  in  a 
letter  dated  30th  November,  1519,  "and  pros- 
trated my  spirits."  While  he  was  yet  scarcely 
convalescent,  he  had  resumed  all  his  labours. 
"But,"  said  he,  "I  often,  in  preaching,  lose 
the  thread  of  my  discourse.  My  whole  frame 
is  oppressed  with  languor,  and  I  am  little  bet- 
ter than  a  dead  man."  Besides  this,  Zwin- 
gle's opposition  to  indulgences  had  aroused 
the  animosity  of  those  who  supported  them. 
Oswald  encouraged  his  friend  by  the  letters 
he  wrote  to  him  from  Lucerne.  Was  not  the 
Lord,  at  this  moment,  giving  a  pledge  of  his 
readiness  to  help,  by  the  protection  which  he 
afforded  in  Saxony  to  the  mighty  champion 
who  had  gained  such  signal  victories  over 
Rome?  "What  thinkest  thou,"  said  Myco- 
nius to  Zwingle,  "of  the  causa  of  Lulher! 
For  my  part,  I  have  no  fear  either  for  the 
Gospel  or  for  him.  If  God  does  not  protect 
his  truth,  by  whom  else  shall  it  be  protected  ! 
All  that  I  ask  of  the  Lord  is,  that  he  will  not 
withdraw  his  hand  from  those  who  have  no- 
thing so  dear  to  them  as  his  Gospel.  Go  on 
as  thou  hast  begun,  and  an  abundant  reward 
shall  be  bestowed  upon  thee  in  heaven." 

The  arrival  of  an  old  friend  at  this  time 
brought  some  comfort  to  Zwingle,  in  his  grief 
for  the  removal  of  Myconius.  Bunzli,  who 
had  been  Ulric's  master  at  Bale,  and  who  had 
since  succeeded  the  Dean  of  Wesen,  the  Re- 
former's uncle,  arrived  at  Zurich  in  the  first 
week  of  the  year  1520,  and  Zwingle  and  he 
formed  the  resolution  of  taking  a  journey  to 
Bale  together,  to  see  their  common  friends.147 
Zwingle's  visit  to  Bale  was  not  unproductive 
of  good.  "  O,  my  dear  Zwingle,"  wrote  John 
Glother,  at  a  later  period,  "  never  shall  I 
forget  thee.  My  gratitude  is  thy  due  for  the 
kindness  displayed  by  thee  during  thy  stay  at 
Bale,  in  visiting  me  as  thou  didst, — me,  a  poor 
schoolmaster,  a  man  without  name,  without 
learning,  without  merit,  and  in  a  low  condition. 
My  affections  thou  hast  won  by  that  elegance 
of  manners,  that  indescribable  fascination,  by 
which  thou  subduest  all  hearts, — and,  I  might 
almost  say,  the  very  stones."U8But  Zwingle's 
earlier  friends  derived  still  greater  benefit  from 
his  visit.  Capito  and  Hedio,  with  many 
others,  were  electrified  by  his  powerful  dis- 
courses; and  the  former,  adopting  the  same 
course  at  Bale  which  Zwingle  bad  pursued  at 
Zurich,  began  to  expound  St.  Matthew's  Gos- 
pel to  an  auditory  which  continually  increased 
in  numbers.  The  doctrine  of  Christ  manifested 
its  power  in  searching  and  warming  the  heart. 
The  people  received  it  with  joy,  and  hailed 
the  revival  of  Christianity  with  eager  acclama- 
tions.149The  Reformation  had  already  dawned. 
A  proof  of  this  was  soon  seen  in  a  conspiracy 
of  priests  and  monks,  which  was  formed 
against  Capito.  Albert,  the  young  Cardinal- 
archbishop  of  Mentz,  who  was  desirous  to 
attach  so  learned  a  man  to  his  person,  took 
advantage  of  this  circumstance,  and  invited 
him  to  his  court.  Capito,  seeing  the  difficul- 
ties with  which  he  was  surrounded,  accepted 
the  invitation.150  The  people  thought  themselves 
aggrieved,  their  indignation  was  roused  against 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


237 


the  priests,  and  the  city  was  thrown  into  com- 
motion.151 Hedio  was  spoken  of  as  Capito's 
successor;  but  some  objected  to  his  youth, 
and  others  said, "•  He  is  his  disciple."  "  The 
truth,"  said  Hedio,  "  is  of  too  pungent  a  qua- 
lity. There  are  susceptible  ears,  which  it 
cannot  fail  to  wound,  and  which  are  not  to  be 
wounded  with  impunity.152 No  matter;  I  will 
not  be  turned  aside  from  the  straight  road." 
The  monks  redoubled  theirefforts.  "  Beware," 
was  their  language  in  the  pulpit,  "of  giving 
credence  to  those  who  tell  you  that  the  sum 
of  Christian  doctrine  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Gospels,  and  in  the  Epistles  of  St.  Paul. 
Scotus  has  rendered  greater  service  to  Chris- 
tianity than  Paul  himself.  All  the  learning 
that  has  been  preached  and  published  has 
been  stolen  from  Scotus.  The  utmost  that 
certain  persons  have  been  able  to  achieve  in 
their  attempts  to  gain  a  reputation  for  them- 
selves, has  been  to  mix  up  a  few  words  of 
Greek  and  Hebrew  with  his  matter,  so  as  to 
perplex  and  darken  the  whole."153 

The  tumult  continued  to  increase ;  there 
was  reason  to  fear  that  after  Capito's  depart- 
ure, the  opposition  would  become  still  more 
powerful.  "I  shall  be  left  almost  alone, 
weak  and  insignificant  as  I  am,"  said  Hedio, 
•*  to  struggle  with  those  formidable  monsters."154 
In  this  emergency  he  betook  himself  to  God 
for  succour; — and  in  a  letter  to  Zwingle,  ex- 
pressed himself  thus  : — "  Support  my  cou- 
rage by  frequent  letters.  Learning  and  reli- 
gion are  now  between  the  hammer  and  the 
anvil.  Luther  has  been  condemned  by  the 
universities  of  Louvain  and  Cologne.  If  ever 
the  Church  was  in  imminent  peril,  she  is  so 
at  this  hour!"155 

Capito  quitted  Bale  for  Mentz  on  the  28th 
of  April ;  and  Hedio  succeeded  him.  Not 
content  with  the  public  assemblies  which 
were  held  in  the  church,  where  he  continued 
the  lectures  on  Saint  Matthew,  he  resolved, 
as  he  wrote  to  Luther,  to  institute,  in  the  en- 
suing month  of  June,  private  meetings  in  his 
own  house,  that  he  might  impart  more  fami- 
liar instruction  in  the  Gospel  to  such  as 
should  desire  it.  This  powerful  method  of 
communicating  religious  knowledge,  and  awa- 
kening the  concern  and  affection  of  believers 
for  divine  things,  could  not  fail  on  this,  as  on 
every  occasion,  to  excite  the  concurrent  oppo- 
sition of  worldly-minded  laymen,  and  an  ar- 
rogant priesthood, — classes  which  are  equally 
inimical,  though  on  different  grounds,  to  every 
attempt  to  worship  God  anywhere  but  within 
the  enclosure  of  certain  walls.  But  Hedio 
was  not  to  he  driven  from  his  purpose. 

About  the  period  when  he  conceived  this 
praiseworthy  design  at  Bale,  there  arrived  at 
Zurich  one  of  those  characters,  who,  in  revo- 
lutionary times,  are  often  thrown  up  like  a 
foul  scurn  upon  the  agitated  surface  of  society. 

The  senator  Grebel,  a  man  highly  respect- 
ed at  Zurich,  had  a  son  named  Conrad,  a 
young  man  of  remarkable  talents,  a  deter- 
mined enemy  to  ignorance  and  superstition, 
— which  he  assailed  with  the  keenest  satire; 
vehement  and  overbearing  in  his  manners, 


i  sarcastic  and  acrimonious  in  his  speech,  de- 
'  stitute  of  natural  affection,  addicted  to  disso- 
lute habits,  frequent  and  loud  in  professions 
of  his  own  integrity,  and  unable  to  discover 
anything  but  evil  in  the  rest  of  mankind.  We 
mention  him  here  because  he  was  destined 
afterwards  to  a  melancholy  celebrity.  Just 
at  this  time,  Vadianus  contracted  a  marriage 
with  one  of  Conrad's  sisters.  The  latter, 
who  was  then  a  student  at  Paris,  where  his 
own  misconduct  prevented  him  from  making 
any  progress,  having  a  desire  to  be  present 
at  the  nuptials,  suddenly  appeared  about  the 
beginning  of  June,  in  the  midst  of  his  family. 
The  prodigal  son  was  welcomed  by  his  poor 
father  with  a  gentle  smile ;  by  his  tender 
mother  with  many  tears.  The  tenderness  of 
his  parents  could  not  change  that  unnatural 
heart.  Some  time  afterwards,  on  the  recovery 
of  his  worthy  but  unfortunate  mother  from  an 
illness  which  had  nearly  proved  fatal,  Conrad 
wrote  to  his  brother-in-law  Vadianus.  "  My 
mother  is  well  again;  and  has  taken  the 
management  of  the  house  once  more  into  her 
own  hands.  She  sleeps,  rises,  begins  to 
scold,  breakfasts,  scolds  again,  dines,  re- 
sumes her  scolding,  and  never  ceases  to  tor- 
ment us  from  morning  to  night.  She  bustles 
about,  overlooking  kettle  and  oven,  gathering 
and  strewing,  toils  continually,  wearies  her- 
self to  death,  and  will  soon  have  a  relapse."156 
Such  was  the  man  who  subsequently  attempt- 
ed to  lord  it  over  Zwingle,  and  who  acquired 
notoriety  as  the  leader  of  the  fanatical  Ana- 
baptists. Divine  providence  may  have  per- 
mitted such  characters  to  appear  at  the  epoch 
of  the  Reformation,  in  order  that  the  contrast 
furnished  by  their  excesses  might  display 
more  conspicuously  the  wise,  Christian,  and 
moderate  spirit  of  the  Reformers. 

Every  thing  indicated  that  the  struggle  be- 
tween the  Gospel  and  the  Papacy  was  about 
to  commence.  u  Let  us  stir  up  the  waver- 
ers,"  said  Hedio,  in  a  letter  to  Zwingle, 
"  there  is  an  end  to  peace ;  and  let  us  fortify 
our  own  hearts;  we  have  implacable  enemies 
to  encounter."157  Myconius  wrote  in  the  same 
strain ;  but  Ulric  replied  to  these  warlike  ap- 
peals with  admirable  mildness.  "  I  could 
wish,"  said  he,  "  to  conciliate  those  stubborn 
men  by  kindness  and  gentleness  of  demeanour, 
rather  than  to  get  the  better  of  them  in  angry 
controversy.158  For  if  they  call  our  doctrine 
(though  ours  it  is  not)  a  doctrine  of  devils, 
that  is  not  to  be  wondered  at ;  I  receive  it  as 
a  token  that  we  are  the  ambassadors  of  God. 
The  devils  cannot  remain  silent  in  Christ's 
presence." 

Desirous  as  he  was  to  follow  the  path  of 
i  peace,  Zwingle  was  not  idle.  Since  his  ill- 
ness his  preaching  had  become  more  spiritual 
and  more  fervent.  More  than  two  thousand 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Zurich  had  received  tho 
word  of  God  into  their  hearts, — confessed  the 
evangelical  doctrine, — and  were  qualified  to 
assist  in  its  propagation. 

Zwingle's  faith  is  the  same  as  Luther's; 
but  it  rests  more  upon  argument  than  his. 
Luther  is  carried  forward  by  the  internal  iin- 


238 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


pulse,  Zwingle  by  the  attraction  of  the  light 
revealed  to  him.  In  Luther's  writings  we 
find  a  deeply  seated  personal  conviction  of 
the  preciousness  of  the  cross  of  Christ  to  his 
own  soul ;  and  this  earnest,  unfaltering  con- 
viction gives  life  and  energy  to  all  that  he 
says.  The  same  thing,  undoubtedly,  is  found 
in  the  writings  of  Zwingle,  but  not  in  the 
same  degree.  His  contemplations  have  been 
fixed  rather  on  the  Christian  system  as  a 
whole ;  he  reveres  it  for  its  surpassing  beauty, 
for  the  light  which  it  sheds  upon  the  soul  of 
man,  for  the  everlasting  life  which  it  brings 
into  the  world.  In  the  one  the  affections  are 
the  moving  power, — in  the  other  the  under- 
standing; and  hence  it  happens  that  persons 
not  experimentally  acquainted  with  the  faith 
which  animated  these  two  distinguished  dis- 
ciples of  the  Lord,  have  fallen  into  a  gross 
error,  and  represented  the  one  as  a  mystic, 
the  other  as  a  rationalist.  The  one  is  more 
pathetic,  it  may  be,  in  the  exposition  of  his 
faith — the  other  is  more  philosophic  ;  but  the 
same  truths  are  embraced  by  both.  Second- 
ary questions,  perhaps,  they  do  not  always 
regard  under  the  same  aspect ;  but  that  faith 
which  is  one,  that  faith  which  renews  and 
justifies  all  who  possess  it, — that  faith  which 
no  confession,  no  formulary  of  doctrine,  can 
ever  adequately  express, — is  the  property  of 
each  alike.  The  opinions  of  Zwingle  have 
often  been  so  erroneously  stated,  that  it  seems 
necessary  to  give  a  summary  of  the  doctrine 
which  he  then  preached  to  the  people  who 
flocked  in  crowds  to  hear  him  in  the  cathedral 
of  Zurich. 

Zwingle  beheld  in  the  fall  of  the  first  man 
a  key  to  the  entire  history  of  the  human  race. 
"  Before  the  fall,"  said  he,  in  one  of  his  dis- 
courses, "  man  had  been  created  with  a  free 
will,  so  that  if  he  had  been  willing  he  might 
have  fulfilled  the  law  ;  his  nature  was  pure ; 
the  disease  of  sin  had  not  yet  tainted  it; — his 
life  was  in  his  own  hands.  But  having  de- 
sired to  be  4  as  God,' — he  died ; — and  not  he 
alone,  but  all  that  are  born  of  him.  All  men, 
then,  being  dead  in  Adam,  must  ever  remain 
so,  until  the  Spirit,  which  is  God  himself, 
raises  them  out  of  death."* 

The  people  of  Zurich,  who  listened  eagerly 
to  the  impressive  preacher,  were  overwhelmed 
with  sorrow  when  their  eyes  were  first  opened 
to  the  sinful  condition  of  mankind;  but  the 
word  of  consolation  was  next  administered, 
and  they  were  taught  the  remedy  by  which 
the  life  of  man  is  renewed.      "  Christ,  very 
man  and  very  God,"159  said  the  eloquent  de- 
scendant of  the  shepherds  of  the  Tockenburg, 
"  has  purchased  for  us  an  everlasting  delive-  j 
ranee.    He  who  died  for  us  is  the  eternal  God :  j 
his  passion,  therefore,  is  an  eternal  sacrifice,  ! 
and  has  a  perpetual  efficacy;100  it  satisfies  the 


*  These  expressions  and  others  which  we  have 
already  quoted,  or  shall  proceed  to  quote,  are  ex-  j 
tracted  from  a  work  published  by  Zwingle  in  ' 
1523,  in  which  he  reduced  into  a  compendium  the 
doctrine  which  he  had  then  been  preaching  for  ' 
several  years.     "Hie  recensere  coepi,"  he  says,  | 
';  quae  ex  verbo  Dei  predicavi." 


divine  justice  forever  upon  behalf  of  all  who 
rely  upon  it  with  a  firm  and  unshaken  faith." 
— "  Where  sin  is,"  said  the  Reformer  again, 
"death  must  needs  follow.  But  Christ  had 
no  sin,  neither  was  there  guile  found  in  his 
mouth;  nevertheless  he  suffered  death. — 
Wherefore?  but  because  he  suffered  it  in  Our 
stead.  He  was  content  to  die,  that  he  might 
restore  us  to  life;161  and  forasmuch  as  he  had  no 
sins  of  his  own,  the  Father,  in  his  infinite 
mercy,  laid  upon  him  the  iniquity  of  us  all." 
— "The  will  of  man,"  argued  the  Christian 
orator,  "had  rebelled  against  the  Most  High; 
it  was  necessary,  therefore,  for  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  eternal  order  of  things,  and  the 
salvation  of  man,  that  the  human  will  should, 
in  Christ,  give  place  to  the  divine."162  It  was  a 
frequent  remark  of  his  that  the  expiatory  death 
of  Jesus  Christ  had  taken  place  for  the  benefit 
of  the  faithful,  or  the  people  of  God.163 

The  souls  that  hungered  after  salvation  in 
the  city  of  Zurich  found  comfort  in  these  good 
tidings ;  but  there  were  some  errors  of  ancient 
growth  which  their  minds  still  harboured,  and 
which  it  was  needful  to  extirpate.  Following 
out  the  great  truth  that  salvation  is  the  gift  of 
God,  Zwingle  pleaded  powerfully  against  the 
pretended  merit  of  human  works.  "Since 
eternal  salvation,"  said  he,  "  proceeds  solely 
from  the  merits  and  the  death  of  Christ,  the 
notion  of  merit  in  our  works  is  no  better  than 
vanity  and  folly, — not  to  call  it  senseless  im- 
piety.164 If  we  could  have  been  saved  by  our 
own  works,  Christ's  death  would  have  been 
unnecessary.  All  who  have  ever  come  to 
God  have  come  to  him  by  the  death  of  Jesus."155 

Zwingle  was  not  ignorant  of  the  objections 
which  this  doctrine  excited  amongst  a  portion 
of  his  auditory.  There  were  some  who  wait- 
ed on  him  for  the  purpose  of  stating  those  ob- 
jections. He  answered  them  from  the  pulpit 
thus  :  "  Some  persons,  rather  speculative  than 
pious,  perhaps,  object  that  this  doctrine  makes 
men  reckless  and  dissolute.  But  what  need 
we  care  for  the  objections  and  plans  that  may  be 
conjured  up  by  the  speculations  of  men.  All 
who  believe  in  Christ  are  assured  that  whatever 
comes  from  God  is  necessarily  good.  If  then 
the  Gospel  is  of  God,  it  is  good.166  And  what 
other  power  is  there  that  could  bring  in  righte- 
ousness, truth,  and  love  among  the  children 
of  men1?" — "0  God,  most  merciful,  most 
righteous,  Father  of  all  mercies  !"  cried  he  in 
a  transport  of  devotion,  "  with  what  marvel- 
lous love  hast  thou  embraced  us, — even  us  thy 
enemies.167 How  great  and  how  full  is  the  hope 
thou  hast  imparted  to  us,  who  merited  no 
other  portion  than  despair  1  To  what  a  height 
of  glory  hast  thou  vouchsafed,  in  thy  beloved 
Son,  to  exalt  our  meanness  and  nothingness  ! 
Surely  it  is  thy  purpose  by  this  unspeakable 
Love,  to  constrain  us  to  love  thee  in  return." 

Pursuing  this  idea,  he  next  showed  that 
love  to  the  Redeemer  was  a  law  more  power- 
fulthan  the  commandments.  "The  Christian," 
said  he,  "  being  delivered  from  the  law,  de- 
pends entirely  on  Christ.  Christ  is  his  rea- 
son, his  counsel,  his  righteousness,  his 
sanctification,  his  whole  salvation.  Christ 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


239 


lives  and  moves  in  him.  Christ  alone  leads 
him  pn  his  way,  and  he  needs  no  other 
guide."168  Then  making  use  of  a  comparison 
well  adapted  to  the  comprehension  of  his  hear- 
ers, he  added  :  "  When  a  government  forbids 
its  citizens,  under  pain  of  death,  to  receive 
any  pension  or  largess  from  the  hands  of  fo- 
reigners, how  gentle  and  easy  is  that  law  to 
those  who,  for  the  sake  of  their  fatherland  and 
liberty,  would,  of  their  own  accord,  abstain 
from  so  unworthy  an  act!  But  on  the  con- 
trary, hovt  harsh  and  oppressive  does  it  ap- 
pear to  th  ose  who  care  for  nothing  but  their 
selfish  gains!  Even  so  it  is  that  the  righte- 
ous man  lives  free  and  joyful  in  his  love  of 
righteousness,  while  the  unrighteous  man 
walks  painfully  under  the  burden  of  the  law 
that  condemns  him."169 

In  the  cathedral  of  Zurich,  that  day,  there 
were  many  old  soldiers  who  could  appreciate 
the  truth  of  these  words ; — and  can  we  deny 
that  love  is  the  most  powerful  of  lawgivers  ] 
Are  not  all  its  requisitions  immediately  fulfill- 
ed ?  Does  not  the  beloved  object  live  in  our 
hearts,  and  there  enforce  obedience  to  all  that 
he  has  enjoined  ?  Accordingly  Zwingle,  as- 
suming a  still  bolder  tone  as  he  proceeded, 
testified  to  the  people  of  Zurich  that  love  to 
the  Redeemer  was  the  only  motive  that  could 
impel  man  to  the  performance  of  actions  ac- 
ceptable to  God.  "  Works  done  out  of  Christ 
are  worthless,"  said  the  Christian  teacher, 
"since  every  good  work  is  done  by  him, — in 
him, — and  through  him,  what  is  there  that  we 
can  lay  claim  to  for  ourselves  1  Wheresoever 
there  is  faith  in  God,  there  God  himself  abides, 
— and  wheresoever  God  is,  there  is  awakened 
a  zeal  which  urges  and  constrains  men  to  good 
works.170  See  to  it,  only,  that  Christ  be  in  thee, 
and  thou  in  Christ, — and  fear  not  but  he  will 
work  in  thee.  Of  a  truth  the  life  of  a  Chris- 
tian man  is  but  one  continual  good  work,  be- 
gun and  carried  forward  and  brought  to  com- 
pletion—by God  alone."171 

Deeply  impressed  with  the  greatness  of  that 
love  of  God  which  is  from  everlasting,  the 
herald  of  grace  adopted  a  strain  of  impassion- 
ed earnestness  in  the  invitations  which  he  ad- 
dressed to  the  irresolute  and  fearful.  "  How 
is  it,"  said  he,  "  that  you  fear  to  draw  nigh  to 
that  tender  Father  who  has  chosen  us  1  Why 
has  he  chosen  us  of  his  free  mercy  ?  Why 
has  he  called  us1?  Why  has  he  drawn  us  to 
himself?  to  this  end  only,  think  you,  that  we 
should  shrink  from  approaching  him  I"172 

Such  was  the  doctrine  put  forth  by  Zwingle. 
It  was  the  doctrine  preached  by  Jesus  Christ 
himself.  "If  Luther  preaches  Christ,  he 
does  what  I  do,"  said  the  preacher  of  Zurich. 
"  He  has  led  to  Christ  many  more  souls  than 
I: — be  it  so.  Yet  will  I  bear  no  other  name 
than  that  of  Christ,  whose  soldier  I  am,  and 
who  alone  is  my  head.  Never  has  a  single 
line  been  addressed  by  me  to  Luther,  or  by 
Luther  to  me.  And  why! — that  it  might  be 
manifest  to  all  how  uniform  is  the  testimony 
of  the  Spirit  of  God, — since  we,  who  have  had 
no  communication  with  each  other,  agree  so 
closely  in  the  doctrine  of  Jesus  Christ."173 


The  success  which  attended  on  Zwingle's 
preaching  corresponded  to  its  fidelity.174  The 
spacious  cathedral  was  too  small  to  contain 
the  multitude  of  his  hearers.  All  believers 
united  in  praising  God  for  the  new  life  which 
had  begun  to  quicken  the  inanimate  body  of 
the  Church.  Many  strangers  from  every  can- 
ton, who  came  to  Zurich,  either  to  attend  the 
Diet,  or  for  other  purposes,  embraced  the  new 
doctrines,  and  carried  the  precious  seeds  of 
truth  into  all  the  valleys  of  Switzerland. 
From  populous  cities  and  from  hamlets  hidden 
in  the  glen,  one  cry  of  rejoicing  gratitude  arose 
to  heaven.  "Switzerland,"  said  Nicholas 
Hageus,  in  a  letter  written  from  Lucerne, "  has 
heretofore  given  birth  to  many  a  Caesar,  and 
Scipio,  and  Brutus ;  but  scarcely  could  she 
number  among  her  offspring  one  or  two  to 
whom  Christ  was  truly  known,  and  who  had 
learned  to  nourish  souls  with  the  divine  word 
instead  of  doubtful  disputations.  Now  that 
Divine  Providence  has  given  to  Switzerland 
Zwhigle  for  a  preacher,  and  Oswald  Myco- 
nius  for  a  professor,  religion  and  sacred  litera- 
ture are  reviving  in  the  midst  of  us.  0  happy 
Helvetia,  wouldst  thou  only  rest  from  war, 
satisfied  with  the  glory  thou  hast  already 
won  in  arms,  and  cultivate  in  future  that  truer 
glory  which  follows  in  the  train  of  righteous- 
ness and  peace!"175 — "  It  was  reported,"  said 
Myconius,  in  a  letter  to  Zwingle,  "  that  thy 
voice  could  not  be  heard  at  the  distance  of 
three  paces.  But  we  find  now  how  false  a 
tale  it  was;  for  thou  art  heard  over  all  Swit- 
zerland."176" It  is  a  noble  courage  with  which 
thou  hast  armed  thyself,"  said  Hedio,  writing 
from  Bale;  "I  will  follow  thee  as  far  as  I 
have  strength."177 — "I  have  listened  to  thy 
teaching,"  wrote  Sebastian  Hofrneister  of 
Schaffhausen,  in  a  letter  dated  from  Con- 
stance :  "  God  grant  that  Zurich,  the  head 
of  our  confederacy,  may  be  healed  of  its  dis- 
ease, that  so  the  whole  body  may  be  restored 
to  soundness.178 

But  Zwingle  met  with  adversaries  as  well 
as  admirers.  "  Wherefore,"  said  some, "  does 
he  concern  himself  with  the  political  affairs 
of  Switzerland]"— "  Why,"  said  others, 
"  does  he  repeat  the  same  things  so  often  in 
his  religious  instructions  1"  In  the  midst  of 
these  conflicting  judgments,  the  soul  of 
Zwingle  was  often  overcome  with  dejection. 
It  seemed  to  him  that  a  general  confusion  was 
at  hand,  and  that  the  fabric  of  society  was  on 
the  point  of  being  overturned.179  He  began  to 
apprehend  that  it  was  impossible  for  good  to 
make  its  appearance  in  one  quarter,  but  evil 
must  spring  up  to  counteractit  in  another.lsolf 
at  one  moment  hope  shone  in  his  mind,  it  was 
instantly  succeeded  by  fear.  But  he  soon  re- 
covered from  his  depression.  "  The  life  of 
man  here  below  is  a  warfare,"  said  he ;  "  he 
who  would  inherit  glory  must  face  the  world 
as  an  enemy,  and,  like  David,  force  the 
haughty  Goliath,  exulting  in  his  strength,  to 
bite  the  dust."— "The  Church,"  said  he 
again,  using  the  very  expression  which  Lu- 
ther had  employed,  "  has  been  purchased  by 
blood,  and  by  blood  must  it  be  restored.181The 
x2 


240 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


more  numerous  are  the  stains  that  defile  it, 
the  more  numerous  also  must  be  the  Hercu- 
lean arms  employed  to  cleanse  away  that 
Augean  filth.182!  fear  little  for  Luther,"  added 
he,  "  though  he  he  assailed  by  the  thunder- 
bolts of  the  Romish  Jupiter."183 

Zwingle  had  need  of  rest;  he  repaired  to 
the  waters  of  Baden.  The  curate  of  the  place, 
•who  had  been  one  of  the  Pope's  body-guard,  a 
man  of  good  character,  but  destitute  of  learn- 
ing, had  earned  his  benefice  by  carrying  the 
halberd.  Tenacious  of  his  military  habits,  he 
passed  the  day  and  a  portion  of  the  night  in 
jovial  company,  while  Staheli,  his  vicar,  was 
unwearied  in  performing  all  the  duties  of  his 
calling.134  Zwingle  sent  for  this  young  minis- 
ter. "  I  have  need,"  said  he,  "  of  helpers  in 
Switzerland ;" — and  from  that  moment,  Sta- 
heli became  his  fellow-labourer.  Zwingle,  Sta- 
heli, and  Luti,  who  was  afterwards  a  pastor  at 
Winterthur,  lived  under  the  same  roof. 

Zwingle's  self-devotion  was  not  to  miss  its 
reward.  The  word  of  Christ,  which  he 
preached  so  diligently,  was  ordained  to  bring 
forth  fruit.  Many  of  the  Magistrates  had  been 
converted ;  they  had  found  comfort  and  strength 
in  God's  holy  word.  Grieved  to  observe 
with  what  effrontery  the  priests,  and  especial- 
ly the  monks,  in  their  addresses  from  the 
pulpit,  uttered  anything  that  came  uppermost 
in  their  minds,  the  Council  issued  an  ordi- 
nance by  which  they  were  enjoined  to  "  deliver 
nothing  in  their  discourses  but  what  they 
should  have  drawn  from  the  sacred  fountains 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments."185  It  was  in 
1520  that  the  civil  power  thus  interfered  for 
the  first  time  in  the  work  of  the  Reformation, 
— fulfilling  the  duty  of  the  Christian  magis- 
trate, as  some  affirm ;  because  the  first  duty 
of  a  magistrate  is  to  uphold  religion,  and  to 
protect  the  paramount  and  vital  interests  of 
the  community; — depriving  the  Church  of 
its  liberty,  say  others, — bringing  it  under  sub- 
jection to  the  secular  power,  and  opening  the 
xvay  for  that  long  train  of  calamities  which 
has  since  been  engendered  by  the  union  of 
Church  and  State.  We  will  not  here  attempt 
to  decide  that  great  controversy  by  which  more 
than  one  nation  is  agitated  at  the  present  day. 
Let  it  suffice  us  to  have  marked  its  origin  at 
the  epoch  of  the  Reformation.  But  there  is 
that  in  the  fact  itself  which  we  must  also 
mark ; — the  act  of  those  magistrates  was  itself 
an  effect  produced  by  the  preaching  of  the 
word  of  God.  The  Reformation  in  Switzer- 
land was  now  emerging  from  the  sphere  of 
individual  conversions,  and  becoming  a  na- 
tional work.  It  had  first  sprung  up  in  the 
hearts  of  a  few  priests  and  scholars;  it  was 
now  spreading  abroad,  and  lifting  itself  oh 
hicrh,  and  assuming  a  station  of  publicity. 
Like  the  waters  of  the  sea  it  rose  by  degrees, 
until  it  had  overspread  a  wide  expanse. 

The  monks  were  confounded, — they  were 
enjoined  to  preach  only  the  word  of  God,  and 
that  word  the  majority  of  them  had  never  read  ! 
Opposition  provokes  opposition.  This  ordi- 
nance became  the  signal  for  more  violent  at- 
tacks against  the  Reformation.  Plots  were 


now  formed  against  the  curate  of  Zurich,  and 
his  life  was  in  danger.  One  evening,  when 
Zwingle  and  his  assistants  were  quietly  con- 
versing in  their  house,  they  were  disturbed  by 
the  hasty  entrance  of  some  burghers,  who  in- 
quired:— "Have  you  strong  bolts  on  your 
doors'?"  and  added,  "  Be  on  your  guard  to- 
night."— "  We  often  had  alarms  of  this  kind," 
adds  Staheli,  "but  we  were  well  armed,  and 
there  was  a  watch  set  in  the  street  for  our 
protection."186 

Elsewhere,  however,  measures  of  most  atro- 
cious violence  were  resorted  to: — an  old  inha- 
bitant of  Schaff  hausen,  named  Gaster,  a  man 
distinguished  for  his  piety,  and  for  an  ardour 
few,  at  his  age,  possess,  having  himself  derived 
much  comfort  from  the  light  which  he  had 
found  in  the  Gospel,  endeavoured  to  commu- 
nicate it  to  his  wife  and  children.  In  his  zeal, 
which  perhaps  was  not  duly  tempered  with 
discretion,  he  openly  attacked  the  relics,  the 
priestcraft,  and  the  superstition  with  which  that 
canton  abounded.  He  soon  became  an  object 
of  hatred  and  terror  even  to  his  own  family. 
Perceiving  at  length  that  evil  designs  were 
entertained  against  him,  the  old  man  fled, 
broken-hearted,  from  his  home,  and  betook 
himself  to  the  shelter  of  the  neighbouring 
forest.  There  he  continued  for  some  days, 
sustaining  life  upon  such  scanty  food  as  the 
wilds  afforded  him,  when  suddenly,  on  the 
last  nig!*t  of  the  year  1520,  torches  flashed 
through  the  whole  extent  of  the  forest,  while 
yells  of  infuriated  men,  mingled  with  the  cry 
of  savage  hounds,  echoed  fearfully  through  its 
deepest  recesses.  The  Council  had  ordered 
the  woods  to  be  scoured  to  discover  hi«3  re- 
treat. The  hounds  caught  scent  of  their  prey, 
and  seized  him.  The  unfortunate  old  man  was 
dragged  before  the  magistrate,  and  summoned 
to  abjure  his  faith  ;  steadfastly  refusing  to  do 
so,  he  was  beheaded.'87 

But  a  little  while  after  the  New  Year's 
day  that  witnessed  this  bloody  execution, 
Zwingle  was  visited  at  Zurich  by  a  young 
man  about  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  tall  of 
stature,  and  of  an  aspect  which  denoted  can- 
dour, simplicity,  and  diffidence,18sHe  introduced 
himself  by  the  name  of  Berthold  Haller. 
Zwingle  immediately  recognised  the  celebra- 
ted preacher  of  Berne,  and  embraced  him  with 
that  affability  which  rendered  his  address  so 
fascinating.189  Haller,  whose  native  place  was 
Aldingen,  in  Wrurtemberg,  had  studied  first  at 
Rotwell,  under  Rubellus,  and  subsequently  at 
Pforzheim,  where  he  had  Simler  for  his  mas- 
ter, and  Melancthon  for  a  fellow-pupil.  The 
Bernese  about  that  time  manifested  a  desire  to 
make  their  republic  the  seat  of  letters,  as  it 
was  already  powerful  in  arms.  Rubellus  and 
Haller,  the  latter  of  whom  was  then  twenty- 
one  years  of  age,  repaired  to  Berne  accordingly 
Haller  soon  became  a  canon  there,  and  was 
afterwards  appointed  a  preacher  of  the  cathe- 
dral. The  Gospel  proclaimed  by  Zwingle 
had  found  its  way  to  Berne.  Haller  believed  : 
and  from  that  time  he  felt  a  wish  to  have  per- 
sonal intercourse  with  the  gifted  man,  whon- 
he  already  revered  as  a  father.  His  journey 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


241 


to  Zurich,  undertaken  with  this  view,  had 
been  announced  by  Myconius.  Such  were 
the  circumstances  of  the  meeting  between 
Haller  and  Zwingle.  Haller,  whose  charac- 
teristic was  meekness  of  disposition,  confided 
to  Zwingle  the  trials  with  which  he  was  beset ; 
and  Zwingle  who  was  eminently  endowed 
with  fortitude,  communicated  to  Haller  a  por- 
tion of  his  own  courage.  "  My  spirit,"  said 
Berthold,  "  is  overwhelmed.  I  cannot  endure 
such  harsh  treatment.  I  am  resolved  to  give  up 
my  pulpit,  seek  a  retreat  with  Wittembach, 
at  Bale,  and  employ  myself  for  the  future  in 
the  private  study  of  the  Scriptures." — "  Alas !" 
replied  Zwingle,  "  a  feeling  of  discouragement 
often  takes  possession  of  me  likewise,  when  I 
am  unjustly  assailed.  But  Christ  awakens 
my  conscience  by  the  powerful  stimulus  of 
his  threatenings  and  promises.  He  rouses 
my  fears  by  declaring: — Whosoever  shall  be 
ashamed  of  me  before  men,  of  him  will  I  be 
ashamed  before  my  Father  ,• — and  then  he  gives 
me  comfort  by  adding: — Whosoever  shall  <v>n- 
fess  me  before  men,  him  will  I  confess  before 
my  Father.  0,  my  dear  Berthold,  be  of  good 
cheer !  Our  names  are  written  above  in  charac- 
ters that  can  never  be  effaced,  as  citizens  of  the 
heavenly  city.190  For  my  part  I  am  ready  to  die 
for  Christ.191  Let  those  wild  bears'  cubs  of 
yours,"  he  added,  "  only  once  give  ear  to  the 
doctrine  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  you  will  see  how 
gentle  they  will  become.*  But  you  must  ad- 
dress yourself  cautiously  to  the  work,  lest  they 
turn  and  rend  you."  Haller's  courage  rose 
again.  "My  soul,"  said  he  to  Zwingle,  "  has 
cast  off  her  slumber.  I  must  needs  preach 
the  Gospel.  Christ  must  again  be  received 
within  those  walls  from  which  he  has  so  long 
been  banished.192  Thus  was  Berthold's  lamp 
kindled  afresh  by  Ulric's, — and  the  timid 
Haller  could  now  unshrinkingly  encounter  the 
savage  brood  of  bears  "  that  gnashed  their 
teeth,"  says  Zwinffle,  "  and  lono-ed  to  devour 
him." 

But  it  was  in  another  quarter  that  the  per- 
secution was  to  begin  in  Switzerland.  The 
warlike  canton  of  Lucerne  was  about  to  take 
the  field,  like  a  champion  sheathed  in  mail, 
and  ready  for  the  charge.  The  military  spirit 
had  full  sway  in  this  canton,  which  was 
much  addicted  to  foreign  alliances  ;  and  the 
great  men  of  the  city  would  knit  their  brows 
if  they  heard  so  much  as  a  pacific  whisper 
breathed  to  damp  the  martial  ardour  of  their 
country.  It  happened,  however,  that  some  of 
Luther's  writings  found  their  way  into  the 
city,  and  there  were  certain  citizens  who  set 
themselves  to  peruse  them.  With  what  hor- 
ror they  were  seized  as  they  read  on !  It 
seemed  to  them  that  none  but  an  infernal  hand 
could  have  traced  those  lines;  their  imagina- 
tion was  excited,  their  senses  were  bewildered, 
and  they  fancied  that  the  room  was  filled  with 
devils  gathering  thickly  round  them,  and  gla- 
ring on  them  with  asardonic  leer.193  They  shut  j 
the  book,  and  cast  it  from  them  in  affright. 

*  The  reader  is  aware,  that  a  bear  is  the  armo- 
rial device  of  the  Canton  of  Berne. 


|  Oswald,  who  had  heard  these  singular  visions 
related,  never  spoke  of  Luther  except  to  his 
most  intimate  friends;  contenting  himself  with 
simply  setting  forth  the  gospel  of  Christ. 
The  cry  nevertheless  was  raised  through  the 
whole  city: — "To  the  stake  with  Luther  and 
the  schoolmaster  (Myconius!")194— "I  am  as- 
sailed by  my  enemies,"  said  Oswald  to  a 
friend  of  his,  "  as  a  ship  is  beaten  by  the  tem- 
pest."195 One  day,  early  in  the  year  1520,  he 
was  unexpectedly  summoned  to  appear  before 
the  Council.  "You  are  strictly  enjoined," 
said  the  magistrates,  "never  to  read  Luther's 
writings  to  your  pupils, — never  to  mention  his 
name  in  their  hearing, — never  even  to  think 
of  him  yourself."196  The  lords  ofLucerne  were 
disposed,  we-  perceive,,  to  confine  their  juris- 
diction within  no  narrow  bounds.  Shortly 
after  this,  a  preacher  delivered  a  fierce  philip- 
pic against  heresy  from  the  pulpit. — A  power- 
ful effect  was  produced  upon  the  auditory  ;  all 
eyes  were  turned  upon  Oswald,  for  against 
whom  else  could  the  preacher  have  meant  to 
direct  his  discourse  1  Oswald  remained  quiet 
in  his  se,at,  as  if  the  matter  had  not  concerned 
him.  But  when  he  and  his  friend,  the  canon 
Xyloctect,  amongst  the  rest  of  the  congrega- 
tion, were  retiring  from  the  church,  one  of  the 
councillors,  came  up  to  them,  with  an  air  that 
betrayed  his  internal  discomposure,  and  said 
in  an  angry  tone: — "  How  now,  ye  disciples 
of  Luther,  why  do  ye  not  defend  your  Mas- 
ter?" They  made  no  reply.  "I  live,"  said 
Myconius,  *4  in  the  midst  of  savage  wolves ; 
but  I  have  this  consolation  that  the  greater 
part  of  them  have  lost  their  fangs.  They  would 
bite  if  they  could,  and  since  they  cannot  bite 
they  howl." 

The  Senate  was  now  convened,  for  the  tu- 
mult among  the  people  was  increasing.  "  He 
is  a  Lutheran !"  said  one  of  the  councillors. 

He  broaches  new  doctrines!"  said  another. 

He  is  a  seducer  of  youth!"  said  a  third. 

Let  hirn  appear!  let  him  appear!"  The 
poor  schoolmaster  appeared  accordingly,  and 
had  to  listen  to  fresh  interdicts  and  threats. 
His  guileless  spirit  was  wounded  and  depress- 
ed. His  gentle  wife  could  only  comfort  him 
by  the  tears  of  sympathy  which  she  shed. 
"  Every  one  is  against  me,"  said  he,  in  the 
anguish  of  his  heart.  "  Whether  shall  I  turn 
me  in  the  storm,  or  how  escape  its  fury  ? 
Were  it  not  for  the  help  that  Christ  gives  me, 
I  should  long  since  have  sunk  under  this  per- 
secution."197— "  What  matters  it,"  said  Doctor 
Sebastine  Hofmeister,  writing  to  him  from 
Constance,  "  whether  Lucerne  will  give  you  a 
home  or  not?  The  earth  is  the  Lord's.  The 
man  whose  heart  is  steadfast  finds  a  home  in 
every  land.  Were  we  even  the  vilest  of  men, 
our  cause  is  righteous,  for  we  teach  the  word 
of  Christ." 

Whilst  the  truth  was  struggling  against  so 
much  opposition  at  Lucerne,  it  was  gaining 
ground  at  Zurich.  Zwingle  was  unwearied 
in  his  labours.  Desirous  of  studying  the 
whole  of  the  Scriptures  in  the  original  lan- 
guages, he  had  applied  himself  diligently  to 
the  acquisition  of  the  Hebrew  under  the  di 


'242 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


rection  of  John  Boscherstein,  a  disciple  of 
Reuchlin.  But  in  studying  the  Scriptures, 
his  object  was  to  make  their  contents  known. 
The  peasants  who  brought  their  produce  on 
Fridays  to  the  market  of  Zurich  showed  great 
eagerness  to  become  acquainted  with  the  word 
of  God.  To  meet  their  desire,  Zwingle,  in 
December,  1520,  had  commenced  the  practice 
of  expounding  every  Friday  a  portion  of  the 
Psalms,  previously  making  that  portion  the 
subject  of  his  private  meditations.  The  Re- 
formers always  connected  deep  study  with  la- 
borious ministry; — the  ministry  was  the  end, 
the  study  was  but  the  means.  They  were 
equally  diligent  in  the  closet  and  the  public 
assembly.  This  union  of  learning  with  Chris- 
tian love  is  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
period.  In  his  Sunday  exercises,  Zwingle 
after  having  commented  on  St.  Mathew's  nar- 
rative of  the  life  of  our  Saviour,  proceeded  to 
show  in  a  course  of  lectures  on  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  how  the  doctrine  of  Christ  had 
been  published  to  the  world.  He  next  ex- 
plained the  rules  of  the  Christian  life,  as  they 
are  set  forth  in  the  Epistle  to  Timothy  ; — he 
drew  arguments  for  the  refutation  of  errors  in 
the  doctrine  from  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians, 
— and  to  this  he  joined  the  two  Epistles  of 
St.  Peter,  in  order  to  prove  to  the  despisers  of 
St.  Paul,  that  one  and  the  same  spirit  ani- 
mated both  the  apostles;  he  ended  with  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  that  he  might  exhibit 
in  their  full  extent  the  benefits  which  flow 
from  the  gift  of  Jesus  Christ,  as  great  high- 
priest  of  believers. 

But  Zwingle  devoted  not  his  attention  solely 
to  men  of  mature  age;  he  laboured  also  to 
kindle  a  holy  fire  in  the  bosom  of  the  young. 
One  day  in  the  same  year,  (1521,)  as  he  sat 
in  his  closet,  occupied  in  studying  the  Fathers 
of  the  Church,  the  most  striking  passages  of 
whose  works  he  was  collecting,  and  carefully 
classing  them  in  a  large  volume,  the  door  was 
opened  by  a  young  man,  whose  countenance 
and  mien  strongly  prepossessed  him  in  his 
favour.198  This  was  Henry  Bullinger,  who  had 
come  to  visit  him  on  his  way  home  from  Ger- 
many, impelled  by  an  earnest  desire  to  form 
an  acquaintance  with  a  teacher  of  his  native 
land,  whose  name  was  already  celebrated  in 
Christendom.  The  comely  youth  fixed  his 
eyes  by  turns  on  the  Reformer  and  his  books; 
it  seemed  as  though  he  felt  an  instant  call  to 
follow  his  example.  Zwingle  received  him 
with  the  cordiality  that  won  the  hearts  of  all 
who  accosted  him.  This  first  visit  had  a 
powerful  influence  on  the  whole  life  of  the 
student  after  he  returned  to  his  father's  roof. 
Another  young  man  had  also  attracted  Zwin- 
gle's  reo-ard ;  this  was  Gerold  Meyer  von 
Knonau.  His  mother,  Anna  Reinhardt.  who 
afterwards  filled  an  important  part  in  Zwin- 
gle's  history,  had  been  greatly  admired  for 
her  beauty,  and  was  still  distinguished  for  her 
virtues.  A  youth  of  noble  family,  John  Meyer 
von  Knonau,  who  had  been  brought  up  at  the 
court  of  the  Bishop  of  Constance,  his  kinsman, 
had  conceived  an  ardent  affection  for  Anna; 
but  she  was  of  plebeian  birth.  The  elder 


Meyer  von  Knonau  refused  his  consent  to  theu 
union ;  and  when  he  found  that  it  had  taken 
place,  he  disinherited  his  son.  In  1513  Anna 
I  was  left  a  widow  with  one  son  and  two  daugh- 
jters;  and  the  education  of  her  poor  orphans 
|  now  became  the  sole  object  of  her  life.  The 
j  grandfather  was  inexorable.  One  day,  how- 
ever, the  widow's  maid-servant  having  taken 
out  young  Gerold,  a  graceful,  lively  child, 
just  three  years  old,  and  having  stopped  with 
him  in  the  fish-market,  old  Meyer,  who  was 
sitting  at  the  window,*  happened  to  observe 
him,  followed  his  movements  with  his  eyes, 
and  asked  whose  child  it  was,  so  fresh,  and 
beautiful,  and  joyous.  "  It  is  your  own  son's 
child  !"  was  the  reply.  The  old  man's  heart 
was  moved ;  its  icy  crust  was  melted  in  a 
moment:  the  past  was  forgotten,  and  he  has- 
tened to  clasp  in  his  arms  the  bereaved  wife 
and  children  of  his  son.  Zwingle  felt  a  fa- 
ther's love  for  the  young,  the  noble,  and  cou- 
rageous Gerold,  whose  destiny  it  was  to  perish 
in  his  prime,  at  the  Reformer's  side,  with  his 
hand  upon  his  sword,  and  surrounded,  alas! 
by  the  dead  bodies  of  his  enemies.  Thinking 
that  Gerold  could  not  pursue  his  studies  with 
advantage  at  Zurich,  Zwingle,  in  1521,  sent 
him  to  Bnle. 

The  young  von  Knonau  did  not  find  Zwin- 
gle's  friend  Hedio  at  the  University.  Capito, 
being  obliged  to  attend  the  Archbishop  Albert 
to  the  coronation  of  Charles  V.,  had  sent  for 
Hedio  to  take  his  place  at  Mentz.  Bale  had 
thus  within  a  brief  space  been  deprived  of  its 
two  most  faithful  preachers;  the  church  in 
that  city  seemed  to  be  left  desolate;  but  other 
men  now  came  forward.  The  church  of  Wil- 
liam Roubli,  the  curate  of  St.  Albans,  was 
thronged  by  an  auditory  of  four  thousand  per- 
sons. He  inveighed  against  the  mass,  pur- 
gatory, and  the  invocation  of  saints ;  but  he 
was  a  man  of  a  contentious  spirit,  greedy  of 
popular  admiration, — the  antagonist  of  error 
rather  than  the  champion  of  truth.  On  Cor- 
pus Christi  day  he  joined  the  great  procession; 
but,  instead  of  the  relics  which  it  was  the 
practice  to  exhibit,  a  magnificently  decorated 
copy  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  was  carried  before 
him,  bearing  this  inscription  in  large  letters  : 
"THE  BIBLE:  this  is  the  true  relic;  all  the 
rest  are  but  dead  men's  bones."  Courage 
adorns  the  servant  of  God,  but  ostentation  ill 
befits  him.  The  work  of  an  Evangelist  is  to 
preach  the  Bible,  not  to  make  a  pompous 
parade  of  it.  The  irritated  priests  laid  a  charge 
against  Roubli  before  the  Council.  A  crowd 
immediately  assembled  in  the  square  of  the 
Cordeliers.  "  Protect  our  preacher,"  was  the 
cry  of  the  burghers,  addressing  the  Council. 
Fifty  ladies  of  distinction  interceded  in  his 


*  Liiget  dess  Kindts  grossvater  zum  fiinster 
uss.  und  ersach  das  kind  in  der  fischer  briinten, 

(Kuie.)  so  frach  (frisch)  und  frolich  sitzen 

(Archives  des  Meyer  von  Knonau,  quoted  in  a 
biographical  notice  of  Anna  Reinhardt,  Erlangen, 
1835,  by  M.  Gerold  Meyer  von  Knonau.)  I  am 
indebted  to  the  kindness  of  this  friend  for  the  elu 
cidation  of  several  obscure  passages  in  Zwingle's 
history. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


243 


behalf;  but  Ronbli  was  compelled  to  quit 
Bale.  At  a  later  period  he  was  implicated, 
like  Grebel,  in  the  disorders  of  the  Anabap- 
tists. The  Reformation,  in  the  course  of  its 
development,  never  failed  to  cast  out  the  chaff 
that  was  mingled  with  the  good  grain. 

But  now,  in  the  lowliest  of  chapels,  an 
humble  voice  was  heard,  that  distinctly  pro- 
claimed the  truths  of  the  Gospel.  It  was  the 
voice  of  the  youthful  Wolfgang  Wissembur- 
ger,  the  son  of  a  counsellor  of  state,  and  chap- 
lain to  the  hospital.  Those  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Bale  whose  eyes  were  opened  to  their  own 
spiritual  necessities,  were  induced  to  gather 
round  the  meek-tempered  chaplain,  rather  than 
the  arrogant  Roubli.  Wolfgang  began  to  read 
the  mass  in  German.  The  monks  renewed 
their  clamours  :  but  this  time  they  failed,  and 
Wissemburger  was  left  free  to  preach  the 
Gospel — "  because,"  says  an  old  chronicler, 
"  he  was  a  burgher,  and  his  father  was  a  coun- 
sellor."199 These  early  advantages,  gained  by 
the  Reformation  at  Bale,  gave  token  of  greater 
success  to  follow.  Moreover,  they  were  of 
the  utmost  importance,  as  they  affected  the 
progress  of  the  work  throughout  the  whole  of 
the  confederated  cantons.  Zurich  no  longer 
stood  alone.  The  enlightened  city  of  Bale 
had  begun  to  listen  to  the  new  doctrine  with 
delight.  The  foundations  of  the  renovated 
temple  were  widening.  The  Reformation  in 
Switzerland  had  reached  another  stage  of  its 
growth. 

Zurich,  however,  was  still  the  centre  of  the 
movement.  But,  in  the  course  of  the  year 
1521,  events  of  political  importance  occurred, 
which  brought  bitter  grief  to  the  heart  of 
Zwingle,  and  in  a  measure  distracted  the  at- 
tention of  his  countrymen  from  the  preaching 
of  the  Gospel.  Leo  X. — who  had  proffered 
his  alliance  simultaneously  to  Charles  V.  and 
to  Francis  I. — had  at  length  determined  in 
favour  of  the  Emperor.  The  war  between 
the  two  rivals  was  about  to  break  out  in  Italy. 
"We  shall  leave  the  Pope  nothing  but  his 
ears,"  said  the  French  general  Lautrec.200  This 
sorry  jest  increased  the  anger  of  the  Pontiff. 
The  King  of  France  claimed  the  assistance 
of  the  Swiss  Cantons,  which,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Zurich,  were  all  in  alliance  with  him ; 
it  was  afforded  at  his  call.  The  Pope  con- 
ceived the  hope  of  engaging  Zurich  on  his 
side;  and  the  Cardinal  of  Sion,  ever  ready  for 
intrigue,  and  relying  on  his  own  dexterity  and 
eloquence,  immediately  visited  the  city,  to 
procure  a  levy  of  soldiers  for  his  master.  But 
he  had  to  encounter  a  vigorous  opposition  from 
his  old  friend  Zwingle.  The  latter  was  indig- 
nant at  the  thought  of  the  Swiss  selling  their 
blood  to  foreigners ;  his  imagination  pictured 
to  him  the  Zurichers  on  the  plains  of  Italy, 
under  the  standard  of  the  Pope  and  the  Empe- 
ror, rushing  with  levelled  pikes  against  the 
other  confederates,  who  were  gathered  under 
the  banners  of  France;  and  in  the  contempla- 
tion of  that  fratricidal  scene,  his  patriotic  and 
Christian  soul  was  filled  with  horror.  He 
lifted  up  his  admonitory  voice  in  the  pulpit. 
"  Will  you  rend  asunder  and  destroy  the  con- 
32 


federation  ?"2C1  cried  he.  "We  give  chase  to 
the  wolves  who  ravage  our  flocks;  but  we  set 
no  guard  against  such  as  prowl  around  us  to 
devour  our  brethren  !  O  !  there  is  good  reason 
why  their  robes  and  hats  are  red  :  if  you  only 
twitch  those  garments  of  theirs,  ducats  and 
crowns  will  fall  out;  but  if  you  grasp  them 
tightly,  you  will  find  them  dripping  with  the 
blood  of  your  brothers,  your  fathers,  your  sons, 
your  dearest  friends."202  In  vain  did  Zwingle 
record  his  energetic  protest.  The  Cardinal 
with  his  red  hat  prevailed,  and  two  thousand 
seven  hundred  Zurichers  marched  out  under 
the  command  of  George  Berguer.  Zwingle 
was  deeply  afflicted.  His  efforts,  however, 
were  not  wholly  unproductive  of  good.  A 
long  period  was  to  elapse  before  the  banners 
of  Zurich  should  again  be  unfurled  and  carried 
through  the  city  gates  at  the.  call  of  a  foreign 
prince. 

Mortified  by  the  ill-success  of  the  cause 
which  he  had  espoused  as  a  citizen,  Zwingle 
devoted  himself  with  renewed  zeal  to  the 
diffusion  of  the  Gospel.  He  preached  with 
greater  energy  than  ever.  "  I  will  never  de- 
sist," said  he,  "  from  my  labours  to  restore 
the  primitive  unity  of  the  Church  of  Chris!."203 
He  opened  the  year  1522  with  the  first  of  a 
series  of  discourses  in  which  he  pointed  out 
the  difference  between  the  precepts  of  the 
Gospel  and  those  of  men.  When  the  season 
of  Lent  arrived,  his  exhortations  assumed  a 
still  more  impressive  tone.  Having  laid  the 
foundations  of  the  new  edifice,  he  was  soli- 
citous to  clear  away  the  ruins  of  the  old  one. 
"  For  the  space  of  four  years,"  said  he  to  the 
crowd  assembled  in  the  cathedral,  "  ye  have 
gladly  received  the  holy  doctrines  of  the  Gos- 
pel. The  love  of  God  has  glowed  within 
your  bosoms, — ye  have  tasted  the  sweetness 
of  the  heavenly  manna, — it  is  impossible  that 
ye  should  now  find  saveur  or  sustenance  in 
human  traditions."204  He  proceeded  to  argue 
against  the  obligation  to  abstain  from  flesh  at 
particular  seasons.  "  There  are  some,"  he 
cried  in  a  strain  of  unstudied  eloquence,  "  who 
pretend  that  to  eat  flesh  is  a  fault, — nay,  a 
heinous  sin, — though  God  has  never  forbidden 
it, — but  who  yet  regard  it  as  no  sin  at  all  to 
sell  human  flesh  to  the  foreigner,  and  deliver 
their  brethren  to  be  butchered  !"205  This  bold 
language  could  not  fail  to  awaken  the  indig- 
nation and  anger  of  those  among  his  auditory 
who  supported  the  military  compacts  with 
foreign  states ;  they  inwardly  vowed  that 
they  would  never  forget  it. 

While  he  preached  thus  fearlessly,  Zwin- 
gle still  continued  to  say  mass ;  he  observed 
the  rules  established  by  the  Church,  and  even 
abstained  from  flesh  on  the  appointed  days. 
He  recognised  the  necessity  of  enlightening 
the  minds  of  the  people  in  the  first  place. 
But  there  were  some  turbulent  spirits  who 
acted  with  less  prudence.  Roubli,  who  had 
found  an  asylum  at  Zurich,  allowed  himself 
to  be  hurried  blindly  along  by  the  impulse  of 
an  overcharged  zeal.  He,  but  lately  the 
curate  of  Saint  Albans, — a  Bernese  captain, — 
and  Conrad  Huber,  a  member  of  the  Great 


244 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Council. — were  accustomed  to  meet  together 
at  Huber's  house,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
eating  flesh  on  Fridays  and  Saturdays,  an  ex- 
ploit in  which  they  greatly  prided  themselves. 
The  question  of  abstinence  began  to  engross 
the  public  attention.  A  native  of  Lucerne, 
who  was  on  a  visit  in  Zurich,  said  to  a  citi- 
zen with  whom  he  was  familiar: — "You  do 
wrong, — you  worthy  confederates  of  Zurich, 
— to  eat  flesh  during  Lent."  The  Zuricher  : 
"  But  you  also,  good  folks  of  Lucerne,  take 
the  liberty  of  eating  it  on  days  when  it  is  for- 
bidden." The  Lucernese  :  "  We  purchased 
our  license  from  the  Pope."  The  Zuricher : 
"  And  we  ours  from  the  butcher.206  ...  If 
it  is  an  affair  of  money,  the  one,  surely,  is  as 
good  as  the  other."  The  Council  having 
been  called  upon  to  punish  those  who  trans- 
gressed the  ecclesiastical  ordinances,  request- 
ed the  opinion  of  the  curates  on  this  matter. 
Zwingle  replied  that  the  practice  of  eating 
flesh  on  all  days  alike  was  in  itself  harmless  ; 
but  that  it  was  right  to  abstain  from  adopting 
it,  until  the  question  should  have  been  de- 
cided by  some  competent  authority.  The 
other  members  of  the  clerical  body  concurred 
in  the  same  opinion. 

The  enemies  of  the  truth  took  advantage 
of  this  fortunate  circumstance.  Their  influ- 
ence was  fast  declining, — Zwingle's  ascen- 
dancy becoming  paramount, — it  was  neces- 
sary to  strike  a  prompt  and  vigorous  blow. 
They  addressed  an  urgent  appeal  to  the  Bishop 
of  Constance.  "  Zwingle,"  cried  they,  "  is  the 
destroyer,  not  the  pastor,  of  theLord'sflock."207 

The  ambitious  Faber,  Zwingle's  former 
friend,  had  recently  undertaken  a  journey  to 
Rome,  and  returned  full  of  zeal  for  the  Pa- 
pacy. To  the  notions  which  he  had  imbibed 
during  his  sojourn  in  that  imperious  court,  we 
must  ascribe  the  first  outbreak  of  the  religious 
troubles  in  Switzerland.  The  time  had°now 
arrived  for  a  decisive  struggle  between  gos- 
pel-truth and  the  retainers  of  the  Roman  Pon- 
tiff. Until  the  truth  has  been  exposed  to 
hostile  efforts,  its  innate  power  is  never  fully 
elicited.  It  was  under  the  cold  shadow  of 
opposition  and  persecution  that  Christianity 
in  its  earlier  growth  acquired  the  strength  by 
which  its  enemies  were  eventually  discom- 
fited. And  at  the  epoch  of  the  great  revival 
which  forms  the  subject  of  this  history,  it 
was  the  will  of  God  that  His  truth  should 
march  onward  in  the  same  rugged  and  thorny 
track.  The  high-priests  then,  as  in  the  days 
of  the  Apostles,  set  themselves  against  the 
new  doctrine.  But  for  these  assaults,  it 
might,  perhaps,  have  remained  concealed  in 
the  secret  chamber  of  a  few  believing  hearts. 
But  God's  purpose  was  to  manifest  it  to  the 
world.  Opposition  had  the  effect,  of  clearing 
new  avenues  for  its  passage,  launching  it  on 
a  new  career,  and  fixing  on  it  the  eyes  of  the 
entire  nation.  It  operated  like  the  gust  of 
wind  that  scatters  the  seed  to  a  distance, 
which  otherwise,  perhaps,  might  have  lain 
inert  and  unprofitable  in  the  spot  where  it 
fell.  The  tree  under  whose  salutary  foliage 
the  tribes  of  Helvetia  were  to  find  rest  and 


shelter  had  been  planted,  indeed,  in  the  depths 
of  her  valleys  ;  but  the  storm  was  needed  to 
give  its  roots  a  firmer  hold  of  the  soil,  and  to 
enlarge  the  covert  of  its  branches.  The  par- 
tisans of  the  Papacy  no  sooner  caught  a 
glimpse  of  the  flame  that  had  been  kindled  at 
Zurich,  than  they  hastened,  while  it  was  yet 
smouldering,  to  stifle  it ;  but  their  efforts 
served  only  to  fan  it  into  vigour. 

On  the  7th  of  April,  1522,  in  the  after  part 
of  the  day,  three  ecclesiastics  intrusted  with 
a  mission  from  the  Bishop  of  Constance, 
entered  the  walls  of  Zurich.  Two  of  them 
had  an  austere  and  angry  cast  of  countenance, 
the  third  was  of  gentler  aspect.  These  per- 
sons were  Melchior  Battli,  the  bishop's  coad- 
jutor, Doctor  Brendi,  lastly  John  Vanner,  the 
preacher  of  the  cathedral,  a  man  of  evangelic 
piety,  who  was  silent  throughout  the  whole 
affair.*  It  was  already  late  in  the  evening 
when  Luti  ran  to  Zwingle  to  tell  him  the 
news.  "  Officers  have  arrived  from  the 
bishop,"  said  he,  "  some  great  blow  is  to  be 
struck  ;  all  who  favour  the  old  customs  are  in 
commotion.  A  notary  is  now  going  round  to 
give  notice  of  an  assembly  of  the  clergy  to  be 
held  at  an  early  hour  to-morrow  in  the  Chap- 
ter-house." 

The  assembly  was  held  accordingly  on  the 
following  morning  ;  when  the  Coadjutor  rose 
and  delivered  a  speech,  which  his  opponents 
characterized  as  violentand  arrogant;208  hestu- 
diously  refrained,  however,  from  mentioning 
Zwingle  by  name.  Some  priests  who  had 
lately  been  won  over  to  the  Gospel,  and  who 
were  yet  weak  in  their  faith,  were  overawed  : 
— their  paleness,  their  silence,  their  sighs  tes- 
tified that  they  had  lost  all  courage.209  Zwingle 
stood  up  and  delivered  a  speech  which  his  ad- 
versaries made  no  attempt  to  answer.  At 
Zurich,  as  in  the  other  cantons,  the  most  vio- 
lent enemies  of  the  new  doctrine  were  to  be 
found  in  the  smaller  Council.  The  deputies 
having  been  baffled  in  the  meeting  of  the 
clergy  now  carried  their  complaint  before  the 
magistrates  ;  Zwingle  was  absent ;  they  had 
therefore  no  reply  to  fear.  The  result  appear- 
ed decisive.  The  Gospel  and  its  champion 
were  on  the  point  of  being  condemned  without 
a  hearing.  Never  was  the  Reformation  in 
Switzerland  in  more  imminent  peril.  It 
seemed  destined  to  be  smothered  in  its  cradle. 
In  this  emergency,  the  councillors  who  were 
friendly  to  Zwingle  appealed  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Great  Council, — it  was  their  only 
remaining  resource,  and  God  was  pleased  to 
make  it  availing  for  the  preservation  of  the 
Gospel.  The  Two  Hundred  were  convened. 
The  partisans  of  the  Papacy  used  every  en- 
deavour to  exclude  Zwingle  from  that  assem- 
bly. Zwingle  struggled  hard  to  obtain  ad- 


*  (Zw.  Opp.  p.  8.)—J.  J.  Hottinger  (iii.  77.) 
Ruchat  (i.  134,  2d  edition,)  and  others  say,  that 
Faber  was  at  the  head  of  the  deputation.  Zwin- 
gle gives  the  names  of  the  three  deputies,  and 
makes  no  mention  of  Faber.  The  authors  first 
cited  have  no  doubt  confounded  two  distinct  ot- 
fices  of  the  Roman  hierarchy, — the  coadjutor  and 
the  vicar-general. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


245 


mission.  He  knocked  at  every  door,  as  ho 
himself  tells  us,  and  left  not  a  stone  unturned;210 
— but  all  in  vain.  *'  It  is  impossible  !"  said 
the  Burgomasters  :  "  The  Council  has  signed 
an  order  to  the  contrary." — "Thereupon," 
says  Zwingle,  "I  desisted,  and  with  heavy 
sighs  laid  the  matter  before  Him  who  hears 
the  groanings  of  the  prisoner,  beseeching  him 
to  succour  his  Gospel."-11  The  patient  and 
submissive  expectation  of  a  servant  of  God  is 
never  disappointed. 

On  the  ninth  of  April  the  Two  Hundred 
were  assembled.  "  We  must  have  our  pas- 
tors here,"  said  those  members  at  once,  who 
were  friendly  to  the  Reformation.  The  smaller 
Council  objected  ;  but  the  great  Council  de- 
termined that  the  pastors  should  be  present  at 
the  accusation,  and  might  even  reply  to  it,  if 
they  should  think  fit.  The  deputies  from 
Constance  were  ushered  in  first, — and  then 
the  three  curates  of  Zurich,  Zwingle,  Engel- 
hard, and  the  aged  Roeschli. 

After  the  adverse  parties  who  were  thus 
brought  face  to  face  had  regarded  each  other 
for  a  while  with  scrutinizing  glances,  the  Co- 
adjutor rose  to  speak.  "  If  his  heart  and  his 
head  had  only  been  matched  with  his  voice," 
says  Zwingle,  "  he  would  have  excelled 
Apollo  and  Orpheus  in  sweetness,  and  the 
Gracchi  and  Demosthenes  in  power." 

"The  civil  constitution,"  said  the  cham- 
pion of  the  Papacy,  "and  the  Christian  reli- 
gion itself  are  threatened  with  ruin.  Men 
have  appeared  amongst  us  teaching  newly- 
invented  doctrines,  that  are  equally  abomina- 
ble and  seditious."  He  went  on  for  some 
time  in  the  same  strain,  and  then  fixing  his 
eyes  on  the  assembled  senators  before  whom 
he  stood  :  "  Continue  in  the  Church,"  said 
he,  "continue  in  the  Church.  Out  of  the 
Church  none  can  be  saved.  The  ceremonies 
of  the  Church  alone  can  bring  unlearned 
Christians  to  the  knowledgeof  salvation:212  and 
the  pastors  of  the  flock  have  nothing  to  do  but 
to  explain  the  signification  of  these  ceremo- 
nies to  the  people." 

When  the  Coadjutor  had  finished  his  speech 
and  resumed  his  seat  for  a  moment,  he  again 
rose,  and  was  preparing  with  his  colleagues 
to  leave  the  council-hall,  when  Zwingle  earn- 
estly addressed  him. — "Reverend  Coadjutor!" 
said  he,  "and  you,  Sirs,  who  bear  him  com- 
pany !  I  beseech  you  to  stay  until  I  have 
answered  this  charge." 

THE  COADJUTOR. — "  It  is  not  our  commis- 
sion to  dispute  with  any  one." 

ZWINGLE. — "  I  wish  not  to  dispute,  but  to 
state  unreservedly  what  my  doctrine  lias  been 
up  to  this  hour." 

THE  BOURGOMASTER  ROUST,  addressing  the 
deputies  from  Constance  :  "  I  pray  you  listen 
to  what  the  curate  has  to  say  in  reply." 

THE  COADJUTOR. — "  I  know  too  well  the 
man  I  have  to  deal  with.  Ulric  Zwingle  is 
too  violent  for  any  discussion  to  be  held  with 
him." 

ZWINGLE. — "  Was  there  ever  an  instance 
before  of  an  innocent  man  being  so  vehemently 
attacked,  and  then  denied  a  hearing]  In  the 


name  of  that  faith  which  we  all  profess, — in 
the  name  of  the  baptism  which  each  of  us  has 
received, — in  the  name  of  Christ,  the  author 
|  of  salvation  and  eternal  life,2-3— ladjureyou  to 
listen  to  me!  If  you  cannot  as  deputies, — do 
so,  at  least,  as  Christians  !" 

After  having  discharged  her  idle  volley, 
Rome  was  hastily  retreating  from  the  field  of 
battle.  The  Reformer  was  anxious  only  to 
be  heard ;  the  Papal  envoys  thought  but  of 
escaping.  A  cause  thus  advocated  was  already 
gained  by  the  one  party,  and  lost  by  the  other. 
The  Two  Hundred  could  no  longer  contain 
their  indignation; — a  murmur  ran  through  the 
whole  assembly  ;214  again  the  Burgomaster  re- 
monstrated with  the  deputies.  A  last,  abashed 
and  silenced,  they  returned  to  their  seats. 
Then  Zwingle  spoke  as  follows  : — 

**  The  Reverend  Coadjutor  talks  of  doc- 
trines that  are  seditious  and  subversive  of 
civil  authority.  Let  him  learn  that  Zurich  is 
more  tranquil  and  more  obedient  to  the  laws 
than  any  city  in  Switzerland, — a  blessing 
which  all  good  Christians  attribute  to  the 
Gospel.  What  influence  so  powerful  as  that 
of  Christianity  to  maintain  good  order  in  a 
community  ]215  As  for  ceremonies,  what  pur- 
pose do  they  serve  but  to  disfigure  the  linea- 
ments of  Christ  and  his  followers]2'6  No,— it 
is  not  by  vain  observances  like  these  that  the 
unlearned  multitude  can  be  brought  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  truth.  There  is  another 
and  a  better  way.  It  is  the  way  that  Christ 
and  his  apostles  have  marked  out  for  us, — 
even  the  Gospel  itself.  Let  us  not  he  toid 
that  the  people  cannot  understand  the  Gospel. 
Whosoever  believes  must  needs  understand. 
The  people  can  believe ;  therefore  they  can 
understand.  This  is  an  operation  of  the 
Holy  Spirit, —  not  of  the  human  intellect.217 
With  regard  to  abstinence,  let  him  who  thinks 
forty  days  insufficient, — fast,  if  he  will,  all  the 
year  round  : — it  concerns  not  me !  All  that 
I  contend  for  is,  that  no  one  should  be  com- 
pelled to  fast;  and  that  the  Zurichers  ought 
not,  for  the  neglect  of  this  petty  observance, 
to  be  accused  of  withdrawing  themselves 
from  the  communion  of  Christians  .  .  ." 

"  I  never  said  that !"  cried  the  Coadjutor. 
"  No !"  said  his  colleague,  Doctor  Brendi, 
"  he  did  not  say  that."  But  the  Senate 
unanimously  confirmed  the  assertion  of  Zwin- 
gle. 

"  Worthy  fellow-citizens,"  continued  Zwin- 
gle, "  let  not  this  accusation  move  you.  The 
foundation  of  the  Church  is  the  same  rock, 
the  same  Christ — that  gave  Peter  his  name, 
because  he  confessed  him  faithfully.  In  every 
nation  whosoever  believes  with  all  his  heart 
in  the  Lord  Jesus  is  accepted  of  God.  Here, 
truly,  is  the  Church,  out  of  which  no  one  can 
be  saved.218  To  explain  the  Gospel,  and  to  obey 
it, — such  is  the  sum  of  our  duty  as  the  minis- 
ters of  Christ." 

"Let  those  who  live  upon  ceremonies 
make  it  their  business  to  explain  them !" — 
This  was  probing  the  wound  to  the  quick. 

A  flush  passed  over  the  Coadjutor's  face, 
but  he  remained  silent.  The  assembly  of  the 


246 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


Two  Hundred  broke  up.  On  the  same  day 
they  came  to  the  resolution,  that  the  Pope  and 
the  cardinals  should  be  requested  to  explain 
the  controverted  point,  and  that  in  the  mean 
time  abstinence  from  flesh  should  be  observed 
during  Lent.  This  was  leaving  the  matter 
as  it  stood,  and  meeting  the  bishop  by  an  ex- 
pedient to  gain  time. 

The  effect  of  this  controversy  was  to  for- 
ward the  work  of  the  Reformation.  The 
champions  of  Rome,  and  those  of  the  new 
doctrines,  had  encountered  each  other,  in  the 
presence,  it  might  be  said,  of  the  whole  peo- 
ple, and  the  issue  had  not  been  to  the  advan- 
tage of  the  former.  This  was  the  first  con- 
flict in  a  warfare  which  was  destined  to  be 
long  and  difficult,  and  marked  by  many  vicis- 
situdes of  humiliation  and  rejoicing.  But 
victory  won  at  the  commencement  of  a  contest 
inspires  an  army  with  courage,  and  strikes 
terror  into  the  enemy.  The  Reformation  had 
gained  a  vantage-ground,  from  which  it  was 
not  to  be  dislodged.  The  Council,  indeed, 
found  it  necessary  to  proceed  with  caution  ; 
but  the  people  loudly  proclaimed  the  defeat 
of  Rome.  "  Never,"  said  they,  in  the  exulta- 
tion of  the  moment,  "  never  again  can  she 
rally  her  scattered  forces."219  "You  have  shown 
the  spirit  of  St.  Paul  himself,"  said  one  of 
Zwingle's  correspondents,  *'  in  this  manful 
attack  on  those  whited  walls,  —  those  false 
apostles  and  their  Ananias.  The  servants  of 
Antichrist  can  now  only  gnash  their  teeth 
against  you  !"  —  From  the  heart  of  Germany 
there  came  voices  that  hailed  him  —  "  the  glo- 
ry of  regenerated  theology  I"220 

But  in  the  mean  time  the  enemies  of  the 
truth  were  collecting  all  their  strength.  If  the 
Gospel  was  to  be  suppressed  at  all,  there  was 
no  time  to  be  lost,  for  it  would  soon  bid  defi- 
ance to  their  efforts.  Hoffman  impeached  the 
Reformer  in  a  written  discourse  of  great  length, 
which  he  addressed  to  the  chapter.  *'  Even 
though  the  curate,"  said  he,  "could  bring  for- 
ward witnesses  to  prove  that  certain  offences 
or  disorders  had  been  committed  by  ecclesi- 
astics in  such  and  such  a  convent,  or  street,  or 
tavern,  it  would  be  a  breach  of  duty  to  name 
the  delinquents!  Why  does  he  insinuate  — 
(it  is  true  I  have  scarcely  ever  heard  him  my- 
self) that  he  alone  derive's  his  doctrine  from 
the  fountain-head,  while  others  draw  theirs 
from  puddles  and  kennels  I22!ls  it  not  impos- 
sible, —  seeing  the  difference  of  men's  minds 
—  that  all  preachers  should  preach  alike1?" 

Zwingle  defended  himself  in  a  full  assem- 
bly of  the  chapter,  scattering  his  adversary's 
charges,  "  as  a  bull  with  his  horns  scatters  a 
wisp  of  straw  to  the  wind."222  The  affair  which 
had  appeared  so  serious,  ended  in  a  peal  of 
laughter  at  the  canon's  expense.  But  Zwin- 
gle did  not  stop  here;  —  on  the  17th  of  April 
he  published  a  treatise  "cm  the  free  use  of 


The  Reformer's  unconquerable  firmness  was 
a  cause  of  rejoicing  to  all  who  loved  the  truth, 
and  particularly  to  the  evangelical  Christians 
of  Germany,  afflicted  as  they  were  by  the  long 
imprisonment  at  Wartburg,  of  that  eminent 


apostle  who  had  first  appeared  in  the  bosom 
of  the  Church.  Already  there  were  instances 
of  pastors  and  believing  laymen  who  had  been 
driven  into  exile  by  the  rigorous  edict  which 
Charles,  under  the  influence  of  the  Papacy, 
had  issued  at  Worms,  —  and  who  had  found 
an  asylum  at  Zurich.  "  Oh,  how  it  gladdens 
my  heart!"  was  the  language  of  a  letter  writ- 
ten to  Zwingle  by  Nesse,  the  professor  of 
Frankfort,  whom  Luther  had  visited  on  his 
way  to  the  Diet  :  —  "  how  it  gladdens  my  heart 
to  hear  with  what  boldness  you  are  preaching 
Christ  Jesus!  Strengthen  by  your  exhorta- 
tions, I  beseech  you,  those  whom  the  cruelty 
of  unworthy  prelates  has  banished  from  our 
bereaved  churches."224 

But  it  was  not  in  Germany  alone  that  the 
friends  of  the  Reformation  were  exposed  to  the 
deadly  machinations  of  their  adversaries.  Not 
a  day  passed  but  secret  meetings  were  held  at 
Zurich,  to  devise  some  method  of  getting  rid 
of  Zwingle.225  One  day  he  received  an  anony- 
mous letter,  which  he  immediately  communi- 
cated to  his  two  vicars.  "  You  are  beset  with 
snares  on  every  side,"  said  the  writer;  "a 
potent  poison  has  been  prepared  to  deprive  you 
of  life.226  Partake  of  no  food  but  in  your  own 
house  ;  eat  no  bread  but  what  your  own  cook 
has  baked.  There  are  those  within  the  walls 
of  Zurich  who  are  leagued  for  your  destruction. 
The  oracle  which  has  revealed  this  to  me,  is 
better  entitled  to  credit  than  that  of  Delphi. 
I  am  your  friend  ;  my  name  you  shall  know 
hereafter."227 

On  the  morning  following  the  day  on  which 
Zwingle  received  this  mysterious  epistle,  just 
as  Staheli  was  entering  the  Water-church,  a 
chaplain  stopped  him  and  said  —  "  Leave 
Zwingle's  house  with  all  speed  ;  a  catastro- 
phe is  at  hand  !"  Some  unknown  fanatics, 
who  despaired  of  seeing  the  Reformation 
checked  by  words,  had  betaken  themselves  to 
the  dagger.  When  mighty  revolutions  are  in 
progress,  and  the  foul  dregs  of  society  are 
heaved  upon  its  agitated  surface,  we  often  see 
the  assassin  playing  a  conspicuous  part. 
Zwingle  was  preserved  however,  for  God 
watched  over  him. 

But  while  the  plots  of  the  murderers  were 
baffled,  the  legitimate  engines  of  the  Papacy 
were  again  put  in  motion.  The  bishop  and 
his  counsellors  we're  determined  to  renew  the 
war.  Tidings  to  this  effect  reached  Zwingle 
from  every  quarter.  The  Reformer,  still  lean- 
ing on  the  word  of  God,  replied  with  high- 
minded  intrepidity;  "I  fear  them  as  a  lofty 
crag  fears  the  roaring  waves  that  dash  against 

^"228  "    " 


thebase"228  .  .  avv  tZ>  ^9".  "  God  being  my 
helper,"  added  he.  On  the  2nd  of  May,  the 
Bishop  of  Constance  issued  a  mandate,  in 
which,  without  any  mention  of  Zurich,  or  of 
Zwingle,  he  complained  that  evil-disposed 
persons  were  reviving  doctrines  which  had 
long  since  been  condemned,  and  that  learned 
and  unlearned  men  were  alike  everywhere 
irreverently  discussing  the  most  exalted  mys- 
teries. John  Vanner,  preacher  of  the  cathe- 
dral of  Constance,  was  the  first  who  was  in- 
dividually attacked.  "I  choose,"  said  he, 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


247 


"  rather  to  be  a  Christian,  though  I  incur  the 
hatred  of  many,  than  to  purchase  the  friend- 
ship of  the  world  by  forsaking  Christ!"229 

But  it  was  at  Zurich  that  the  death-blow  must 
be  dealt  against  the  infant  heresy.  Faber  and 
the  bishop  knew  that  Zwingle  had  many  ene- 
mies among  the  canons.  They  resolved  to  take 
advantage  of  this  circumstance.  Towards  the 
end  of  May  a  letter  from  the  bishop  was  re- 
ceived at  Zurich,  addressed  to  the  principal 
and  chapter.  "Sons  of  the  Church,"  said 
the  prelate,  "let  those  perish  who  will  perish  ! 
but  let  none  entice  you  to  alandcntheChurch."250 
A.t  the  same  time,  the  bishop  charged  the  ca- 
nons to  prevent  those  pernicious  doctrines 
which  were  giving  birth  to  dangerous  sects 
from  being  preached  among  them,  or  made 
the  subject  of  discussion  either  in  private  or 
in  public.  When  this  letter  was  read  in  the 
chapter,  all  eyes  were  turned  upon  Zwingle. 
He  could  not  but  know  what  that  look  implied. 
"  You  think,"  said  he,  "  I  perceive,  that  this 
letter  has  reference  to  me;  be  pleased  to  de- 
liver it  to  me  then,  and,  by  God's  help,  I  will 
answer  it." 

Zwingle's  answer  was  imbodied  in  a  work, 
bearing  the  title  of  Jlrcheteles,  which  signifies 
the  "beginning  and  the  end;"  "for,"  said 
he,  "  I  hope  that  this  my  first  reply  will  also 
be  my  last."  In  this  production,  he  speaks 
in  a  very  respectful  manner  of  the  bishop,  and 
ascribes  all  the  hostility  of  which  he  had  to 
complain  to  the  malevolence  of  a  few  design- 
ing men.  "  What,  after  all,  is  my  offence  ?" 
he  asks.  "  I  have  endeavoured  to  open  men's 
eyes  to  the  peril  of  their  souls ;  I  have  la- 
boured to  bring  them  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
only  true  God,  and  Christ  Jesus  his  Son.  To 
this  end  I  have  employed  no  subtle  arguments, 
but  the  word  of  truth  and  soberness,  such  as 
my  brethren  of  Switzerland  could  understand ." 
Then  exchanging  his  defensive  posture  for 
that  of  an  assailant,  he  significantly  adds : 
"  Julius  Caesar,  when  he  felt  that  he  had 
received  a  mortal  wound,  exerted  his  remain- 
ing strength  to  gather  his  robe  around  him, 
that  he  might  fall  with  dignity.  The  down- 
fall of  your  ceremonies  is  at  hand  ;  be  it  your 
care  to  give  their  fate  what  decency  you  may, 
— and  to  speed  the  inevitable  transition  from 
darkness  to  light,"231 

This  was  all  the  effect  produced  by  the 
bishop's  letter  to  the  chapter  of  Zurich.  Since 
every  milder  expedient  proved  ineffectual,  it 
became  necessary  now  to  strike  a  vigorous 
blow.  Faber  and  Landenberg  cast  their  eyes 
around  them,  and  fixed  them  at  last  on  the 
Diet,  the  Council  of  the  Helvetic  nation.232  De- 
puties from  the  bishop  presented  themselves 
before  that  assembly ;  they  stated  that  their 
master  had  issued  a  mandate  forbidding  the 
priests  of  his  diocese  to  attempt  any  innova- 
tion in  matters  of  doctrine ;  that  his  injunction 
had  been  set  at  naught ;  and  that  he  conse- 
quently appealed  to  the  heads  of  the  Confede- 
ration to  aid  him  in  reducing  the  rebels  to 
obedience,  and  in  maintaining  the  true  and 
ancient  faith.2G3The  enemies  of  the  Reforma- 
tion had  the  ascendancy  in  this  supreme  as- 


sembly of  the  nation.  But  a  little  before,  it 
had  issued  a  decree  by  which  all  priests  were 
required  to  desist  from  preaching,  on  the 
ground  that  their  discourses  tended  to  stir  up 
dissensions  among  the  people.  This  decree 
of  the  Diet,  its  first  act  of  interference  with 
the  Reformation,  had  not  hitherto  been  en- 
forced ;  but  now,  being  bent  on  rigorous  mea- 
sures, the  assembly  summoned  before  it  Urban 
WTeiss,  the  pastor  of  Fislispach,  near  Baden, 
who  was  accused  by  public  report  of  preach- 
ing the  new  doctrine  and  rejecting  the  old. 
The  proceedings  against  Weiss  were  suspend- 
ed for  a  while,  at  the  intercession  of  a  nume- 
rous body  of  citizens,  security  having  first 
been  exacted  from  him  to  the  amount  of  a 
hundred  florins,  which  were  collected  by  his 
parishioners. 

But  the  Diet  had  taken  a  side  in  the  contest ; 
this  was  evident,  and  the  monks  and  priests 
began  to  recover  their  courage.  At  Zurich 
they  had  assumed  a  haughtier  aspect  imme- 
diately on  the  promulgation  of  the  first  decree. 
Several  members  of  the  Council  were  accus- 
tomed to  visit  the  three  convents  every  morn- 
ing and  evening,  and  even  to  take  their  meals 
there.  The  monks  lectured  their  well-mean- 
ing guests,  and  urged  them  to  procure  an  or- 
dinance from  the  government  in  their  favour. 
"If  Zwingle  will  not  hold  his  peace,"  said 
they,  "  we  will  cry  out  louder  than  he."  The 
Diet  had  openly  espoused  the  cause  of  the 
oppressors:  the  Council  of  Zurich  knew  not 
how  to  act.  On  the  7th  of  June  it  published 
an  ordinance  forbidding  any  one  to  preach 
against  the  monks;  but  no  sooner  had  this 
ordinance  been  voted,  than  "  a  sudden  noise 
was  heard  in  the  council-chamber,"  says  Bul- 
linger's  Chronicle, "  so  that  all  present  looked 
at  each  other  in  dismay."234  Tranquillity  was 
not  restored ;  on  the  contrary,  the  contest 
which  was  carried  on  in  the  pulpits  grew 
warmer  every  day.  The  Council  appointed 
a  committee  before  whom  the  pastors  of  Zu- 
rich and  the  readers  and  preachers  of  the  con- 
vents were  respectively  summoned  to  appear 
in  the  Principal's  dwelling-house.  After  a 
keen  debate,  the  Burgomaster  enjoined  both 
parties  to  refrain  from  preaching  any  thing 
that  might  breed  discord.  "  I  cannot  submit 
to  this  injunction,"  said  Zwingle;  "I  claim 
the  right  of  preaching  the  Gospel  freely,  with- 
out any  condition  whatsoever,  agreeably  to  the 
former  ordinance.  I  am  bishop  and  pastor  of 
Zurich ;  it  is  to  me  that  the  care  of  souls  has 
been  confided.  I  am  under  the  obligation  of 
an  oath,  from  which  the  monks  are  exempt. 
They  are  the  party  who  ought  to  give  way, — 
not  I.  If  they  preach  what  is  false,  I  will 
contradict  them,  were  it  even  in  the  pulpit  of 
their  own  convent.  If  I  myself  preach  any 
doctrine  contrary  to  the  Holy  Gospel,  then  I 
desire  to  be  rebuked,  not  only  by  the  chapter, 
but  by  any  private  citizen,  and,  moreover,  to 
be  punished  by  the  Council."235— "And  we," 
said  the  monks, "on  our  part, demand  permis- 
sion to  preach  the  doctrines  of  St.  Thomas." 
The  committee  of  the  Council,  after  mature 
deliberation,  determined  "  that  Thomas  Aqui 


248 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


nas,  Scotus,  and  the  other  doctors  should  be 
laid  aside,  and  that  preachers  should  confine 
themselves  to  the  Holy  Gospel."  Again, 
therefore,  the  truth  was  triumphant.  But  the 
anger  of  those  who  supported  the  Papacy  was 
inflamed  to  a  higher  pitch.  The  Italian  ca- 
nons could  not  conceal  their  fury.  They  cast 
insulting  glances  at  Zwingle  in  the  chapter, 
and  seemed  to  be  thirsting  for  his  blood.236 

These  tokens  of  hostility  could  not  intimi- 
date Zwingle.  There  was  one  place  in  Zurich 
where,  thanks  to  the  Dominicans,  no  ray  of 
light  had  hitherto  entered  ;  this  was  the  nun- 
nery of  Oetenbach.  The  daughters  of  the  first 
families  of  Zurich  were  accustomed  to  take 
the  veil  there.  It  seemed  unjust  that  these 
poor  females,  shut  up  within  the  walls  of  their 
convent,  should  alone  be  debarred  from  hear- 
ing the  word  of  God.  The  Great  Council 
ordered  Zwingle  to  visit  them.  The  Reformer 
accordingly  mounted  the  pulpit  which  none 
but  the  Dominicans  had  hitherto  occupied,  and 
delivered  a  sermon  "On  the  clearness  and 
certainty  of  the  word  of  God."2117  Heafterwards 
published  this  remarkable  discourse,  which 
produced  a  great  effect,  and  still  further  con- 
tributed to  exasperate  the  monks. 

An  event  now  occurred  which  enlarged  the 
sphere  of  this  religious  animosity,  and  com- 
municated it  to  many  a  heart  which  had  as 
yet  been  a  stranger  to  its  influence.  The 
Swiss,  under  the  command  of  Stein  and  Win- 
kelried,  had  suffered  a  bloody  defeat  at  Bicocca. 
They  had  made  a  gallant  attack  on  the  enemy ; 
but  the  artillery  of  Pescara  and  the  lanzknechts 
of  that  same  Freundsberg  whom  Luther  had 
encountered  at  the  door  of  the  Council-hall  at 
Worms,  had  overthrown  officers  and  stand- 
ards, and  whole  companies  at  once  had  been 
mowed  down  and  exterminated.  Winkelried 
and  Stein,  with  many  inferior  chiefs,  who  bore 
the  illustrious  names  of  Mulinen,  and  Dies- 
bach,  and  Bonstetten,  and  Tschudi,  and  Pfyf- 
fer,  had  been  left  on  the  field  of  battle.  Schwitz, 
in  particular,  had  been  bereft  of  the  bravest  of 
her  sons.  The  mangled  remnant  of  that  dis- 
astrous conflict  returned  to  Switzerland,  car- 
rying mourning  in  their  train.  A  cry  of  un- 
mingled  lamentation  resounded  from  the  Alps 
to  the  Jura,  from  the  Rhone  even  to  the  Rhine. 

But  no  one  felt  this  calamity  more  keenly 
than  Zwingle.  He  immediately  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  canton  of  Schwitz,  to  dissuade  the 
citizens  of  that  state  from  engaging  again  in 
foreign  service.  *'  Your  ancestors,"  said  he, 
with  all  the  warmth  of  a  true-hearted  Switzer, 
"contended  with  their  enemies  in  defence  of 
their  liberties;  but  never  did  they  imbrue  their 
hands  in  Christian  blood.  These  foreign  wars 
bring  upon  our  country  incalculable  evils. 
The  anger  of  God  descends  upon  the  States, 
and  Swiss  liberty  is  almost  lost  between  the 
interested  caresses  and  mortal  hatred  of  foreign 
Princes."238 Zwingle  gave  the  right  hand  to 
Nicolas  von  Flue,  and  supported  the  appeal 
of  that  friend  of  peace.  This  remonstrance, 
being  presented  at  a  general  assembly  of  the 
people  of  Schwitz,  produced  such  an  impres- 
sion, thatit  was  decreed  that  provisionally  the 


state  would  decline  any  alliance  for  the  next 
twenty-five  years.  But  it  was  not  long  before 
the  French  party  procured  the  revocation  of 
this  noble  resolution;  and  from  that  time 
Schwitz  was,  of  all  the  cantons,  the  most  op- 
posed to  Zwingle  and  his  efforts.  Even  the 
disgraces.that  the  same  party  drew  upon  their 
country  served  but  to  increase  their  hatred  of 
the  bold  preacher  who  was  striving  to  avert 
them.  A  violent  opposition  was  formed 
against  Zurich  and  Zwingle.  The  usages  of 
the  Church,  and  the  recruiting  services,  at- 
tacked at  the  same  moment,  mutually  sup- 
ported each  other  against  the  rising  wririd 
which  threatened  both  writh  downfall.  Mean- 
while enemies  were  multiplying  from  with- 
out. It  was  no  longer  the  Pope  alone,  but 
the  other  foreign  princes,  who  vowed  irrecon- 
cilable hatred  to  the  Reformation.  Its  effect 
went  to  deprive  them  of  those  Swiss  halberds 
which  had  added  so  many  triumphs  to  their 
ambition  .  .  .  On  the  side  of  the  Gospel  there 
remained — God — and  the  excellent  of  the 
earth  : — it  was  more  than  enough.  Divine 
Providence  was  besides  bringing  to  its  sup- 
port men  of  different  countries  who  were  per- 
secuted for  their  faith. 

On  Saturday  the  12th  of  July,  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Zurich  witnessed  the  arrival  in  their 
streets  of  a  monk,  of  tall,  thin,  and  gaunt 
stature,  habited  in  the  gray  frock  of  the  Cor- 
deliers, of  foreign  appearance  and  mounted  on 
an  ass;  his  bare  feet  almost  touching  the 
ground.239 In  this  manner  he  arrived  from  the 
road  leading  to  Avignon,  not  knowing  a  word 
of  German.  However,  by  means  of  Latin  he 
contrived  to  make  himself  understood.  Fran- 
cis Lambert  (for  that  was  his  name)  inquired 
for  Zwingle,  and  handed  to  him  a  letter  from 
Berthold  Haller :  "  The  Franciscan  father  who 
is  the  bearer  of  this,"  wrote  the  Bernese  cu- 
rate, "  is  no  other  than  apostolic  preacher  to 
the  convent-general  at  Avignon.  For  the  last 
five  years  he  has  been  teaching  the  true  Chris- 
tian doctrine  ;  he  has  preached  in  Latin  to  our 
clergy  at  Geneva,  at  Lausanne,  before  the 
bishop,  at  Friburg,  and  latterly  at  Berne, 
touching  the  church,  the  priesthood,  the  sacra- 
ment ofthe  mass,  the  traditions  of  the  Roman 
bishops,  and  the  superstitions  of  religious 
orders.  To  me,  such  teaching  from  a  Corde- 
lier, and  a  Frenchman,  (both  characters  that, 
as  you  know,  suppose  a  host  of  superstitions,) 
seemed  a  thing  unprecedented."240  TheFrench- 
man  himself  recounted  to  Zwingle  that  the 
writings  of  Luther  having  been  discovered  in 
his  cell,  he  had  been  obliged  to  leave  Avignon 
at  a  moment's  warning;  how  he  had  first 
preached  the  Gospel  in  the  city  of  Geneva, 
and  afterwards  at  Lausanne,  on  the  banks  of 
the  same  lake.  Zwingle,  quite  overjoyed, 
threw  open  to  him  the  church  of  our  Lady, — 
assigning  him  a  seat  in  the  choir,  before  the 
high  altar.  There  Lambert  delivered  four  ser- 
mons, in  which  he  attacked  with  vigour  the 
errors  of  Rome;  but  in  his  fourth  discourse 
he  defended  the  invocation  of  the  saints  and 
I  of  Mary. 

"  Brother  1    Brother !  you  are  mistaken,"241 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


249 


pxclaimed  a  loud  voice.  It  was  Zwingle's. 
Canons  and  chaplains  leaped  for  joy  on  see- 
ing a  dispute  arising  between  the  Frenchman 
and  the  heretical  curate :  "  He  has  publicly 
attacked  you,"  said  they  to  Lambert;  "re- 
quire of  him  a  public  discussion."  The  monk 
of  Avignon  did  so ; — and  on  the  22d  of  July, 
at  ten  o'clock,  the  two  disputants  met  in  the 
conference-hall  of  the  canons.  Zwingle  opened 
the  Old  and  New  Testament  in  Greek  and  La- 
tin. He  discussed  and  expounded  until  two 
o'clock,  when  the  Frenchman,  clasping  his 
hands  together  and  raising  them  towards  hea- 
ven, broke  forth  in  these  words:242  "I  thank 
thee,  O  God,  that  by  this  thy  gifted  minister, 
thou  hast  granted  to  me  so  clear  a  discovery 
of  the  truth."— "  Henceforth,"  he  added, 
turning  to  the  assembly,  "  in  all  my  trials  I 
will  invoke  none  but  God  alone,  and  throw 
aside  my  beads.  To-morrow  I  purpose  to 
continue  my  journey.  I  am  going  to  Bale  to 
see  Erasmus  of  Rotterdam,  and  thence  to 
Wittemberg  to  see  the  Augustine  Martin  Lu- 
ther." Accordingly  he  took  his  departure  on 
his  ass.  We  shall  meet  with  him  again. 
This  man  was  the  first  who  went  forth  from 
France  for  the  sake  of  the  Gospel  into  Swit- 
zerland and  Germany;  the  humble  forerunner 
of  many  thousands. 

Myconius  had  no  such  consolations.  On 
the  contrary,  it  was  his  lot  to  see  Sebastian 
Hofmeister,  who  had  come  from  Constance  to 
Lucerne,  and  had  there  preached  the  Gospel 
boldly, — compelled  to  quit  the  city.  On  this, 
Oswald's  melancholy  increased — a  fever  con- 
sumed him ;  the  physicians  gave  their  opinion 
that  if  he  did  not  remove  he  would  die.  "  No- 
where do  I  more  wish  to  be  than  with  you," 
wrote  he  to  Zwingle,  "  and  nowhere  have  I 
less  wish  to  be  than  at  Lucerne.  Men  torment 
me,  and  the  climate  destroys  me.  People 
say  that  my  disease  is  the  punishment  of 
my  iniquity.  It  is  in  vain  to  speak  or  do  any 

thing,  they  turn  every  thing  to  poison 

There  is  One  above,  on  whom  alone  my  hope 
rests."243 

This  hope  was  not  delusive. — It  was  about 
the  end  of  March,  and  Annunciation-day  was 
approaching.  The  day  before  its  eve  a  solemn 
fast  was  observed,  in  memory  of  a  conflagra- 
tion that  in  1340  had  reduced  to  ashes  the 
greater  part  of  the  city.  A  crowd  of  people 
from  the  environs  were  collected  together  at 
Lucerne,  and  several  hundred  priests  were  as- 
sembled. A  noted  preacher  usually  preached; 
and  on  this  occasion  Conrad  Schmid,  of  Kus- 
nacht,  commander  of  the  Johannites,  arrived 
to  take  the  duty.  A  great  crowd  filled  the 
church, — but  what  was  their  astonishment, 
when  the  commander,  abandoning  the  cus- 
tomary Latin  oration,  spoke  in  plain  German, 
that  all  could  understand;244  declared  with  au- 
thority and  holy  zeal  the  love  of  God  in  send- 
ing His  Son  into  the  world,  and  eloquently 
showed  that  our  works  cannot  save  us,  and 
that  God's  promises  are  in  truth  the  essence 
of  the  Gospel.  "  God  forbid,"  cried  the  com- 
mander, in  the  hearing  of  the  astonished  con- 
gregation, "  that  we  should  i  ;cognise  a  hand 


so  full  of  sin  as  the  Roman  bishop,  and  there- 
by reject  Jesus  Christ.24'  If  the  Bishop  of 
Rome  dispenses  the  bread  of  the  Gospel,  let 
us  acknowledge  him  as  a  pastor — not  as  our 
head;  and  if  he  does  not  dispense  it,  let  us 
in  no  way  whatever  recognise  him."  Oswald 
could  not  restrain  his  joy. 

"  What  a  man  !"  he  exclaimed, — "  What  a 
discourse  ! — what  majesty  and  authority  ! — 
how  full  of  the  spirit  of  Christ!"  The  effect 
was  almost  universal.  To  the  agitation  which 
pervaded  the  town  succeeded  a  solemn  si- 
lence;  but  all  this  was  transient, — if  a  nation 
closes  the  ear  to  God's  call,  his  calls  are 
every  day  less  frequent,  and  ere  long  they  are 
altogether  withdrawn.  This  was  the  fate  of 
Lucerne. 

While  truth  was  there  proclaimed  from  the 
pulpit, — at  Berne,  the  Papacy  was  assailed  in 
the  festive  meetings  of  the  people.  A  layman 
of  reputation,  Nicolas  Manuel,  famed  for  his 
talents,  and  afterwards  promoted  to  high  of- 
fice in  the  state,  indignant  at  seeing  his  coun- 
trymen mercilessly  plundered  by  Sampson, 
composed  some  carnival  dramas,  in  which  he 
keenly  satirized  the  extortion,  haughtiness, 
and  pomp  of  the  Pope  and  clergy.  .  .  On  the 
mardi  gras,  or  Shrove-Tuesday  of  their  lord- 
ships, (their  lordships  were  then  the  clergy, 
and  the  clergy  usually  began  their  Lent  eight 
days  before 'other  people,)  nothing  was  talked 
of  in  Berne  but  a  drama  or  mystery,  called — 
the  Feeders  upon  the  Dead,  which  some  young 
folks  were  to  act  in  the  Rue  de  la  Croix.  The 
people  flocked  to  the  spot. — As  literary  pro- 
ductions, these  dramatic  sketches  of  the  early 
part  of  the  sixteenth  century  possess  some  in- 
terest,— but  it  is  in  a  very  different  point  of 
view  that  we  recal  them:  we  would  prefer 
doubtless  not  to  have  to  adduce  on  the  part 
of  the  Reformation  attacks  of  this  nature ;  as 
truth  triumphs  by  far  different  weapons  :  his- 
tory, however,  does  not  create,  but  faithfully 
transmits  what  she  finds. 

And  now  the  acting  begins,  much  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  impatient  crowd  gathered 
together  in  the  Rue  de  la  Croix.  The  Pope 
appears,  attired  in  splendid  habiliments,  and 
seated  on  a  throne.  Around  him  stand  his 
courtiers  and  body-guard,  and  a  mixed  assem- 
blage of  dignified  and  inferior  clergy; — be- 
yond them  are  nobles,  laymen,  and  beggars. 
Shortly  after,  a  funeral  procession  appears; — 
it  is  a  wealthy  farmer  whom  they  are  carry- 
ing to  his  grave.  Two  of  his  kinsmen  walk 
slowly  in  front  of  the  coffin,  with  handker- 
chiefs in  their  hands.  The  procession  being 
arrived  in  the  Pope's  presence,  the  bier  is 
lowered,  the  acting  begins  : — 

FIRST   RELATIVE. 

The  noble  army  of  saints, 
Take  pity  on  our  lot ; 
Alas !  our  cousin  is  dead, 
In  the  prime  of  his  life. 

ANOTHER   RELATIVE. 

No  cost  will  we  spare 
For  priests,  friars,  or  nuns, 
Though  a  hundred  crowns  we  should  drain; 


250 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Determined  are  we ; 
His  spirit  to  free, 
From  dire  purgatorial  pain.246 

The  SACRISTAN  coming  out  of  the  crowd  near 
the  Pope,  and  hurrying  to  the  curate,  Robert 
Ne'er-Enough: 

My  Lord  curate,  let  me  drink  your  health; 
A  rich  farmer  is  just  dead ! 

THE     CURATE. 

One,  say  you.     One  is  not  enough. 
One  dead  !  'tis  for  ten  that  I  call ; 
The  more  die  off,  the  more  blithely  we  live, 
This  death  is  the  best  trick  of  all! 

THE   SACRISTAN. 

Ah  !  if  I  had  but  my  heart's  desire, 
I'd  pass  my  time  in  tolling  of  knells  ; 
For  unlike  field  labour  the  dead  never  tire,247 
But  pay  well,  and  tell  no  tales. 

THE    CURATE. 

If  tolling  a  bell  opes  the  gate  of  heaven, 

I  know  not — but  what  does  that  matter  ? 

It  brings  me  in  barbel,  pike,  salmon,  and  trout; 

And  my  larder  grows,  day  by  day,  fatter. 

THE  CURATE'S  NIECE.* 

'Tis  all  very  well — but  I  put  in  my  claim, 

And  this  soul  must  to-day  me  provide 

With  a  comely  new  gown  of  white,  black,  pink, 

or  green, 
And  a  neat  pretty  kerchief  beside. 

Cardinal   LOFTYLOOK, — wearing    the  red  hat, 
and  standing  near  the  Pope  •. — 
Did  we  not  love  the  bloody  prize  of  Death, 
Would  we  have  led  to  slaughter,  in  their  prime, 
Those  armed  trains, 
On  battle  plains, 

In  wars  our  pride  has  kindled  in  our  time  ?248 
The  blood  of  Christians  yields  to  Rome  her 

wealth  ! 

Hence  do  I  wear  a  hat  of  sanguine  red, 
Made  fat  with  pomp  and  riches  by  the  dead  ! 

BISHOP    WOLFS-BELLY. 

By  papal  right  I  mean  to  live  and  die. 

I  wear  rich  silks,  and  spend  luxuriously ; 

I  lead  in  battle,  or  I  hunt  at  will ! 

If  we  in  the  first  church  were  living  still, 

My  cloak  were  what  a  peasantround  him  flings!219 

B  ut  we  were  shepherds  then,  and  now  we  're  kings ! 

Yet  'mongst  the  shepherds  I  to  pass  intend. 


How  so? 


A  VOICE. 


BISHOP   WOLFS-BELLY. 


At  the  sheep-shearing  time,  my  friend! 
Shepherds  and  wolves  are  we  to  our  fat  flocks. 
They  must  feed  us,  or  fall  beneath  hard  knocks. 
Marriage  to  curates  doth  the  Pope  deny  : 
'Tis  well : — 'but  who  among  them  will  comply  ? 
Not  e'en  the  best  of  them.     That's  better  still! 
What  matter  scandals? — Bribes  my  coffers  fill. 
Thus  shall  I  better  sport  a  princely  train : 
The  smallest  coin  indeed  I  ne'er  disdain. 
A  priest  with  money  takes  a  wife  discreetly : 
Four  florins  yearly  .  .  .  seal  my  eyes  completely. 
Brings  she  him  children, — he  must  bleed  again .  . . 
Two  thousand  florins  in  a  year  I  gain  : 
If  they  were  virtuous  I  should  starve,  be  sure.250 
Thanks  to  the  Pope!  him  kneeling  I  adore. 
'Tis  in  his  faith  I'll  live,— his  church  defend, 
And  ask  no  other  God  till  life  shall  end ! 


*  In  the  German  the  term  is  more  gross,  Pfaf- 
fenmetze. 


Men  think  that  to  a  haughty  priest  'tis  given 
I"  unclose  or  shut  at  will  the  gate  of  heaven. 
— Preach  well  the  conclave's  chosen  one's  decree, 
And  we  are  kings — and  laymen  slaves  shall  be : 
3ut  if  the  Gospel  standard  be  displayed, 
All's  over  with  us! — for  'tis  nowhere  said 

That  men  should  give  their  money  to  the  priest. 
Perhaps  too,  if  the  Gospel  were  obeyed, 
We  should  pass  life  in  poverty  and  shade  .  . . 
Instead  of  these  caparisoned  proud  steeds, 
With  these  rich  carriages  my  household  needs, 

My  holiness  would  ride  a  duller  beast.251 
No, — We'll  flnd  means  to  guard  the  goodly  gains 
Our  predecessors  left, — and  quell  rash  aims. 
'Tis  ours  to  will,  and  the  world's  part  to  bow ; 
To  me  as  to  a  God  its  nations  vow ; 
Crushed  by  my  weight  when  I  ascend  its  throne, 
I  give  its  good  things  to  my  pack  alone. 
And  unclean  laymen  must  not  touch  our  treasure ; 
Three  drops  of  holy  water  '11  fill  his  measure  ! 

We  will  not  follow  out  this  literal  rendering 
of  Manuel's  dramatic  effusion.  The  vexation 
of  the  clergy  on  learning  these  efforts  of  the 
Reformers,  their  anger  against  those  who 
would  thus  put  a  stop  to  these  disorders, — is 
painted  in  vivid  colours.  The  dissoluteness 
the  mystery  brought  prominently  forward  was 
too  general  for  each  one  not  to  be  struck  by 
the  truth  of  the  picture.  The  people  were  in 
commotion.  Many  were  the  satirical  jests  of 
the  spectators  as  they  broke  up  from  the  specta- 
cle in  the  Rue  de  la  Croix;  but  some  were 
more  gravely  affected,  and  these  spoke  of  the 
liberty  of  the  Christian,  and  the  Pope's  des- 
potism,— contrasting  the  simplicity  of  the 
Gospel  with  Romish  pageantry.  Rapidly  the 
popular  contempt  broke  forth  in  the  public 
streets.  On  Ash-Wednesday  the  people  pa- 
raded the  indulgences  through  the  city,  ac- 
companying them  with  satirical  songs.  A 
heavy  blow  had  been  struck,  in  Berne,  and 
throughout  Switzerland,  at  the  ancient  edifice 
of  Popery. 

Shortly  after  this  dramatic  representation, 
another  comedy  took  place  at  Berne;  but  in 
this  last  invention  had  no  share.  The  clergy, 
the  council,  and  the  burghers,  had  assembled 
before  the  upper  gate,  expecting  the  skull  of 
St.  Ann,  which  the  celebrated  knight  Albert 
von  Stein,  had  gone  to  fetch  from  Lyons. 
After  waiting  some  time,  Stein  arrived,  bear- 
ing the  precious  relic,  wrapped  in  a  covering 
of  silken  stuff.  On  its  passage  through  Lau- 
sane,  the  bishop  of  that  place  had  fallen  on 
his  knees  before  it.  The  holy  trophy  was 
carried  in  procession  to  the  church  of  the  Do- 
minicans. Bells  were  rung, — the  procession 
entered,  and  the  skull  of  the  Virgin's  mother 
was  solemnly  deposited  on  the  altar  dedicated 
to  her,  beneath  a  screen  of  costly  lattice- work. 
But  in  the  height  of  the  rejoicing,  came  a  let- 
ter from  the  Abbot  of  the  convent  at  Lyons, 
(where  the  remains  of  the  saint  were  pre- 
served,) announcing  that  the  monks  had  trick- 
ed the  knight,  by  imposing  on  him  an  unclean 
skull  picked  up  from  among  the  bones  of  the 
cemetery.  This  imposition  on  the  celebrated 
city  of  Berne  deeply  offended  its  inhabi- 
tants. 

The  Reformation  was  making  progress  in 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


251 


other  parts  of  Switzerland.  In  1521,  Walter 
Klarer,  a  young  man  of  Appenzel,  returned 
from  the  university  of  Paris  to  his  own  canton. 
The  writings  of  Luther  fell  into  his  hands, 
and  in  1522  he  preached  the  Gospel  with  all 
the  fervour  of  a  young  Christian.  An  innkeep- 
er named  Rausberg,  a  member  of  the  Council 
of  Appenzel,  threw  open  his  house  to  the 
friends  of  truth.  A  famous  captain  Bartholo- 
mew Berweger,  who  had  fought  in  the  ranks 
for  Julius  II.  and  Leo  X.  being  lately  returned 
from  Rome,  instantly  set  about  persecuting 
the  new  doctrine.  But  recollecting  one  day  that 
he  had  seen  much  that  was  wrong  at  Rome, 
he  began  to  read  his  Bible  and  hear  the 
preachers ;— his  eyes  were  opened,  and  he 
embraced  the  Gospel.  Observing  that  the 
crowds  that  came  could  no  longer  find  room 
in  the  churches :  "  Why  not  preach  in  the 
open  fields  and  in  the  public  squares  1"  said 
he — in  spite  of  much  opposition,  the  hills, 
meadows,  and  mountains  of  Appenzel,  from 
that  time  often  resounded  with  the  tidings  of 
salvation. 

This  doctrine,  ascending  the  course  of  the 
Rhine,  even  reached  as  far  as  ancient  Rhetia. 
One  day  a  stranger  coming  from  Zurich, 
passed  the  river,  and  presented  himself  at  the 
door  of  a  saddler  of  Flasch,  the  first  town  in 
the  Grisons.  Christian  Anhorn  listened  with 
amazement  to  the  conversation  of  his  guest. 
*'  Preach  then,"  said  the  whole  village  to  the 
stranger,  whose  name  was  James  Burkli; — 
and  Burkli  took  his  stand  before  the  altar.  A 
body  of  armed  men,  with  Anhorn  at  their 
head,  surrounded  him  to  protect  him  from  any 
sudden  attack ;  and  thus  he  proclaimed  the  Gos- 
pel. The  report  of  his  preaching  spread  abroad, 
and  on  the  next  Sunday  an  immense  crowd 
assembled.  Very  soon  a  great  number  of  the 
inhabitants  of  that  country  desired  to  partake 
of  the  Lord's  supper,  according  to  Christ's 
appointment.  But  one  day  the  tocsin  was 
suddenly  heard  in  Mayenfield  ; — the  people 
ran  together  in  alarm,  the  priests  depicted  the 
dangers  that  threatened  the  Church,  and — fol- 
lowed by  this  fanatic  population, — hurried  to 
Flasch.  Anhorn,  who  was  working  in  the 
fields  surprised  by  the  ringing  of  bells  at  so 
unusual  an  hour,  returned  home  in  haste,  and 
secreted  Burkli  in  a  deep  pit  that  had  been 
dug  in  his  cellar.  The  house  was  already 
surrounded;  the  doors  were  burst  open,  and 
strict  search  made  for  the  heretical  preacher; 
but  in  vain.  At  length  they  left  the  place.252 

The  word  of  God  had  spread  through  the 
ten  jurisdictions  of  the  league.  The  curate  of 
Mayenfield,  on  returning  from  Rome,  (whither 
he  had  fled  in  indignation  at  the  progress  of 
the  Gospel,)  exclaimed — "  Rome  has  made 
an  evangelist  of  me!"  and  became  from  that 
time  a  zealous  Reformer.  Ere  long,  the  Re- 
formation extended  itself  in  the  league  of  what 
was  called  "the  house  of  God."  "Oh,  if 
you  could  but  see  how  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Rhetian  Alps  cast  away  from  them  the  yoke 
of  Babylon  !"  wrote  Salandronius  to  Vadian. 

Revolting  disorders  hastened  the  day  when 
Zurich  and  its  neighbouring  country  should 
33 


finally  throw  off  the  yoke.  A  married  school- 
master desiring  to  take  priest's  orders  obtained 
his  wife's  consent  and  was  separated  from  her. 
The  new  curate  finding  himself  unable  to  ful- 
fil his  vow  of  celibacy  quitted  the  place  of  his 
wife's  residence  from  regard  to  her,  and  set- 
tling himself  in  the  diocese  of  Constance, 
there  formed  a  criminal  connection.  His  wife 
hearing  of  it  went  to  him.  The  poor  priest 
was  melted  at  the  sight  of  her,  and  dismissing 
the  woman  who  had  usurped  her  rights,  took 
home  his  lawful  wife.  Instantly  the  procu- 
rator-fiscal made  out  his  report, — the  Vicar- 
general  was  in  motion, — the  councillors  of  the 
consistory  met  in  deliberation,  and  ....  en- 
joined the  curate  to  renounce  his  wife,  or  his 
benefice  !  The  poor  wife  left  her  husband's 
house  in  tears ;  her  rival  resumed  her  place  in 
triumph.  The  church  was  satisfied,  and  from 
that  moment  left  the  adulterous  priest  undis- 
turbed.2*5 

Shortly  after  a  curate  of  Lucerne  seduced  a 
married  woman,  and  cohabited  with  her.  The 
husband  repairing  to  Lucerne  availed  himself 
of  the  opportunity  afforded  by  the  priest's  ab- 
sence to  recover  his  wife.  As  he  was  return- 
ing, the  seducer  met  them  in  the  way  ; — he  in- 
stantly fell  upon  the  injured  husband,  and  in- 
flicted a  wound,  of  which  the  latterdied.254  All 
good  men  saw  the  necessity  of  re-establishing 
the  law  of  God,  which  declares  marriage 
"  honourable  to  all."  (Heb.  xiii.  4.)  The 
ministers  of  the  Gospel  had  discovered  that 
the  law  of  celibacy  was  altogether  of  human 
authority,  imposed  by  the  Popes,  contrary  to 
God's  word,  which  in  describing  a  faithful 
bishop,  represents  him  as  a  husband  and  a 
father.  (1  Tim.  iii.  2—4.)  They  also  saw 
that  of  all  the  corruptions  which  had  gained 
a  footing  in  the  church,  not  one  had  led  to 
more  profligacy  and  scandals.  Hence  they 
not  only  thought  it  lawful,  but  even  a  part  of 
their  duty  to  God  to  reject  it.  Several  among 
them  at  this  period  returned  to  the  apostolic 
usage.  Xyloctect  was  already  a  husband. 
Zwingle  also  married  about  this  time.  Among 
the  women  of  Zurich  none  was  more  respected 
than  Anna  Reinhardt,  widow  of  Meyer  von 
Knonau,  mother  of  Gerold.  From  Zwingle's 
coming  among  them,  she  had  been  constant 
in  her  attendance  on  his  ministry  ;  she  lived 
near  him,  and  he  had  remarked  her  piety, 
modesty,  and  maternal  tenderness.  Young 
Gerold,  who  had  become  almost  like  a  son  to 
him,  contributed  further  to  bring  about  an  in- 
timacy with  his  mother.  The  trials  that  had 
already  befallen  this  Christian  woman,— 
whose  fate  it  was  to  be,  one  day,  more  severe- 
ly tried  than  any  woman  whose  history  is  on 
record, — had  formed  her  to  a  seriousness  which 
gave  prominency  to  her  Christian  virtues.253 
She  was  then  about  thirty-five,  and  her  whole 
fortune  consisted  of  400  florins.  It  was  on 
her  that  Zwingle  fixed  his  eyes  for  a  compa- 
nion for  life.  He  felt  the  sacredness  and  inti- 
mate sympathy  of  the  marriage  tie ;  and  term- 
ed it  "a  most  holy  alliance."256—  "AsChrist," 
said  he,  "died  for  those  who  are  His,  and 
give  himself  entirely  for  them,  so  should  those 
Y2 


253 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


who  are  united  together  by  marriage,  do  and 
suffer  all  things  one  for  the  other."  But 
Zwingle,  when  he  took  Anna  Reinhardt  to 
wife,  did  not  make  his  marriage  public.  This 
was  beyond  doubt  a  blameable  weakness  in 
one  who  in  other  things  was  so  resolute.  The 
light  he  and  his  friends  possessed  on  the  sub- 
ject of  celibacy  was  by  no  means  general. 
The  weak  might  have  been  stumbled.  He 
feared  lest  his  usefulness  in  the  church  might 
be  destroyed  by  makingknown  his  marriage,*57 
and  he  sacrificed  much  of  his  happiness  to 
these  fears — excusable,  perhaps,  but  such  as 
he  ought  to  have  disregarded.* 

Meanwhile,  interests  of  a  higher  kind  were 
engaging  the  thoughts  of  the  friends  of  truth. 
The  Diet,  as  we  have  seen,  urged  on  by  the 
enemies  of  the  Reformation,  had  enjoined  the 
preachers  of  the  Gospel  to  abstain  for  the  fu- 
ture from  preaching  doctrines  that  disturbed 
the  people.  Zwingle  felt  that  the  moment  for 
action  had  arrived,  and  with  characteristic  en- 
ergy he  invited  such  ministers  of  the  Lord  as 
were  favourable  to  the  Gospel,  to  meet  him  at 
Einsidlen.  The  strength  of  Christians  is 
neither  in  force  of  arms,  flames,  scaffold,  party 
policy,  or  man's  power.  It  is  found  in  a  sim- 
ple but  unanimous  and  courageous  confession 
of  the  great  truths  which  must  one  day  pre- 
vail over  the  world.  Those  who  serve  God 
are  specially  called  on  to  hold  up  these  heaven- 
ly truths,  in  presence  of  all  the  people,  unawed 
by  the  clamours  of  enemies.  These  truths 
carry  in  themselves  the  assurance  of  their 
triumph,  and  idols  fall  before  them  as  before 
the  ark  of  God.  The  time  had  come  when 
God  would  have  the  great  doctrine  of  salvation 

*  The  most  respectable  biographers,  and  those 
who  have  followed  them,  place  Zwingle's  mar- 
riage two  years  later,  namely,  in  April,  1524. 
Without  intending  here  to  state  all  the  reasons 
which  have  satisfied  me  that  this  is  an  error,  I  will 
notice  the  most  conclusive.  A  letter  from  Zwin- 

fle's  intimate  friend,  Myconius,  bearing  date  22d 
uly,  1522,  has  these  words  :  Vale  cum  uxore  quam 
felicissime.  Another  letter  from  the  same  friend, 
written  toward  ihe  end  of  that  year,  has  likewise 
the  words :  Vale  cum  uxore.  That  the  date  of 
these  letters  is  quite  correct  is  proved  by  the  very 
contents  of  them.  But  what  is  still  stronger,  a  letter 
written  from  Strasburg  by  Bucer  at  the  moment 
when  Zwingle's  marriage  was  made  public,  the 
14th  of  April,  1524,  (the  date  of  the  year  is  want- 
ing, but  it  is  evident  that  this  letter  is  of  that 
year,)  contains  several  passages  which  show 
Zwingle  to  have  been  married  a  considerable  time 
before ;  the  following  are  some  of  these,  besides 
what  is  cited  in  the  preceding  note.  Profess  urn 
palam  te  maritum  legi.  Unum  hoc  desiderabam 
in  te. — Qua?  multo  facilius  quamcoTznw&u  tuicon- 
fcssionem  Antichristus  posset  ferre. — Ayo^ov,  ab 
eo,  quod  cum  fratribus  .  .  .  episcopo  Constantiensi 
congressus  es,  nullus  credidi. — Qua  ratione  id 
tarn  din  celares  .  .  .  non  dubitarim,  rationibus  hue 
adductum,  quae  apud  virum  evangelicum  non 
queant  omnino  repudiari  .  .  .  &c.  (Zw.  Epp.  335.) 
Zwingle,  then,  did  not  marry  in  1524,  but  he  then 
made  public  his  marriage  contracted  two  years 
before.  The  learned  editors  of  Zwingle's  letters 
observe — Num  forte  jam  Zwinglius  Annam  Rein-  j 
hardam  clandestine  'in  matrimonio  habebat  ?  (p.  j 
210,)  which  appears  to  me  to  be  not  a  doubtful 
point,  but  a  fact  sufficiently  established. 


thus  confessed  in  Switzerland  ;  it  was  fit  that 
the  gospel  standard  should  be  planted  on  an 
elevated  spot.  Providence  was  on  the  point 
of  drawing  forth  from  their  unknown  seclusion 
humble  but  intrepid  men,  and  causing  them  to 
give  a  noble  testimony  in  the  face  of  the  whole 
nation. 

Towards  the  end  of  June  and  beginning  of 
July,  1522,  pious  ministers  were  seen  from 
every  side  journeying  to  the  famous  cha, 
of  Einsidlen,  on  a  new  pilgrimage.258  Fro 
Art  in  the  canton  of  Schwitz,  came  its  curate, 
Balthasar  Trachsel ;  from  Weiningen  near 
Baden,  the  curate  Staheli;  from  Zug,  Wer- 
ner Steiner;  from  Lucerne,  the  canon  Kilch- 
meyer ;  from  Uster,  the  curate  Pfister ;  from 
Hongg,  near  Zurich,  the  curate  Stumpff; 
from  Zurich  itself,  the  canon  Fabricius,  the 
chaplain  Schmid,  the  preacher  of  the  hospi- 
tal, Grosmann,  and  Zwingle.  Leo  Juda, 
curate  of  Einsidlen,  joyfully  received  these 
ministers  of  Christ  into  the  ancient  abbey. 
Since  Zwingle's  residence,  the  place  had  be- 
come a  kind  of  citadel  of  truth,— a  refuge  foi 
the  righteous.259  So  in  the  solitary  field  of 
Gr.utli,  two  hundred  and  fifteen  years  before, 
had  gathered  together  three-and-thirty  patriots, 
fearlessly  determined  to  burst  asunder  the 
yoke  of  Austria.  At  Einsidlen  the  great  aim 
was  to  cast  away  the  yoke  of  man's  autho- 
rity in  the  things  of  God  !  Zwingle  proposed 
to  his  friends  to  address  an  urgent  petition  to 
the  cantons  and  the  bishop ;  claiming  a  free 
preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and  also  the  aboli- 
tion of  compulsory  celibacy,  the  source  of  so 
many  disorders.  All  agreed  in  his  sugges- 
tions.260 Ulric  had  himself  prepared  addresses. 
That  to  the  bishop  was  first  read.  It  was  on 
the  2d  of  July,  1522.  All  signed  it.  A  hearty 
affection  united  the  preachers  of  the  Gospel. 
Many  others  there  -were  who  sympathized 
with  those  who  had  met  at  Einsidlen ;  such 
were  Haller,  Myconius,  Hedio,  Capito,  (Eco- 
lampadius,  Sebastian  Meyer,  Hoffmeister, 
and  Vanner.  This  brotherly  unity  is  one  of 
the  loveliest  features  of  the  Swiss  Reforma- 
tion. The  excellent  men  we  have  mentioned 
ever  acted  with  one  heart,  and  their  mutual 
affection  lasted  till  death. 

The  men  assembled  at  Einsidlen  saw 
plainly  that  nothing  but  the  energy  of  faith 
could  combine  in  one  work  the  members  of 
the  confederation  divided  by  the  foreign  capi- 
tulations. But  their  views  rose  above  this. 
"  The  heavenly  teaching,  said  they  to  their 
ecclesiastical  superior  in  their  address,  dated 
2d  July,  "that  truth  which  God  the  Creator 
has  made  known  in  his  Son  to  mankind  im- 
mersed in  sin,  has  long  been  veiled  from  our 
eyes  by  the  ignorance,  not  to  say  the  evil  in- 
tentions, of  a  handful  of  men.  But  Almighty 
God  has  decreed  to  reinstate  it  in  its  primitive 
purity.  Join  then  with  those  who  desire  that 
the  great  body  of  Christians  should  return  to 
their  Head,  that  is  Christ261  .  .  .  For  onr 
parts  we  are  resolved  to  proclaim  his  Gospel 
with  unwearied  perseverance,  and  yet  with  a 
that  shall  leave  no  ground  of  com- 
against  us.262 Favour  this  undertaking; 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


253 


startling,  perhaps,  but  not  rash.     Take  your  ] 
stand  like  Moses,  in  the  way,  at  the  head  of 
the  people  getting  up  out  of  Egypt,  and  hy 
your  own  hands  overturn  all  obstacles  to  the 
triumphant  march  of  truth." 

After  this  spirit-stirring  appeal,  the  minis- 
ters of  the  Gospel  assembled  at  Einsidlen 
came  to  the  subject  of  celibacy.  Zwingle 
had  for  himself  nothing  to  seek  on  that  head  : 
— he  had  as  his  partner  such  a  minister's  wife 
as  Saint  Paul  has  sketched,  "grave,  sober, 
faithful  in  all  things."  (1  Tim.  iii.  2.)  But 
his  thoughts  were  for  those  of  his  brethren 
whose  consciences  were  not,  as  his,  set  free 
from  human  ordinances.  He  longed  for  that 
time  when  those  servants  of  God  might  live 
openly  and  without  fear  in  the  circle  of  their 
families,  ''having  their  children  in  subjection 
with  all  gravity." — "You  are  not  ignorant," 
said  the  men  of  Einsidlen,  "how  deplorably 
hitherto  the  laws  of  chastity  have  been  vio- 
lated by  the  clergy.  When  in  the  consecra- 
tion of  ministers  to  the  Lord,  the  question  is 
put  to  him  who  speaks  on  behalf  of  the  rest: 
— Are  the  persons  you  present  to  us  righteous 
men? — he  answers: — They  are  righteous. 
Are  they  well  instructed  1 — They  are  well 
instructed.  But  when  he  is  asked:  are  they 
chaste?  His  answer  is:  As  far  as  man's 
weakness  permits."263— "TheNew  Testament 
everywhere  condemns  illicit  intercourse,  while 
it  everywhere  sanctions  marriage."  Here 
follow  a  great  number  of  citations  from  Scrip- 
ture.— "  It  is  for  this  reason  we  entreat  you, 
by  the  love  of  Christ,  by  the  liberty  he  has 
obtained  for  us,  by  the  distress  of  weak  and 
unstable  souls,  by  the  wounds  of  so  many 
ulcerated  consciences, — by  every  motive,  di- 
vine and  human,  to  consent  that  what  has 
been  enacted  in  presumption  may  be  annulled 
in  wisdom;  lest  the  noble  fabric  of  the  Church 
crumble  into  dust  with  frightful  crash,  spread- 
ing ruin  far  and  wide.264  Look  around  you. 
Behold  how  many  storms  threaten  society. 
If  prudence  does  not  come  to  our  rescue,  the 
fate  of  the  clergy  is  decided." 

The  petition  addressed  to  the  Confederation 
was  at  greater  length.265  "Worthy  Sirs  !"  thus 
spoke  the  allies  of  Einsidlen:  "  We  are  all 
Swiss,  and  acknowledge  you  as  our  fathers. 
Some  among  us  have  given  proof  of  our 
fidelity  in  the  field  of  battle,  in  pestilence,  and 
other  calamities.  It  is  in  the  name  of  chastity 
that  we  address  you.  W7hich  of  you  does 
not  know  that  we  should  better  consult  the 
lust  of  the  flesh  by  declining  to  subject  our- 
selves to  the  conditions  of  lawful  wedlock. 
But  it  is  indispensable  to  put  an  end  to  the 
scandals  which  afflict  the  Church  of  Christ. 
If  the  tyranny  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  should 


persist  in  oppressing  us, — 0  !  noble  heroes, 
fear  nothing  !     The  authority  of  God's  word, 


the  rights  of  Christian  liberty,  and  the  sove 
reign  power  of  grace,  will  encompass  and 
protect  us.266  We  are  of  one  land  and  of  one 
faith  ;  we  are  Swiss ;  and  the  virtue  of  our 
race  h,as  ever  displayed  its  power  in  un- 
flinching defence  of  all  who  are  unjustly 
oppressed." 


Thus  did  Zwingle  and  his  friends  boldly 
uplift  the  standard  of  the  truth  and  freedom  in 
Einsidlen  itself,  that  ancient  bulwark  of  su- 
perstition, which  even  in  our  days  is  still  one 
of  the  most  noted  sanctuaries  of  Roman  obser- 
vances. They  appealed  to  the  chiefs  of  the 
State  and  of  the  Church.  Like  Luther,  they 
publicly  placarded  their  theses; — but  it  was 
at  the  doors  of  the  episcopal  palace  and  of  the 
council  of  the  nation,  x  The  friends  at  Einsid- 
len separated  :  calm,  joyous,  and  full  of  con- 
fidence in  that  God  to  whom  they  had  com- 
mitted their  cause;  and  passing,  some  by  the 
way  of  the  field  of  battle  of  Morgarten,  others 
over  the  chain  of  the  Albis,  and  the  rest  by 
other  valleys  or  mountain  paths,  they  re- 
turned each  one  to  his  post.  "  Truly  there 
was  something  sublime  for  those  times,"  says 
Henry  Bull  inger,267  "that  these  men  should 
have  thus  dared  to  step  forward,  and  taking 
their  stand  around  the  Gospel,  expose  them- 
selves to  every  kind  of  danger.  But  God  has 
preserved  them  all,  so  that  no  evil  has  hap- 
pened unto  them,  for  God  ever  protects  thoso 
who  are  his."  And  in  truth  there  was  a  sub- 
limity in  this  proceeding.  It  was  a  decisive 
step  in  the  progress  of  the  Reformation,  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  days  of  the  religious  re- 
generation of  Switzerland.  A  holy  bond  was 
compacted  at  Einsidlen.  Humble  and  brave 
men  had  taken  "  the  sword  of  the  Spirit, 
which  is  the  word  of  God,  and  the  shield  of 
faith."  The  gauntlet  had  been  thrown  down, 
— and  the  challenge  given,  not  by  one  man 
only, — but  by  men  of  different  cantons, — pre- 
pared to  peril  their  lives  on  the  issue. 

The  battle  was  evidently  approaching. 
Every  thing  betokened  that  it  would  be  vigor- 
ously contested.  As  early  as  the  7th  of  July, 
the  magistrate  of  Zurich,  willing  to  do  the 
Romanists  a  pleasure,  summoned  before  him 
Conrad  Grebel  and  Glaus  Hottinger,  two  in- 
temperate men,  who  seemed  desirous  to  over- 
pass the  limit  of  a  prudent  reformation.  "  We 
prohibit  you,"  said  the  burgomaster  Roust, 
"from  speaking  against  the  monks,  or  on  the 
points  in  controversy."  At  that  moment  a 
loud  clap  was  heard  in  the  room,  says  an  old 
chronicle.  The  work  of  God  was  so  manifest 
in  events,  that  men  saw  in  every  thing  the 
sign  of  His  intervention.  Every  one,  in  asto- 
nishment, looked  round  the  apartment,  with- 
out being  able  to  discover  the  cause  of  the 
mysterious  sound.268 

But  it  was  in  the  convents  that  indignation 
was  at  its  height.  Every  meeting  held  therein 
for  discussion  or  amusement  witnessed  some 
new  attack.  One  day,  on  occasion  of  a  grand 
festivity  in  the  convent  of  Fraubrurm,  the  wine 
mounting  to  the  heads  of  the  guests,  they  be- 
gan to  break  out  in  bitter  speeches  against 


the   Gospel.269  That  which    chiefly  irritated 
these  friars  and    priests   was   the  evangelic 
doctrine,  that  in  the  Christian  Church  there 
can  properly  be  no  priestly  caste  raised  above 
other  believers.     Among  the    guests,   there 
un-    was  but  one  who  was  a  favourer  of  the  Refor- 
;  mation,  and  he  was  a  layman  named  Macrin, 
I  schoolmaster  of  Soleure.     At  first  he  took  no 


254 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


part  in  the  discourse,  but  changed  his  seat 
from  one  table  to  another.  At,  length,  unable 
to  endure  the  shouts  of  the  guests,  he  arose 
and  said  aloud, — "Well:  all  true  Christians 
art  priests  and  sacrificers,  according  to  that 
word  of  St.  Peter,  (1  Pet.  ii.  9.  Rev.  i.  6:) 
ye  are  kings  and  priests."  At  this  speech 
the  Dean  of  Burgdorff,  one  of  the  loudest  in 
company,  a  huge  man  of  powerful  lungs  and 
sonorous  voice,  burst  into  a  loud  laugh,  and 
mingling  jest  with  insult, — "  So  then,"  said 
he,  "  you  Greeklings  and  accidence-mongers 
are  the  royal  priesthood?  .  .  .  Noble  sacri- 
ficers!* beggar  kings!  .  .  .  priests  without 
prebends  or  livings !"  And  all  with  one  ac- 
cord turned  against  the  presumptuous  lay- 
man. 

It  was,  however,  at  Lucerne  that  the  bold 
measure  of  the  men  at  Einsidlen  was  to  pro- 
duce the  greatest  sensation.  The  Diet  had 
met  in  that  town,  and  from  all  sides  came 
complaints  against  the  over-zealous  preachers 
who  obstructed  the  regular  sale  of  Swiss 
blood  to  foreign  nations.  On  the  22d  July, 
1522,  as  Oswald  Myconius  sat  at  dinner  in 
his  house  in  company  with  the  canon  Kilch- 
meyer,  and  several  favourers  of  the  Gospel,  a 
young  lad,  sent  by  Zwingle,  came  to  the  door.270 
He  was  the  bearer  of  the  two  famous  petitions 
of  Einsidlen,  together  with  a  letter  from 
Zwingle,  in  which  he  desired  Oswald  to  cir- 
culate them  in  Lucerne.  "  My  advice  is," 
added  the  Reformer,  "that  it  should  be  done 
quietly  and  gradually,  rather  than  all  at  once, 
for  we  need  to  learn  every  thing, — even  our 
wives, — for  Christ's  sake." 

The  critical  moment  for  Lucerne  was  ap- 
proaching;— the  bomb  had  fallen;  the  shell 
was  about  to  burst.  The  friends  read  the 
petition,  "May  God  bless  this  beginning!"271 
exclaimed  Oswald,  raising  his  eyes  to  hea- 
ven. He  then  added:  "This  prayer  should 
from  this  moment  be  the  constant  burden  of 
our  hearts."  The  petitions  were  forthwith 
circulated, — perhaps  more  actively  than  Zwin- 
gle desired.  But  the  moment  was  without 
example.  Eleven  men,  the  elite  of  the  clergy, 
had  placed  themselves  in  the  breach ; — it  was 
requisite  to  enlighten  men's  minds,  to  decide 
the  wavering  and  carry  with  them  the  co-op- 
eration of  the  most  influential  members  of  the 
Diet. 

Oswald,  in  the  midst  of  his  exertions,  did 
not  forget  his  friend.  The  young  messenger 
had  told  of  the  attacks  that  Zwingle  had  to 
endure  from  the  monks  of  Zurich.  "  The 
words  of  the  Holy  Ghost  are  invincible," 
wrote  Myconius  in  reply,  the  same  day. 
"Armed  with  the  shield  of  the  Holy  Scrip- 
tures, you  have  overcome,  not  in  one  conflict 
only,  or  in  two,  but  in  three;  and  now  a 
fourth  is  commencing.  Hold  fast  those  mighty 
weapons,  whose  edge  is  harder  than  a  dia- 


*  Estote  ergo  Groeculi  ac  Donatistae  regale  sa- 
cerdotium  .  .  .  (Zw.  Epp.  230.)  Donatistce,  from 
Donatus,  the  author  of  the  Latin  Grammar  then 
in  use  in  the  schools. 


mond.  Christ  needs  for  the  defence  of  those 
who  are  his,  nothing  but  his  word.  Your 
conflicts  communicate  unconquerable  couracre 
to  all  who  have  devoted  themselves  to  Jesus 
Christ."*72 

The  two  petitions  did  not  produce  the 
effect  expected  from  them  in  Lucerne.  Some 
men  of  piety  approved  them, — but  they  were 
few  in  number.  Many,  fearing  to  compromise 
themselves,  would  neither  commend  nor  blame 
them.273  Others  said,  "These  people  will 
make  nothing  of  it."  The  priests  murmured 
against  them,  and  the  populace  broke  forth  in 
open  hostility.  The  passion  for  military  ad- 
venture had  again  shown  itself  in  Lucerne, 
after  the  bloody  defeat  of  Bicocca,  and  no- 
thing but  war  was  thought  of.274  Oswald,  who 
attentively  watched  these  varying  impres- 
sions, felt  his  resolution  fail.  The  reign  of 
Gospel  light  in  Lucerne  and  Switzerland, 
which  his  hopes  had  dwelt  upon  with  joy, 
seemed  to  vanish.  "  Our  countrymen  are 
blind  as  to  heavenly  things ;"  said  he,  fetch- 
ing a  deep  sigh,  "  there  is  nothing  to  be  hoped 
from  the  Swiss  for  the  glory  of  Christ."275 

In  the  Council  and  at  the  Diet,  exaspera- 
tion was  at  its  height.  The  Pope,  France, 
England,  the  Empire,  were  all  in  motion 
round  Switzerland,  since  the  defeat  of  Bicocca, 
and  the  retreat  of  the  French  under  command 
of  Lautrec  from  Lombardy.  Was  it  because 
the  political  interests  of  the  moment  were  not 
sufficiently  complicated  that  these  eleven  men 
must  bring  forward  their  petitions,  thereby 
adding  controversies  of  religion?  The  depu- 
ties of  Zurich  alone  inclined  to  favour  the 
Gospel.  The  canon  Xyloctect,  trembling  for 
the  safety  of  himself  and  his  wife, — for  he 
had  married  into  one  of  the  chief  families  of 
the  neighbourhood, — had  with  tears  declined 
the  invitation  to  Einsidlen  to  sign  the  address. 
The  canon  Kilchmeyer  had  evinced  more 
courage,  and  ere  long  he  had  need  of  it. — 

Sentence  is  impending  over  me,"  he  wrote 
on  the  13th  of  August,  to  Zwingle.  "  I  await 
it  with  firmness  .  ."  As  he  was  writing,  the 
officer  of  the  Council  entered  his  apartment, 
and  delivered  him  a  summons  to  appear  on 
the  following  morning.276"  If  I  am  cast  into 
prison,"  said  he,  continuing  his  letter,  "I 
claim  your  help ;  but  it  will  be  easier  to  trans- 
port a  rock  from  our  Alps,  than  to  move  me 
as  much  as  a  hand's  breadth  from  the  word 
of  Jesus  Christ."  Regard  to  his  family,  and 
the  resolution  that  had  been  come  to,  that  the 
storm  should  be  directed  against  Oswald, — 
saved  the  canon ! 

Berthold  Haller  had  not  signed  the  peti- 
tions, perhaps  because  he  was  not  a  Swiss  by 
birth.  But,  without  flinching,  he,  as  Zwin- 
gle had  done,  expounded  the  Gospel  of  St. 
Matthew.  A  great  crowd  thronged  the  cathe- 
dral church  of -Berne.  The  word  of  God 
wrought  more  mightily  than  Manuel's  dramas 
had  done  on  the  people.  Haller  was  sum- 
moned to  the  town-hall, — the  people  escorted 
him  thither,  and  continued  collected  in  the 
great  square.  Opinions  were  divided  in  the 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


255 


Council.  "  It  is  a  matter  that  concerns  the  | 
bishops,"  said  the  most  influential  persons; 
"  we  must  hand  over  the  preacher  to  my  Lord 
Bishop  of  Lausanne."  Haller's  friends  were 
alarmed  at  these  words,  and  sent  him  word  to 
retire  with  all  possible  despatch.  The  peo- 
ple gathered  round  and  bore  him  company, 
and  a  considerable  number  of  burghers  re- 
mained in  arms  in  front  of  his  dwelling,  ready 
to  form  a  rampart  for  their  humble  pastor, 
with  their  bodies.  The  Bishop  and  Council 
drew  back  at  the  aspect  of  this  bold  demon- 
stration, and  Haller  was  saved  !  But  he  was 
not  the  only  champion  of  truth  at  Berne. 
Sebastian  Meyer  refuted  the  Bishop  of  Con- 
stance's pastoral  letter,  and  more  especially 
the  charge  that  the  disciples  of  the  Gospel 
taught  a  new  doctrine,  and  that  the  ancient 
only  is  the  true.  "  To  have  gone  wrong  for 
a  thousand  years,"  said  he,  "  cannot  make  us 
right  for  a  single  hour:  otherwise  it  would 
have  been  the  duty  of  the  heathen  to  continue 
in  their  religion.  And  if  the  most  ancient 
doctrines  are  to  be  preferred,  then  fifteen  hun- 
dred years  are  more  than  five  centuries, — and 
the  Gospel  is  more  ancient  than  the  decrees 
of  the  Popes."277 

At  this  time  the  magistrates  of  Friburg  in- 
tercepted certain  letters  addressed  to  Haller 
and  Meyer,  by  a  canon  of  Friburg,  named 
John  Hollard,  a  native  of  Orbe.  They  pro- 
ceeded to  throw  him  into  prison,  stripped  him 
of  his  appointment,  and  finally  banished  him. 
One  John  Vannius,  a  chorister  of  the  cathe- 
dral, shortly  after  declared  himself  in  favour 
of  the  Gospel ;  for  in  this  war  as  soon  as  one 
soldier  falls,  another  steps  forward  to  occupy 
his  place  in  the  ranks.  "  How  is  it  possi- 
ble," asked  Vannius,  "  that  the  muddy  water 
of  the  Tiber  should  flow  side  by  side  with 
the  pure  stream  that  Luther  has  drawn  from 
St.  Paul's  source?"  But  the  chorister  also 
had  his  mouth  shut.  "  Among  all  the  Swiss," 
said  Myconius,  writing  to  Zwingle,  "  there 
are  hardly  any  more  averse  from  sound  doc- 
trine than  the  people  of  Friburg."278 

There  was  nevertheless  one  exception, 
namely,  Lucerne, — and  Myconius  experienced 
this.  He  had  not  signed  the  celebrated  peti- 
tions; but  if  not  A?,  his  friends  did  so; — and 
a  victim  was  required.  The  ancient  literature 
of  Greece  and  Rome,  thanks  to  his  efforts, 
was  beginning  to  shine  upon  Lucerne; — from 
various  quarters,  people  resorted  thither  to 
hear  the  learned  professor ;  and  the  peacefully 
disposed  listened  with  delight  to  softer  sounds 
than  those  of  halberds,  swords,  and  cuirasses, 
which  previous  to  this  time  had  been  the  only 
sounds  in  that  warlike  city.  Oswald  had 
sacrificed  every  thing  for  his  country  ;  he  had 
quitted  Zurich  and  Zwingle;  he  had  injured 
his  health ;  his  wife  was  infirm,  and  his  son 
of  tender  years;279 — if  Lucerne  should  reject 
him,  nowhere  could  he  hope  for  an  asylum ! 
But  these  considerations  had  no  power  over 
the  merciless  spirit  of  party, — and  the  things 
that  should  have  moved  them  to  compassion, 
inflamed  their  anger.  Hurtenstein,  burgo- 


master of  Lucerne,  an  old  and  brave  soldier, 
who  had  acquired  distinction  in  the  wars  of 
Suabia  and  Burgundy,  urged  the  Council  to 
dismiss  the  schoolmaster  from  his  post, — and 
wished,  together  with  the  master,  to  expel 
his  Greek  and  Latin,  and  his  preaching,  from 
the  canton.  He  succeeded.  On  leaving  the 
Council,  in  which  it  had  been  decided  to  dis- 
miss Myconius,  Hurtenstein  encountered  Ber- 
ruer,  the  deputy  of  Zurich  :— "  We  send  you 
back  your  schoolmaster,"  said  he,  ironically  ; 
"get  ready  a  comfortable  lodging  for  him." 
"  We  will  not  let  him  lie  in  the  streets,"  in- 
stantly replied  the  courageous  deputy.280  But 
Berguer  promised  more  than  he  could  per- 
form. 

The  words  dropped  by  the  burgomaster 
were  too  true,  and  they  were  soon  confirmed 
to  the  distressed  Myconius.  He  is  deprived 
of  his  occupation, — banished  : — and  the  only 
crime  laid  to  his  charge  is  that  he  is  a  disci- 
ple of  Luther.281  He  turns  his  eyes  on  the  right 
hand  and  on  the  left,  and  nowhere  does  he 
discern  shelter.  He  beholds  himself  and  his 
wife  and  child,  weak  and  ailing,  driven  from 
their  home, — and  all  around  him,  his  country 
rocked  by  a  violent  tempest  that  is  rending  and 
destroying  whatever  ventures  to  stand  against 
it,—"  Here,"  said  he  to  Zwingle,  "  is  your 
poor  Myconius  discharged  by  the  Council  of 
Lucerne.2-2  Where  shall  I  go1?  ....  I  know 
not ....  Assailed  as  you  yourself  are,  how 
can  you  shelter  me  1  ....  I  look,  therefore, 
in  my  tribulation  to  God,  as  my  only  hope. 
Ever  abounding,  ever  merciful,  he  suffers  none 
who  make  their  prayer  to  Him  to  go  empty 
away. — May  he  supply  my  wants !" 

So  spake  Oswald. — He  waited  not  long 
before  a  word  of  consolation  came  to  him. 
There  was  one  man  in  Switzerland  who  had 
been  schooled  in  trials  of  faith.  Zwingle 
hasted  to  raise  and  cheer  his  friend.  "So 
rude  are  the  blows  by  which  the  enemy  would 
level  God's  house,"  said  Zwingle,  "and  so 
repeated  the  assaults,  that  it  is  no  longer  the 
rains  descending,  and  the  wind  blowing,  ac- 
cording to  the  Lord's  prediction,  (Matt.  vii. 
27,)  but  hail  and  thunder-storm.283  If  I  did  not 
discern  the  Lord  keeping  the  vessel,  I  should 
long  since  have  let  go  the  -helm ; — but  I  see 
him  in  the  height  of  the  tempest,  strengthen- 
ing the  cordage,  shifting  the  yards,  spreading 
the  sails,  nay  more,  commanding  the  very 
winds.  Would  it  not  then  be  the  action  of  a 
faint  heart,  and  unworthy  of  a  man,  were  I 
to  abandon  my  post  and  seek  in  flight  a  death 
of  shame]  I  commit  myself  entirely  to  his 
sovereign  goodness.  Let  him  govern  all, — 
let  him  remove  impediments, — let  him  appear 
or  delay,  hasten  or  stay, — rend,  swallow  up, 
or  plunge  us  to  the  bottom  of  the  deep  ;  we  will 
not  fear.284  We  are  vessels  that  belong  to  Him. 
He  can  make  us  to  honour  or  to  dishonour, 
according  to  his  pleasure!"  After  these 
breathings  of  lively  faith,  Zwingle  continued  : 
"  My  advice  to  you  is  to  present  yourself  be- 
fore the  Council,  and  there  pronounce  a  speech 
worthy  of  Christ,  and  of  yourself— that  is  to 


256 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


say,  suited  to  melt  and  not  to  irritate  the  :  his  struggles  had  passed  the  Santis,  pene 
hearers.  Deny  that  you  are  a  Lutheran,  but  |  trated  the  Tockenburg,  and  reached  the 
profess  yourself  a  disciple  of  Jesus  Christ,  j  heights  of  Wildhaus.  The  family  of  herds- 
Let  your  pupils  accompany  you,  and  speak  for  men  from  which  he  sprang  were  deeply 
you: — and  if  this  does  not  prevail,  come  to  moved  by  what  they  heard. °  Of  Zwingle's 


your  friend,  come  to  Zwingle,  and  look  upo 
our  city  as  your  own  hearth." 

Oswald,  emboldened  by  these  words,  fol- 
lowed the  noble  counsel  of  the  Reformer;  bu 
all  his  efforts  were  fruitless.  The  witness  for 
truth  was  doomed  to  quit  his  country,  and 
they  of  Lucerne  were  so  active  in  decrying 
him,  that  everywhere  the  magistrates  opposed 
the  offering  him  an  asylum:  "Nothing  re- 
mains for  me,"  said  the  confessor  of  Jesus 
Christ,  heart-broken  at  the  aspect  of  so  much 
enmity,  "  but  to  beg  the  support  of  my  misera- 
ble existence  from  door  to  door."285  The  day 
soon  arrived  when  the  friend  of  Zwingle,  and 
his  most  effective  fellow-labourer,  the  first 
among  the  Swiss  who  united  the  office  of  in 
structor  in  learning  with  the  love  of  the  Gos- 
pel, the  Reformer  of  Lucerne,  and  afterwards 
one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Helvetic  church,  was 
compelled  with  his  feeble  partner,  and  infant 
child,  to  leave  that  ungrateful  city  where,  out 
of  all  his  family,  only  one  of  his  sisters  had 
received  the  love  of  the  Gospel.  He  passed 
its  ancient  bridge.  He  caught  sight  of  those 
mountains  which  seemed  to  rise  from  the  bo- 
som of  lake  Waldstetten  to  the  clouds.  The 
canons  Xyloctect  and  Kilchmeyer,  the  only 
friends  the  Reformation  could  as  yet  number 
among  his  countrymen,  followed  close  behind 
him.  And  in  the  moment  when  this  poor 
man,  in  company  with  the  helpless  sufferers 
dependent  upon  him  for  support,  turned  to- 
wards the  lake,  and,  shedding  tears  for  his 
infatuated  country,  bade  adieu  to  the  sublime 
natural  grandeur  of  his  birthplace, — the  Gos- 
pel itself  departed  from  Lucerne,  and  there 
Rome  reigns  unto  this  day. 

The  Diet  itself,  then  sitting  at  Baden, 
stimulated  by  the  severity  resorted  to  against 
Myconius, — irritated  by  the  petitions  from 
Einsidlen,  which,  being  printed  and  circulated, 
produced  everywhere  a  strong  sensation, — 
and  persuaded  by  the  bishop  of  Constance, 
who  urged  them  to  strike  a  final  blow  at  their 
innovators,  had  recourse  to  persecution,  en- 
joined the  authorities  of  the  baillages  to 
"  give  information  against  all,  whether  priests 
or  laymen,  who  should  impugn  the  established 
faith,"  and  in  blind  haste  proceeded  to  arrest 
the  preacher  who  happened  to  be  nearest, 
namely,  Urban  Weiss,  pastor  of  Fislispach, 
(who  had  before  this  been  released  on  bail,) 
and  sent  him  to  Constance,  to  the  bishop, 
who  kept  him  a  long  while  in  confinement. 
"In  this  manner,"  says  Bullinger's  Chroni- 
cle, "  began  the  confederate  states'  persecu- 
tion of  the  Gospel,  and  all  this  happened  at  the 
instigation  of  the  clergy,  who  in  all  ages 
have  dragged  Jesus  Christ  before  the  judg- 
ment seats  of  Herod  and  Pilate."286 

Zwingle  was  not  destined  to  escape  trial, — 


five  brothers  some  had  not  ceased  to  follow 
their  mountain  occupations ;  while  others,  to 
the  great  grief  of  their  brother,  had  at  times 
taken  up  arms,  left  their  flocks,  and  served 
foreign  princes.  All  were  in  consternation  at 
the  reports  brought  to  their  chalets.  In  ima- 
gination they  beheld  their  brother  seized, 
dragged  before  his  bishop  at  Constance,  and 
a  pile  of  fagots  lighted  for  his  destruction, 
on  the  spot  where  John  Huss  had  perished. 
The  high-spirited  shepherds  could  ill  brook 
the  thought  of  being  called  the  brothers  of  a 
heretic.  They  wrote  to  Ulric,  communicating 
their  distress  and  alarm.  Zwingle  answered 
them :  "  As  long  as  God  shall  enable  me,  I 
will  perform  the  task  that  he  has  assigned 
me,  without  fearing  the  world  and  its  proud 
tyrants.  I  know  all  that  may  befall  me. 
There  is  no  danger,  no  evil,  that  I  have  not 
long  and  carefully  considered.  My  strength 
is  weakness  itself,  and  I  know  the  power  of 
my  enemies;  but  I  likewise  know  that  I  can 
do  all  things  through  Christ  that  strengthen- 
eth  me.  Were  I  to  hold  my  peace,  another 
would  be  raised  up  and  constrained  to  do  what 
God  is  doing  by  my  means, — while  I  should 
be  judged  by  God !  0,  my  dear  brethren, 
banish  far  from  your  thoughts  all  these  appre- 
hensions. If  I  have  a  fear,  it  is  that  I  have 
been  more  gentle  and  tractable  than  suits  the 
times  we  live  in.287  *  What  shame,'  say  you, 

will  fall  upon  all  our  family,  if  you  are 
burnt  or  in  any  other  way  put  to  death  ]'28SO, 
my  beloved  brethren,  the  Gospel  derives  from 
the  blood  of  Christ  this  wondrous  property, 
that  the  fiercest  persecutions,  far  from  arrest- 
ing its  progress,  do  but  hasten  its  triumph  ! 
They  alone  are  faithful  soldiers  of  Christ  who 
are  not  afraid  to  bear  in  their  own  bodies  the 
wounds  of  their  Master.  All  my  efforts  have 
no  other  end  than  to  make  known  to  men  the 
treasures  of  blessedness  that  Christ  has  pur- 
chased for  us;  that  all  men  may  turn  to  the 
Father,  through  the  death  of  his  Son.  If  this 
doctrine  should  offend  you,  your  anger  cannot 
stop  my  testimony.  You  are  my  brothers, 
yes,  my  own  brothers,  sons  of  my  father,  who 
lave  hung  on  the  same  breasts  .  .  .  but  if  you 
were  not  my  brethren  in  Christ,  and  in  the 
work  of  faith,  then  would  my  grief  be  so 
overpowering  that  nothing  would  exceed  it. 
Farewell.  I  will  never  cease  to  be  your  at- 
tached brother,  if  you  will  not  cease  to  be  the 
brethren  of  Jesus  Christ."239 

The  confederated  Swiss  seemed  to  rise  as 
>ne  man  against  the  Gospel.  The  petitions 
rom  Einsidlen  had  been  the  signal  of  that 
novement.  Zwingle,  affected  at  the  fate  of 
iis  beloved  Myconius,  saw,  in  his  misfor- 
unes,  but  the  beginning  of  sorrows.  Ene- 
nies  within  and  without  the  city, — a  man's 


and  he  was  at  this  time  wounded  in  the  ten-   foes,  'those  of  his  own  house,' — furious  op- 
derest  point.     A  rumour  of  his  doctrine  and    position  from  monks  and  priests, — strong  mea- 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


257 


suies  of  repression  by  the  Diet  and  Councils,  I  against  my  will,  thou  hast  never  ceased  to 
— riotous,  perhaps  murderous  assaults,  from    impel  me  to  the  conflict.     Therefore,  do  I 


partisans  of  the  foreign  service, — the  upper 
valleys  of  Switzerland,  the  cradle  of  the  Con- 
federation, pouring  forth  phalanxes  of  invinci- 
ble soldiers,  to  reinstate  Rome,  and  quench 
the  nascent  revival  of  faith  at  the  risk  of  their 
lives !  Such  was  the  prospect  the  prophetic 
mind  of  the  Reformer  beheld  with  trembling. 
And  what  a  prospect !  was  indeed  this  revival 
to  be  crushed  in  its  very  beginning?  Then  it 
was  that  Zwingle,  anxious  and  troubled  in 
mind,  spread  before  his  God  the  deep  anguish 
of  his  soul.  "0  Jesus,"  he  exclaimed, 
"thou  seest  how  the  wicked  and  the  blas- 
phemer stun  thy  people's  ears  with  their  cla- 
mours.290 Thou  knowest  how  from  my  youtl 


up  I  have  abhorred  controversy,  and  yet,  |  of  his  soul. 


call  upon  Thee  with  confidence  to  finish  what 
thou  hast  begun !  If  in  any  thing  I  have 
I  builded  unwisely,  let  thy  hand  of  power  cast 
1  it  down.  If  I  have  laid  any  other  foundation 
beside  Thee,  let  thy  mighty  arm  overturn  it.291 
O  thou  vine  full  of  all  sweetness  to  whom  the 
Father  is  the  husbandman, — and  we  are 
branches,  abandon  not  thy  suckers.292  Hast 
thou  not  promised  to  be  with  us  unto  the  end 
of  the  world?" 

It  was  on  the  22d  of  August,  1522,  that 
Ulric  Zwingle,  the  Swiss  Reformer,  beholding 
the  thunder-cloud  descending  from  the  moun- 
tains on  the  frail  bark  of  the  Faith,  thus 
poured  forth  to  God  the  troubles  and  desires 


258 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


BOOK  IX. 


Aspect  of  the  Church— Effects  of  Luther's  Teaching— Wisdom  of  God— Agitation  of  the  People- 
Luther  and  Melancthon — Tidings  of  Luther's  Safety — The  Imperial  Edict  powerless? — Th». 
"Knight  George" — A  safe  Solitude — Luther's  Sickness — Alarm  of  his  Friends — The  Confession 
al — Luther's  Health — Feldkirchen's  Marriage — Marriage  of  Priests — And  of  Friars — Monkery- 
Luther  on  Monastic  Vows— Dedication  to  his  Father — Sale  of  Indulgences  resumed — Luther's 
Letter  to  Spalatin — Luther  to  the  Cardinal  Elector — Effect  of  the  Reformer's  Letter — 'Albert  to 
Luther — Joachim  of  Brandenburg — "  The  Last  shall  be  First" — Luther's  Fitness  for  the  Work — 
Of  Translating  the  Scriptures — 'Luther  and  Satan — Luther  quits  the  Wartburg — The  Sorbonne — 
Luther's  visit  to  Wittemberg — Progress  of  the  Reformation — The  Monk  Gabriel — Interference 
of  the  Elector — Frederic's  Caution — Attack  on  Monkery — Thirteen  Monks  quit  the  Convent- 
The  Cordeliers  threatened — Decision  of  Monastic  Vows — Carlstadt's  zeal — The  Lord's  Supper- 
Town  Council  of  Wittemberg — Errors  of  Popery — Fanatics  of  Zwickau — The  new  Prophet — Ni 
colas  Hussman — Melancthon  and  Stubner — Melancthon' s  Perplexity — Carlstadt's  Zeal — Contempt 
of  Learning — Occupations  of  the  Elector — Luther's  Dejection — His  test  of  Inspiration — Edict  of 
the  Diet — Luther  leaves  the  Wartburg — Primitive  Church — Two  Swiss  Students — A  strange 
Knight— Supper  at  the  Inn — Luther  on  his  Journey — Letter  to  the  Elector — Reception  at  Wittem- 
berg— Meditation — Luther  preaches — Faith  and  Love — God's  Way — Luther  on  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per— Effect  of  Luther's  Sermons — Luther's  Moderation  and  Courage — Stubner  and  Cellarius — 
Order  restored — Scripture  and  Faith — The  Visionary  Pen — Publication  of  the  New  Testament — 
Effects  of  Luther's  Translation — The  "  Loci  Communes" — Original  Sin — Free  Will — Knowledge 
of  Christ — Effect  of  Melancthon' s  Tract — Henry  VIII. — Catherine  of  Arragon — Bishop  Fisher  and 
Sir  Thomas  More — Cardinal  Wolsey — Henry  VIII.  writes  against  Luther — Royal  Theology — 
The  King's  Vanity — Luther's  Indignation — His  Reply  to  Henry  VIII. — Literary  Courtesy — More's 
Attack  upon  Luther — Henry's  Attachment  to  More — Henry's  Letter — Spread  of  the  Reformation 
— The  Augustine  Monks — The  Franciscans — The  People  and  the  Priests — The  new  Preachers 
— Power  of  the  Scriptures — Religion  and  Literature — The  Press — Spread  of  Luther's  Writings — 
Luther  at  Zwickau — Duke  Henry — Ibach  at  Rome— Diffusion  of  the  Light-  University  of  Wit- 
temberg— Principles  of  the  Reformation — Transition  State  of  the  Church. 


IT  was  now  four  years  since  the  Church  had 
heard  again  proclaimed  a  Truth  which  had 
formed  part  of  her  earliest  teaching.  The  mighty 
word  of  a  Salvation  by  Grace, — once  "  fully 
preached"  throughout  Asia,  Greece,  and  Italy, 
by  Paul  and  his  companions,  and  discovered 
many  ages  after,  in  the  pages  of  the  Bible,  by 
a  monk  of  Wittemberg, — had  resounded  from 
the  plains  of  Saxony,  as  far  as  Italy,  France, 
and  England  ;  and  the  lofty  mountains  of 
Switzerland  had  echoed  its  inspiring  accents. 
Tne  springs  of  truth,  liberty,  and  life  were 
again  opened  :  multitudes  had  drunk  gladly 
of  the  water ;  but  those  who  had  freely  partaken 
of  them  had  retained  the  same  external  appear- 
ance, and  while  all  within  was  new,  every 
thing  without  remained  unchanged. 

The  constitution  of  the  Church,  its  ritual, 
and  its  discipline  had  undergone  no  alteration. 
In  Saxony — even  at  Wittemberg — and  wher- 
ever the  new  opinions  had  spread,  the  papal 
ceremonies  held  on  their  accustomed  course  ; 
the  priest  before  the  altar  offering  the  host  to 
God  was  believed  to  effect  a  mysterious  tran- 
substantiation ;  friars  and  nuns  continued  to 
present  themselves  at  the  convents  to  take 
upon  them  the  monastic  vows  ;  pastors  lived 
single ;  religious  brotherhoods  herded  to- 
gether; pilgrimages  were  undertaken;  the 
faithful  suspended  their  votive  offerings  on 
the  pillars  of  the  chapels ;  and  all  the  accus- 
tomed ceremonies,  down  to  the  minutest  ob- 
servances, were  celebrated  as  before.  A  voice 
had  been  heard  in  the  world,  but  as  yet  it  was 
not  embodied  forth  in  action.  The  language 
of  the  priest  accordingly  presented  the  most 
striking  contrast  with  his  ministrations.  From 
his  pulpit  he  might  be  heard  to  thunder  against 


the  mass  as  idolatrous,  and  then  he  might  be 
seen  to  come  down  to  the  altar,  and  go  scru- 
pulously through  the  prescribed  form  of  the 
service.  On  every  side,  the  recently  recover- 
ed Gospel  sounded  in  the  midst  of  the  ancient 
rites.  The  officiating  priest  himself  was  un- 
conscious of  his  inconsistency,  and  the  popu- 
lace, who  listened  with  avidity  to  the  bold  dis- 
courses of  the  new  preachers,  continued  de- 
voutly observant  of  their  long  established  cus- 
toms, as  though  they  were  never  to  abandon 
them.  All  things  continued  unchanged  at  the 
domestic  hearth,  and  in  the  social  circle,  as  in 
the  house  of  God.  A  new  faith  was  abroad, 
but  new  works  were  not  yet  seen.  The  vernal 
sun  had  risen,  but  winter  still  bound  the  earth ; 
neither  flower,  nor  leaf,  nor  any  sign  of  vege- 
tation was  visible.  But  this  aspect  of  things 
was  deceptive ;  a  vigorous  sap  was  secretly 
circulating  beneath  the  surface,  and  was  about 
to  change  the  face  of  the  world. 

To  this  wisely-ordered  progress,  the  Re- 
formation may  be  indebted  for  its  triumphs. 
Every  revolution  should  be  wrought  out  in 
men's  minds  before  it  takes  the  shape  of 
action.  The  contrast  we  have  remarked  did 
not  at  first  fix  Luther's  attention.  He  seemed 
to  expect  that  while  men  received  his  writings 
with  enthusiasm,  they  should  continue  devout 
observers  of  the  corruptions  those  writings 
exposed.  One  might  be  tempted  to  believe 
that  he  had  planned  his  course  beforehand, 
and  was  resolved  to  change  the  opinions  of 
men  before  he  ventured  to  remodel  their  forms 
of  worship.  But  this  would  be  ascribing  to 
Luther  a  wisdom,  the  honour  of  which  is  due 
to  a  higher  Intelligence.  He  was  the  appoint- 
ed instrument  for  a  purpose  he  had  no  power 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


259 


to  conceive.  At  a  later  period  he  could  dis- 
cern and  comprehend  these  things,  but  he  did 
not  devise  or  arrange  them.  God  led  the  way  : 
the  part  assigned  to  Luther  was  to  follow. 

If  Luther  had  begun  by  external  reforma- 
tion— if  he  had  followed  up  his  words  by  an 
attempt  to  abolish  monastic  vows,  the  mass, 
confession,  the  prescribed  form  of  worship, — 
assuredly  he  would  have  encountered  the 
most  formidable  resistance.  Mankind  need 
time  to  accommodate  themselves  to  great 
changes.  But  Luther  was  not  the  imprudent 
and  daring  innovator  that  some  historians* 
have  depicted.  The  people,  seeing  no  change 
in  their  daily  devotions,  followed  undoubting- 
ly  their  new  leader — wondering  at  the  assaults 
directed  against  a  man  who  left  unquestioned 
their  mass,  their  beads,  and  their  confessor; 
and  disposed  to  ascribe  such  enmity  to  the 
petty  jealousy  of  secret  rivals,  or  to  the  hard 
injustice  of  powerful  enemies.  And  yet  the 
opinions  that  Luther  put  forth  fermented  in 
the  minds  of  men,  moulded  their  thoughts, 
and  so  undermined  the  stronghold  of  preju- 
dice that  it,  ere  long,  fell  without  being  at- 
tacked. Such  influence  is,  indeed,  gradual. 
Opinions  make  their  silent  progress,  like  the 
waters  which  trickle  behind  our  rocks,  and 
loosen  them  from  the  mountains  on  which  they 
rest:  suddenly  the  hidden  operation  is  re- 
vealed, and  a  single  day  suffices  to  lay  bare 
the  work  of  years,  if  not  of  centuries. 

A  new  era  had  dawned  upon  the  Reforma- 
tion :  already  truth  was  recovered  in  its  teach- 
ing; henceforward  the  teaching  of  the  truth  is 
to  work  truth  in  the  Church  and  in  society. 
The  agitation  was  too  great  to  allow  of  men's 
minds  remaining  at  their  then  point  of  attain- 
ment ;  on  the  general  faith  in  the  dogmas  so 
extensively  undermined,  customs  had  been 
established  which  now  began  to  be  disregard- 
ed, and  were  destined,  with  them,  to  pass 
away. 

There  was  a  courage  and  vitality  in  that 
age,  which  prevented  its  continuing  silent  in 
presence  of  proved  error.  The  sacraments, 
public  worship,  the  hierachy,  vows,  constitu- 
tional forms,  domestic  and  public  life,  all 
were  on  the  eve  of  undergoing  modification. 
The  bark,  slowly  and  laboriously  constructed, 
was  on  the  point  of  being  lowered  from  the 
stocks,  and  launched  on  the  open  sea.  It  is 
for  us  to  follow  its  progress  through  many 
shoals. 

The  captivity  of  Luther  in  the  castle  of 
Wartburg  separates  these  two  periods.  That 
Divine  Providence  which  was  about  to  give  a 
mighty  impulse  to  the  Reformation,  had  pre- 
pared the  means  of  its  progress,  by  leading 
apart  into  profound  seclusion  the  man  chosen 
to  effect  it.  For  a  while,  the  work  was  as 
much  lost  sight  of  as  the  instrument  of  it :  but 
the  seed  must  be  committed  to  the  earth,  if  it 
is  to  bring  forth  fruit;  and  from  this  captivity, 
which  might  have  seemed  to  close  the  Reform- 
er's career,  the  Reformation  was  destined  to  go 


Hume,  &c. 
34 


brth  to  new  conquests,  and  spread  rapidly 
hrough  the  world. 

Until  this  period,  the  Reformation  had  in- 
leed  centered  in  the  person  of  Luther.  His 
appearance  before  the  Diet  of  Worms  was  un- 
[uestionably  the  sublimest  hour  of  his  life, 
character  at  that  time  seemed  almost 
without  a  blemish  ;  and  this  it  is  that  has  led 
some  to  the  remark,  that  if  God,  who  hid  the 
Reformer  for  ten  months  within  the  walls  of 
,he  Wartburg,  had  at  that  moment  forever  re- 
moved him  from  the  eyes  of  men,  his  end 
would  have  resembled  an  apotheosis.  But 

od  designs  no  apotheosis  for  His  servants, — 
and  Luther  was  preserved  to  the  Church,  that 
n  him,  and  by  his  errors,  the  Church  might 
earn  that  the  faith  of  Christians  should  rest 
only  on  the  word  of  God.  He  was  hurried 
away  and  placed  at  a  distance  from  the  stage 
on  which  the  great  revolution  of  the  sixteenth 
century  was  going  on.  The  truth  which  he 
lad  for  years  so  energetically  proclaimed,  con 
tinued  to  produce  its  effect  upon  Christendom ; 
and  the  work  of  which  he  had  been  the  weak 
instrument,  bore  thenceforward  the  impress, 
not  of  man — but  of  God  himself. 

All  Germany  was  moved  by  the  news  of 
Luther's  captivity.  Rumours,  the  most  con- 
tradictory, were  circulated  in  the  provinces. 
Men's  minds  were  more  agitated  by  the  ab- 
sence of  the  Reformer  than  they  could  possi- 
bly have  been  by  his  presence.  On  one  side, 
it  was  affirmed  that  some  of  his  friends,  pass- 
ing from  the  French  territory,  had  carried  him 
off,  and  lodged  him  in  safety  beyond  the 
Rhine.1  In  another  place,  it  was  said  that 
assassins  had  taken  his  life.  Even  in  the 
smallest  villages,  inquiries  were  heard  con- 
cerning Luther.  Travellers  were  questioned, 
and  groups  of  the  curious  assembled  in  the 
market-places.  Sometimes  a  stranger,  pass- 
ing through,  recounted  how  the  Reformer  had 
been  carried  off;  depicting  the  brutal  horse- 
men hastily  tying  their  prisoner's  hands  be- 
hind him,  dragging  him  after  them  on  foot, 
till  his  strength  was  spent,  and  deaf  to  his 
cries,  though  the  blood  forced  its  way  from 
his  fingers.2  His  body,  said  some,  has  been 
seen  pierced  through  and  through.3  Such 
narratives  drew  forth  exclamations  of  grief 
and  horror.  «« Never  more  shall  we  behold 
him !"  said  the  gathered  crowds ;  "  never 
again  shall  we  hear  that  bold  man  whose 
voice  stirred  the  depths  of  our  hearts  !"  Lu- 
ther's partisans,  moved  with  indignation, 
swore  to  avenge  his  death.  Women  and  child- 
ren, men  of  peace,  and  aged  people,  foreboded 
new  disturbances.  The  alarm  of  the  Romish 
party  was  altogether  unexampled.  The  priests 
and  friars,  who  had  been  at  first  unable  to  con- 
ceal their  joy,  believing  their  own  triumph 
secured  by  the  death  of  one  man,  and  had  car- 
ried themselves  haughtily,  would  now  will- 
ingly have  hid  themselves  from  the  threaten- 
ing anger  of  the  populace.4  Those  who  had 
given  free  vent  to  their  rage,  so  long  as  Lu- 
ther was  at  large,  now  trembled  with  alarm, 
though  Luther  was  in  captivity.5  Aleander, 
especially,  was  as  if  thunderstruck.  "  The 
Z 


260 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


only  way  of  extricating  ourselves,"  wrote  a 
Roman  Catholic  to  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz, 
"is  to  light  our  torches,  and  go  searching 
through  the  earth  for  Luther,  till  we  can  re- 
store him  to  the  nation  that  will  have  him."6 
It  might  have  been  thought  that  the  pallid 
ghost  of  the  Reformer,  dragging  his  chain, 
was  spreading  terror  around,  and  calling  for 
vengeance.  Luther's  death,  it  was  predicted, 
would  occasion  the  effusion  of  torrents  of 
human  blood.7 

Nowhere  was  there  a  stronger  feeling  dis- 
played than  in  Worms  itself.  Bold  remon- 
strances were  heard  both  from  nobles  and 
people.  Ulric  Hiitten  and  Hermann  Busch 
filled  the  air  with  their  plaintive  lamentations 
and  calls  to  war.  Loud  accusations  were 
brought  against  Charles  V.  and  the  Nuncios. 
The  entire  nation  had  espoused  the  cause  of 
the  monk  whose  energy  of  faith  had  made 
him  its  leader. 

At  Wittemberg,  his  colleagues  and  friends, 
and  especially  Melancthon,  were  at  first  lost 
in  sadness.  Luther  had  been  the  means  of 
communicating  to  the  young  student  the  trea- 
sures of  that  divine  knowledge  which  from 
that  hour  had  taken  possession  of  his  whole 
soul.  It  was  Luther  who  had  given  sub- 
stance and  life  to  that  intellectual  culture 
which  Melancthon  brought  with  him  to  Wit- 
temberg. The  depth  of  the  Reformer's  doc- 
trine had  impressed  the  young  Grecian,  and 
his  bold  advocacy  of  the  claims  of  the  un- 
changing Word  against  human  traditions  had 
called  forth  his  enthusiasm.  He  had  asso- 
ciated himself  with  him  in  his  labours,  and 
taking  up  the  pen,  with  that  finished  style 
which  he  had  imbibed  in  the  study  of  ancient 
literature,  he  had  made  the  authority  of 
Fathers  and  of  Councils  to  bend  before  the 
sovereignty  of  God's  Word. 

The  prompt  decision  that  Luther  displayed 
in  the  trying  occasions  of  life,  Melancthon 
manifested  in  his  pursuit  of  learning.  Never 
were  two  men  more  strongly  marked  with  di- 
versity and  agreement.  "  Scripture,"  said 
Melancthon,  "  satisfies  the  soul  with  holy  and 
wondrous  delight — it  is  a  heavenly  ambrosia!"8 
"The  word  of  God,"  exclaimed  Luther,  "is 
a  sword — ah  instrument  of  war  and  destruc- 
tion,— it  falls  on  the  children  of  Ephraim  like 
the  lioness  that  darts  from  the  forest."  Thus 
one  saw  in  Scripture  chiefly  its  power  to  com- 
fort ;-— and  the  other,  a  mighty  energy  opposed 
to  the  corruption  of  the  world.  But  to  both 
it  was  the  sublimest  of  themes.  In  so  far, 
there  was  a  perfect  agreement  in  their  judg- 
ment. "  Melancthon,"  observed  Luther,  "  is 
a  miracle  in  the  estimation  of  all  who  know 
him.  He  is  the  most  dreaded  enemy  of  Satan 
and  the  schoolmen,  for  he  knows  all  their 
'  foolishness,  and  he  knows  Christ  as  the 
rock.'  That  young  Grecian  goes  beyond  me 
even  in  divine  learning, — he  will  do  you  more 
good  than  many  Luthers  !"  And  he  went  on 
to  say  he  was  ready  to  give  up  an  opinion  if 
Philip  disapproved  it.  Melancthon,  on  his 
part,  full  of  admiration  for  Luther's  know- 
ledge of  Scripture,  ranked  him  far  above  the 


Fathers.  He  took  pleasure  in  excusing  the 
jesting  which  Luther  was  reproached  for  re- 
sorting to,  and  would,  on  such  occasions, 
compare  him  to  an  earthen  vase  which  holds 
a  precious  treasure  in  an  unsightly  vessel. 
"  I  would  be  careful  how  I  blame  him,"  said 
he.9 

But  behold  the  two  friends  so  intimately 
united  in  affection,  now  parted  one  from  the 
other.  The  two  fellow-soldiers  no  longer 
march  side  by  side  to  the  rescue  of  the  Church. 
Luther  is  absent, — and  lost  perhaps  forever! 
The  consternation  at  Wittemberg  was  ex- 
treme:— as  that  of  an  army,  gloomy  and 
dejected,  at  sight  of  the  bleeding  corpse  of 
the  general  who  was  leading  it  on  to  victory. 

Suddenly  news  arrived  of  a  more  cheering 
character.  "Our  well-beloved  father  still 
lives,"10exclaimed  Philip,  exultingly,  "take 
courage  and  stand  firm."  But  ere  long  me- 
lancholy prognostications  returned.  Luther 
was  indeed  living,  but  in  close  imprisonment. 
The  edict  of  Worms,  with  its  menacing 
proscriptions,11  was  circulated  by  thousands 
throughout  the  empire,  and  even  in  the  Tyro- 
lese  mountains.12  Was  not  the  Reformation 
on  the  very  eve  of  destruction  by  the  iron 
hand  impending  over  it?  The  gentle  spirit 
of  Melancthon  recoiled  with  a  thrill  of  horror. 

But  above  the  hand  of  man's  power,  a 
mightier  hand  was  making  itself  felt,  and 
God  was  rendering  powerless  that  dreaded 
edict.  The  German  princes,  who  had  long 
sought  occasion  to  reduce  the  authority  which 
Rome  exercised  in  the  empire,  took  alarm  at 
the  alliance  between  the  Emperor  and  the 
Pope,  lest  it  should  work  the  ruin  of  their 
liberty.  Whilst,  therefore,  Charles,  in  jour- 
neying in  the  Low  Countries,  might  see  with 
a  smile  of  irony  the  bonfires  in  which  flatter- 
ers and  fanatics  consumed  the  writings  of 
Luther  in  the  public  squares, — those  writings 
were  read  in  Germany  with  continually  in- 
creasing eagerness,  and  numerous  pamphlets 
in  favour  of  the  Reformation  every  day  attack- 
ed the  papal  authority. 

The  Nuncios  could  not  control  themselves 
when  they  found  that  the  edict,  which  it  had 
cost  them  so  much  to  obtain,  produced  so 
feeble  an  effect.  "  The  ink  of  the  signature," 
said  they,  "has  scarcely  had  time  to  dry, 
when,  behold,  on  all  sides,  the  imperial  de- 
cree is  torn  to  pieces."  The  populace  were 
more  and  more  won  to  the  cause  of  the  extra- 
ordinary man  who,  without  heeding  the  thun- 
derbolts of  Charles  and  of  the  Pope,  had  made 
confession  of  his  faith  with  the  courage  of  a 
martyr.  It  was  said,  "  Has  he  not  offered  to 
retract  if  refuted  ?  and  no  one  has  had  the 
hardihood  to  undertake  to  refute  him.  Does 
not  that  show  that  he  has  spoken  the  truth  ?" 
Thus  it  was  that  the  first  emotions  of  fear 
were  followed  at  Wittemberg  and  throughout 
the  empire  by  a  movement  of  enthusiasm. 
Even  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  beholding  the 
burst  of  national  sympathy,  durst  not  give 
permission  to  the  Cordeliers  to  preach  against 
the  Reformer.  The  university,  which  might 
have  been  expected  to  yield  to  the  storm, 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


261 


raised  its  head.  The  new  doctrines  had  taken 
too  deep  root  to  suffer  by  Luther's  absence, 
and  the  halls  of  the  academies  were  crowded 
with  auditors.13 

Meanwhile,  the  Knight  George,  for  this  was 
the  name  of  Luther  so  long  as  he  was  in  the 
Wartburg,  was  living  solitary  and  unknown. 
"  If  you  were  to  see  me,"  wrote  he  to  Melanc- 
thon, "truly  you  would  take  me  fora  knight; 
even  you  would  scarcely  know  me  again."14 
Luther,  on  his  arrival,  passed  a  short  time  in 
repose  enjoying  a  leisure  which  had  not  yet 
been  allowed  him.  He  was  at  large  within 
the  fortress ;  but  he  was  not  permitted  to  pass 
outside  it.13  All  his  wishes  were  complied 
with,  and  he  had  never  been  better  treated.16 
Many  were  the  thoughts  that  occupied  his  mind, 
but  none  of  them  had  power  to  disturb  him. 
By  turns  he  looked  down  upon  the  forests  that 
surrounded  him,  and  raised  his  eyes  to  hea- 
ven— "  Strange  captivity  !"  he  exclaimed, — 
"  a  prisoner  by  consent,  and  yet  against  my 
will."17  "Pray  for  me,"  he  wrote  to  Spalatin : 
— "I  want  nothing  save  your  prayers:  don't 
disturb  me  by  what  is  said  or  thought  of  me 
in  the  world.  At  last  I  am  quiet."18  This 
letter,  like  many  of  that  period,  is  dated  from 
the  island  of  Patmos.  Luther  compared  the 
Wartburg  to  the  island  celebrated  as  the  scene 
of  the  banishment  of  St.  John  by  the  Emperor 
Domitian. 

After  the  stirring  contests  that  had  agitated 
his  soul,  the  Reformer  enjoyed  repose  in  the 
heart  of  the  gloomy  forests  of  Thuringen. 
There  he  studied  evangelic  truth, — not  for  dis- 
putation, but  as  the  means  of  regeneration 
and  of  life.  The  Reformation,  in  its  begin- 
ning, was  of  necessity  polemic; — other  cir- 
cumstances required  new  labours.  After  eradi- 
cating with  the  hoe  the  thorns  and  brambles, 
the  time  was  arrived  for  peaceably  sowing  the 
word  of  God  in  men's  hearts.  If  Luther  had 
been  all  his  life  called  to  wage  conflicts,  he 
would  not  have  effected  a  lasting  work  in  the 
Church.  By  his  captivity  he  escaped  a  dan- 
ger which  might  have  ruined  the  cause  of  the 
Reformation, — that  of  always  attacking  and 
demolishing,  without  ever  defending  or  build- 
ing up. 

This  secluded  retreat  had  one  effect,  per- 
haps still  more  beneficial.  Lifted  by  his  na- 
tion, like  one  raised  upon  a  shield,  he  was  but 
a  hand's  breadth  from  the  abyss  beyond,  and 
the  least  degree  of  intoxication  might  have 
precipitated  him  headlong.  Some  of  the  fore- 
most promoters  of  the  Reformation  in  Germa- 
ny, as  well  as  in  Switzerland,  had  made  ship- 
wreck on  the  shoals  of  spiritual  pride  and 
fanaticism.  Luther  was  a  man  very  subject 
to  the  weaknesses  of  our  nature;  and,  as  it 
was,  he  did  not  entirely  escape  these  be- 
setting dangers.  Meanwhile,  the  hand  of 
the  Almighty,  for  a  while,  preserved  him 
from  them,  by  suddenly  removing  him  from 
the  intoxication  of  success,  and  plunging  him 
in  the  depth  of  a  retirement  unknown  to  the 
world  !  There  his  soul  gathered  up  itself  to 
God, — there  it  was  again  tempered  by  adversi- 


i  ty ; — his  sufferings,  his  humiliation,  obliged 

j  him  to  walk,  at  least,  for  a  time,  with  the 

humble; — and  the  principles  of  the  Christian 

life  thenceforward   developed   themselves  in 

his  soul  with  fresh  energy  and  freedom. 

Luther's  tranquillity  was  not  of  long  dura- 
tion. Seated  in  solitude  on  the  walls  of  the 
Wartburg,  he  passed  whole  days  lost  in  medi- 
tation. At  times,  the  Church  rose  before  his 
vision,  and  spread  out  all  her  wretchedness;19 
at  other  times,  lifting  his  eyes  to  heaven,  he 
would  say,  "  Canst  Thou  have  made  all  men 
in  vain  ]"  Then  letting  go  his  confidence,  he 
would  add,  dejectedly,  "  Alas !  there  is  no  one 
in  this  closing  day  of  wrath  to  stand  as  a  wall 
before  the  Lord,  and  save  Israel !" 

Then  recurring  to  his  own  lot,  he  dreaded 
being  charged  with  having  deserted  the  field 
of  battle;20  the  thought  was  insupportable. 
"  Rather,"  exclaimed  he,  "  would  I  be  stretch- 
ed on  burning  coals  than  stagnate  here  half 
dead."21  Transported  in  thought  to  Worms — 
to  Wittemberg — into  the  midst  of  his  adver- 
saries— he  regretted  that,  yielding  to  his 
friends'  entreaties,  he  had  withdrawn  himself 
from  the  world.22  "Ah,"  said  he,  "nothing 
on  earth  do  I  more  desire  than  to  face  my 
cruel  enemies."23 

Some  gentler  thoughts,  however,  brought  a 
truce  to  such  complainings.  Luther's  state 
of  mind  was  not  all  tempest;  his  agitated 
spirit  recovered  at  times  a  degree  of  calm  and 
comfort.  Next  to  the  assurance  of  the  Divine 
protection,  one  thing  consoled  him  in  his  grief 
— it  was  the  recollection  of  Melancthon.  "  If 
I  perish,"  he  wrote,  "the  Gospel  will  lose 
nothing24— you  will  succeed  me  as  Elisha  suc- 
ceeded Elijah,  with  a  double  portion  of  my 
spirit."  But  calling  to  mind  the  timidity  of 
Melancthon,  he  ejaculated — "  Minister  of  the 
Word  !  keep  the  walls  and  towers  of  Jerusa- 
lem till  our  enemies  shall  strike  you  down. 
We  stand  alone  on  the  plain  of  battle ;  after 
me  they  will  strike  you  down."25 

This  thought  of  the  final  onset  of  Rome  on 
the  infant  Church  threw  him  into  renewed 
anxieties.  The  poor  monk, — a  prisoner  and 
alone, — had  many  a  struggle  to  pass  through 
in  his  solitude ;  but  suddenly  he  seemed  to 
get  a  glimpse  of  his  deliverance.  He  thought 
he  could  foresee  that  the  assaults  of  the  papal 
power  would  rouse  the  nations  of  Germany ;  and 
that  the  soldiers  of  the  Gospel,  victorious  over 
its  enemies,  and  gathered  under  the  walls  of 
the  Wartburg,  would  give  liberty  to  its  cap- 
tive. "  If  the  Pope,"  said  he,  "  should  stretch 
forth  his  hand  against  all  who  are  on  my  side, 
there  will  be  a  violent  commotion  ;  the  more 
he  urges  on  our  ruin,  the  sooner  shall  we  see 
an  end  of  him  and  his  adherents !  And  as  for 
me  ....  I  shall  be  restored  to  your  arms.26 
God  is  awakening  many,  and  He  it  is  who 
impels  the  nations.  Only  let  our  enemies 
take  up  our  affair  and  try  to  stifle  it  in  their 
arms, — and  it  will  grow  by  their  pressure, 
and  come  forth  more  formidable  than  ever." 

But  sickness  brought  him  down  from  these 
lofty  heights  to  which  his  courage  and  faith 
would  at  times  rise.  He  had  already,  when 


262 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


at  Worms,  suffered  much ;  and  his  disorder 
had  increased  in  solitude.27  The  food  of  the 
Wartburg  was  altogether  unsuited  to  him  ;  it 
was  rather  less  ordinary  in  quality  than  that 
of  his  convent,  and  it  was  found  needful  to 
give  him  the  poor  diet  to  which  he  had  been 
accustomed.  He  passed  whole  nights  with- 
out sleep;  anxieties  of  mind  were  added  to 
pain  of  body.  No  great  work  is  accomplish- 
ed without  struggle  and  suffering.  Luther, 
alone  on  his  rock,  endured  in  his  vigorous 
frame  a  suffering  that  was  needed,  in  order  to 
the  emancipation  of  mankind.  "  Sitting,  at 
night,  in  my  apartment,"  says  he,  "  I  utter- 
ed cries  like  a  woman  in  travail."28  Then, 
ceasing  to  complain,  and  touched  with  the 
thought  that  what  he  was  undergoing  was 
sent  in  mercy  from  God,  he  broke  forth  in  ac- 
cents of  love:  "Thanks  to  Thee,  O  Christ, 
that  thou  wilt  not  leave  me  without  the  pre- 
cious relics  of  thy  holy  cross  !"29  But  soon, 
feeling  indignation  against  himself  wrought  in 
his  soul,  he  exclaimed,  "Hardened  fool  that 
I  am ;  wo  is  me !  my  prayers  are  few  ;  I 
wrestle  but  little  with  the  Lord  ;  I  bewail  not 
the  state  of  the  Church  of  God^instead  of  be- 
ing fervent  in  spirit,  my  passions  take  fire  :  I 
sink  in  sloth,  in  sleep,  and  in  indolence." 
Then  not  knowing  to  what  to  ascribe  his  feel- 
ings, and  accustomed  to  expect  blessings 
through  the  affectionate  remembrance  of  his 
friends,  he  exclaimed,  in  the  bitterness  of  his 
soul,  "  O,  my  friends,  do  you  then  forget  to 
pray  for  me!  that  God  can  thus  leave  me  to 
myself." 

Those  who  were  about  him,  as  also  his 
Wittemberg  friends,  and  those  at  the  Elec- 
tor's court,  were  anxious  and  alarmed  at  his 
mental  suffering.  They  trembled  in  the  pros- 
pect of  the  life  that  had  been  snatched  from 
the  fires  of  the  Pope,  and  the  sword  of  Charles, 
so  sadly  sinking  and  expiring.  The  Wart- 
burg  then  would  be  Luther's  tomb !  "  I 
fear,"  said  Melancthon,  "lest  his  grief  for  the 
condition  of  the  Church  should  bring  him 
down  to  the  grave.  He  has  lighted  a  candle 
in  Israel ;  if  he  dies,  what  hope  is  left  us? 
Would  that  by  the  sacrifice  of  my  worthless 
life,  I  could  retain  in  this  world  one  who  is 
surely  its  brightest  ornament.31  0,  what  a 
man!"  he  exclaimed,  (as  if  already  standing 
beside  his  grave,)  "  surely  we  never  valued 
him  as  we  ought." 

WThat  Luther  termed  the  shameful  indo- 
lence of  his  prison  life  was,  in  reality,  dili- 
gence beyond  the  strength  of  ordinary  mortals. 
"  Here  am  I,"  said  he,  on  the  14th  of  May, 
"  lapped  in  indolence  and  pleasures.  [He 
doubtless  refers  to  the  quality  of  his  food, 
which  was  at  first  less  coarse  than  what  he 
had  been  used  to.]  I  am  going  through  the 
Bible  in  Hebrew  and  Greek.  I  mean  to 
write  a  discourse  in  German,  touching  auri- 
cular confession ;  also  to  continue  the  trans- 
lation of  the  Psalms,  and  to  compose  a  col- 
lection of  sermons,  as  soon  as  I  have  received 
what  I  want  from  Wittemberg.  My  pen  is 
never  idle."32  Even  this  was  but  a  part  of 
Luther's  labours. 


His  enemies  thought  that,  if  not  dead,  at 
least  he  was  effectually  silenced;  but  their 
exultation  was  short,  and,  ere  long,  no  doubt 
could  exist  that  he  still  lived.  A  multitude 
of  tracts,  composed  in  the  Wartburg,  followed 
each  other  in  rapid  succession ;  and  every- 
where the  well-known  voice  of  the  Reformer 
was  enthusiastically  responded  to.  Luther, 
at  the  same  moment,  put  forth  such  writings 
as  were  adapted  to  build  up  the  Church,  and 
controversial  tracts  which  disturbed  his  oppo- 
nents in  their  fancied  security.  For  nearly  a 
whole  year,  he,  by  turns,  instructed,  exhorted, 
rebuked,  and  thundered  from  his  mountain 
height,  and  his  astonished  adversaries  might 
well  inquire  whether  indeed  there  was  not 
something  supernatural  in  so  prodigious  an 
activity — "  He  could  not  have  allowed  him- 
self any  rest,"33  says  Colchffius.  But  the  solu- 
tion of  the  whole  mystery  was  to  be  found  in 
the  rashness  of  the  Romish  party.  They 
were  in  haste  to  profit  by  the  decree  of 
Worms,  to  put  an  end  to  the  Reformation ; 
and  Luther,  sentenced — placed  under  the  ban 
of  the  empire, — and  a  prisoner  in  the  Wart- 
burg, stood  up  in  the  cause  of  sound  doctrine, 
as  if  he  were  still  at  large  and  triumphant. 
It  was  especially  at  the  tribunal  of  penance 
that  the  priests  strove  to  rivet  the  fetters  of 
their  deluded  parishioners; — hence  it  is  the 
Confessional  that  Luther  first  assails.  "  They 
allege,"  says  he,  "  that  passage  in  St.  Jarnes, 
'  confess  your  sins  to  one  another ;'  a  strange 
confessor  this; — his  name  is  4  one  another!' 
Whence  it  would  follow  that  the  confessors 
ought  also  to  confess  to  their  penitents ;  that 
every  Christian  should  in  his  turn  be  pope, 
bishop,  and  priest,  and  that  the  pope  himself 
should  make  confession  before  all."34 

Scarcely  had  Luther  finished  this  tract, 
when  he  commenced  another.  A  divine  of 
Louvain,  named  Latomos,  already  known  by 
his  opposition  to  Reuchlin  and  Erasmus,  had 
impugned  the  Reformer's  statements.  Twelve 
days  after,  Luther's  answer  was  ready,  and 
it  is  one  of  his  masterpieces.  He  first  defends 
himself  against  the  charge  of  want  of  modera- 
tion. "  The  moderation  of  this  age,"  says 
he,  "  consists  in  bending  the  knee  before  sa- 
crilegious pontiffs  and  impious  sophists,  and 
saying,  '  Gracious  Lord,  most  worthy  master.' 
Then,  having  so  done,  you  may  persecute  who 
you  will  to  the  death;  you  may  convulse  the 
world, — all  that,  shall  not  hinder  your  being 
a  man  of  moderation !  Away  with  such  mo- 
deration, say  I.  Let  me  speak  out,  and  del  ude 
no  one.  The  shell  may  be  rough,  perhaps, 
but  the  nut  is  soft  and  tender."35 

The  health  of  Luther  continued  to  decline ; 
he  began  to  think  of  leaving  the  Wartburg. 
But  what  to  do;  to  appear  in  open  day  at  the 
risk  of  his  life!  In  the  rear  of  the  mountain 
on  which  the  fortress  was  built,  the  country 
was  intersected  by  numerous  footpaths,  bor- 
dered by  tufts  of  wild  strawberries.  The 
massive  gate  of  the  castle  was  unclosed,  and 
the  prisoner  ventured,  not  without  fear,  to 
gather  some  of  the  fruit.36  Gradually,  he  be- 
came more  venturesome,  and,  clothed  in  his 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


263 


disguise,  and  attended  by  a  rough- 
mannered  but  faithful  guard  from  the  castle, 
he  extended  his  excursions  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. One  day,  stopping  to  rest  at  an  inn, 
Luther  laid  aside  his  sword,  which  encum- 
bered him,  and  took  up  some  books  that  lay 
near.  His  natural  disposition  got  the  better 
of  his  prudence.  His  attendant  took  the 
alarm  lest  an  action  so  unusual  in  a  man  of 
arms,  should  excite  a  suspicion  that  the  doc- 
tor was  not  really  a  knight.  Another  time, 
the  two  companions  descended  the  mountain, 
and  entered  the  convent  of  Reichardsbrunn, 
in  which,  but  a  few  months  before,  Luther 
had  rested  for  a  night,  on  his  way  to  Worms.* 
Suddenly,  one  of  the  lay-brothers  uttered  an 
exclamation  of  surprise — Luther  had  been 
recognised.  His  keeper,  seeing  how  the 
matter  stood,  hurried  him  away,  and  it  was 
not  till  they  were  galloping  far  from  the 
cloisters,  that  the  monk  recovered  from  his 
astonishment. 

The  life  of  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg,  in 
his  assumed  character  of  knight,  had,  indeed, 
at  times,  a  something  about  it  truly  theologi- 
cal. One  day,  the  snares  were  made  ready — 
the  fortress  gates  thrown  open — the  sporting 
dogs  let  loose.  Luther  had  expressed  a  wish 
to  partake  of  the  pleasures  of  the  chase.  The 
huntsmen  were  in  high  spirits;  the  dogs 
scoured  the  hills,  driving  the  hares  from  the 
brushwood ;  but  as  the  tumult  swelled  around 
him,  the  Knight  George,  motionless  in  the 
midst  of  it,  felt  his  soul  fill  with  solemn 
thoughts.  Looking  round  him,  his  heart 
heaved  with  sorrow.37  «*  Is  it  not,"  said  he, 
"  the  very  picture  of  the  Devil,  setting  his 
dogs,  the  bishops,  those  messengers  of  Anti- 
christ, and  sending  them  out  to  hunt  down 
poor  souls'?"38  A  young  leveret  had  been 
snared:  rejoicing  to  liberate  it,  Luther  wrap- 
ped it  in  his  mantle,  and  deposited  it  in  the 
midst  of  a  thicket ;  but  scarcely  had  he  left  the 
spot,  when  the  dogs  scented  it,  and  killed  it. 
Drawn  to  the  place  by  its  cry,  Luther  uttered 
an  exclamation  of  grief — "  O  Pope !  and 
thou,  too,  0  Satan !  it  is  thus  that  ye  would 
compass  the  destruction  of  the  souls  that  have 
been  rescued  from  death  !"39 

Whilst  the  Doctor  of  Wittemberg,  dead  to 
the  world,  was  seeking  to  recruit  his  spirits 
by  these  occupations  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
Wartburg,  the  great  work  was  progressing,  as 
if  by  its  own  power.  The  Reformation,  in 
fact,  was  beginning  to  take  effect.  It  was  no 
longer  limited  to  teaching;  it  now  began  to 
affect  and  mould  the  life. 

Bernard  Feldkirchen,  the  pastor  of  Kem- 
berg,  and  the  first,  under  Luther's  direction, 
to  expose  the  errors  of  Rome,f  was  also  the 
first  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of  her  institutions : 
— he  married ! 

There  is,  in  the  German  character,  a  strong 
love  of  family  and  domestic  enjoyments : — 
hence,  of  all  the  injunctions  of  the  Papal  au- 
thority, none  had  had  more  lamentable  results 


*  See  page  196,    t  p.  60. 


than  the  imposition  of  celibacy.  Made  obli- 
gatory on  the  heads  of  the  clergy,  this  prac- 
tice had  prevented  the  fiefs  of  the  church  from 
passing  into  hereditary  possessions.  But  ex 
tended  by  Gregory  VII.  to  the  inferior  orders, 
its  effects  had  been  indeed  deplorable.  Many 
of  the  priests,  in  evading  the  obligation  im- 
posed upon  them,  by  shameful  disorders,  had 
drawn  down  hatred  and  contempt  on  their  pro- 
fession; while  those  who  had  submitted  to 
Hildebrand's  law,  were  indignant  that  the 
Church,  which  lavished  power,  riches,  and 
earthly  possessions  on  its  higher  dignitaries, 
should  impose  on  its  humbler  ministers,  who 
were  ever  its  most  useful  supporters,  a  denial 
so  opposed  to  the  Gospel. 

"  Neither  the  Pope,  nor  the  Councils,"  said 
Feldkirchen,  and  another  pastor,  named  Seid- 
ler,  who  followed  his  example,  "  can  have  a 
right  to  impose  on  the  Church  a  command 
that  endangers  soul  and  body.  The  obliga- 
tion to  observe  God's  law  compels  us  to  throw 
aside  traditions  of  men."40  The  re-establish- 
ment of  marriage  was,  in  the  sixteenth  centu- 
ry, a  homage  paid  to  the  moral  law.  The 
ecclesiastical  power,  in  alarm,  instantly  issued 
its  mandates  against  the  two  priests.  Seidler, 
who  lived  in  the  territory  of  Duke  George, 
was  given  up  to  his  superiors,  and  died  in 
prison.  But  the  Elector  Frederic  refused  to 
surrender  Feldkirchen  to  the  Archbishop  of 
Magdeburg.  "  His  Highness,"  said  Spalatin, 
"  declines  to  act  the  part  of  a  police-officer." 
Feldkirchen,  therefore,  continued  to  preside 
over  his  flock,  though  a  husband  and  a  father  ! 

The  first  emotion  of  the  Reformer,  on  re- 
ceiving intelligence  of  these  events,  was  one 
of  joy.  "  I  am  all  admiration,"  says  he,  "  of 
the  new  bridegroom  of  Kemberg,  who  moves 
on  fearlessly  in  the  midst  of  all  this  hubbub." 
Luther  was  satisfied  that  priests  ought  to 
marry.  But  this  question  led  directly  to  ano- 
ther— the  marriage  of  friars — and  on  this  point 
Luther  had  to  pass  through  one  of  those  in- 
ternal struggles,  of  which  his  life  was  full ; 
for  every  reform  was  of  necessity  to  be  wrought 
out  by  a  mental  conflict.  Melancthon  and 
Carlstadt, — the  one  a  layman,  the  other  in 
priest's  orders, — thought  that  the  liberty  of 
contracting  the  marriage  bond  ought  to  be  as 
free  to  the  friars  as  to  the  priests.  Luther, 
himself  a  monk,  did  not  at  first  agree  with 
them  in  judgment.  One  day,  when  the  com- 
mandant of  the  WTartburg  had  brought  him 
some  theses  of  Carlstadt,  touching  celibacy, 
"  Good  Heaven !"  he  exclaimed,  "  will  our 
Wittemberg  friends  allow  wives  even  to 
monks  1"  The  thought  overwhelmed  him, 
and  disturbed  his  spirit.  For  himself,  he  put 
far  from  him  the  liberty  he  claimed  for  others. 
"Ah,"  said  he  indignantly,  "  at  least  they  will 
not  make  me  take  a  wife."41  This  expression 
is  doubtless  unknown  to  those  who  assert  that 
Luther's  object  in  the  Reformation  was  that 
he  might  marry.  Bent  upon  the  truth,  not 
from  any  desire  of  self-pleasing,  but  with  up- 
right intentions,  he  undertook  the  defence  of 
that  which  appeared  to  him  to  be  right,  al- 
though it  might  be  at  variance  with  the  gene- 
z  2 


264 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


ral  tendency  of  his  doctrine.  He  worked  his 
way  through  a  mingled  crowd  of  truths  and 
errors,  until  the  errors  had  altogether  fallen, 
and  truth  alone  remained  standing  in  his 
nrnd. 

There  was  indeed  a  broad  distinction  dis- 
cernable  between  the  two  questions.  The 
marriage  of  priests  did  not  draw  after  it  the 
downfall  of  the  priesthood  ;  on  the  contrary,  it 
was  of  itself  likely  to  win  back  popular  respect 
to  the  secular  clergy:  but  the  marriage  of 
friars  involved  the  breaking  up  of  the  monastic 
institutions.  The  question  then  really  was, 
whether  it  was  right  to  disband  the  army  that 
acknowledged  themselves  the  soldiery  of  the 
Pope.  "  The  priests,"  said  Luther,  writing 
to  Melancthon,  "are  ordained  by  God,  and 
therefore  they  are  set  above  the  command- 
ments of  men ;  but  the  friars  have  of  their 
own  accord  chosen  a  life  of  celibacy, — they 
therefore  are  not  at  liberty  to  withdraw  from 
the  obligation  they  have  laid  themselves 
under."42 

The  Reformer  was  destined  to  advance  a 
step  further,  and  by  a  new  struggle  to  carry 
also  this  post  of  the  enemy.  Already  he  had 
trampled  under  his  feet  many  Romish  corrup 
tions ;  nay,  even  the  authority  of  Rome  her 
self.  But  monkery  was  still  standing — monk- 
ery, which  had  in  early  times  carried  the  spark 
of  life  to  many  a  desert  spot,  and,  passing 
through  successive  generations,  now  filled  so 
many  cloisters  with  sloth  and  luxury,  seemed 
to  find  a  voice  and  advocate  in  the  castle  of 
Thuringen,  and  to  depend  for  life  or  death 
upon  the  agitated  conscience  of  one  man! 
Luther  struggled  for  a  while :  at  one  moment 
on  the  point  of  rejecting  it, — at  another  dis- 
posed to  acknowledge  it.  At  last,  no  longer 
able  to  support  the  contest,  he  threw  himself 
in  prayer  at  the  feet  of  Christ,  exclaiming, 
"  Do  thou  teach  us — do  thou  deliver  us — es- 
tablish us  with  thy  free  spirit,  in  the  liberty 
thou  hast  given  us!  for  surely  we  are  thy 
people  J"43 

And  truly  there  was  no  long  tarrying ;  a 
great  change  took  place  in  the  Reformer's 
thoughts,  and  again  it  was  the  great  doctrine 
of  Justification  by  Faith  which  gave  victory. 

This  weapon,  which  had  put  down  indul- 
gences, baffled  Romish  intrigues,  and  humbled 
the  Pope  himself,  dethroned  monkery  also 
from  the  place  it  held  in  the  mind  of  Luther 
and  of  all  Christendom.  Luther  was  led  to 
see  that  the  monastic  institutions  were  in  fla- 
grant opposition  to  the  doctrines  of  Free  Grace, 
and  that  the  life  led  by  the  monks  was  entire- 
ly grounded  on  the  assertion  of  human  merit. 
Convinced,  from  that  instant,  that  the  glory  of 
Christ  was  at  stake,  his  conscience  incessant- 
ly repeated — "  Monkery  must  yield."  So  long 
as  Justification  by  Faith  is  clearly  held  by  the 
Church,  not  one  of  her  members  will  become 
a  monk.44  This  persuasion  continued  to  gain 
strength  in  his  mind,  and  as  early  as  the  be- 
ginning of  December,  he  addressed  to  the 
bishops  and  deacons  of  the  Church  of  Wit- 
temberg,  the  following  theses — his  declara- 
tions of  war  against  monkery : — 


"  Whatsoever  is  not  of  faith,  is  sin. — Rom 
xiv.  23. 

"  Whoever  binds  himself  by  a  vow  of  cell 
bacy,  of  chastity,  of  service  to  God — without 
faith — vows,  profanely  and  idolatrously,a  vow 
to  the  devil  himself. 

"  To  make  such  vows  is  worse  than  to  be 
priests  of  Cybele,  or  vestals  of  Pagan  wor- 
ship ;  for  the  monks  make  their  vows  in  the 
thought  that  they  shall  be  justified  and  saved 
by  them  ;  and  that  which  should  be  ascribed 
to  the  alone  mercy  of  God  is  thus  ascribed  to 
human  deservings.  Such  convents  ought  to 
be  razed  to  the  foundation,  as  being  abodes  of 
the  devil.  There  is  but  one  Order  that  is 
holy,  and  makes  men  holy,  and  that  is — 
Christianity  or  Faith.45 

*'  To  make  the  religious  houses  really  useful, 
they  should  be  converted  into  schools,  where- 
in children  might  be  brought  up  to  manhood; 
instead  of  which,  they  are  establishments 
where  grown  men  are  reduced  to  second  child- 
hood for  the  rest  of  their  lives." 

We  see  that  Luther  at  this  period  would 
have  tolerated  the  convents  as  houses  of  edu- 
cation ;  but,  ere  long,  his  attack  upon  them 
became  more  unsparing. 

The  immorality  and  shameful  practices  that 
disgraced  the  cloisters  recurred  forcibly  to 
his  thoughts.  "  It  is  my  great  aim,"  he  wrote 
to  Spalatin,  on  the  llth  of  November,  "to 
rescue  the  young  from  the  hellish  fires  of  celi- 
bacy;"46 and  he  proceeded  to  compose  a  tract 
against  monastic  vows,  which  he  dedicated  to 
his  father.  "Do  you  desire,"  said  he,  in  his 
dedication  to  the  old  man  at  Mansfeld,  "do 
you  still  feel  a  desire  to  extricate  me  from  a 
monk's  life  1  You  have  the  right  to  do  so, 
for  you  are  still  my  father,  and  I  am  still  your 
son.  But  it  is  not  needed :  God  has  been  be- 
forehand with  you,  and  has  himself  delivered 
me  from  it  by  his  mighty  arm.  What  does 
it  matter  if  I  should  lay  aside  the  tonsure  or 
the  cowl  ?  Is  it  the  cowl, — is  it  the  tonsure 
that  constitutes  a  monk1?  'All  things  are 
yours,'  said  St.  Paul,  'and  you  are  Christ's.' 
I  belong  not  to  the  cowl,  but  the  cowl  to  me ; 
I  am  a  monk,  and  yet  no  monk;  I  am  a  new 
creature,  not  of  the  Pope,  but  of  Jesus  Christ! 
Christ  alone,  and  no  mere  go-between,  is  my 
bishop,  my  abbot,  my  prior,  my  lord,  my  mas- 
ter,— and  I  acknowledge  no  other!  What 
matters  it  to  me  if  the  Pope  should  sentence 
and  put  me  to  death;  he  cannot  summon  me 
from  the  grave,  and  take  my  life  a  second  time. 
That  great  day  is  nigh  when  the  kingdom  of 
abominations  shall  be  overthrown.  Would 
to  God  the  Pope  would  do  his  worst,  and  put 
us  all  to  death  ;  our  blood  would  cry  to  hea- 
ven against  him,  and  bring  down  swift  de- 
struction on  him  and  his  adherents."4" 

Luther  himself  was  already  transformed  : 
he  felt  himself  no  longer  a  friar.  It  was  no 
outward  circumstances,  no  human  passions, 
no  haste  of  the  flesh  that  had  brought  about 
the  change.  A  struggle  had  been  gone 
through:  Luther  had  at  first  sided  with 
monkery,  but  truth  had  descended  into  the 
arena,  and  monkery  was  overthrown.  The 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


265 


mphs  of  human  passion  are  short-lived, 
but  those  of  truth  are  decisive  and  durable. 

Whilst  Luther  was  thus  preparing  the  way 
for  one  of  the  greatest  changes  which  the 
Church  was  destined  to  pass  through,  and 
the  Reformation  was  beginning-  to  manifest 
its  effects  on  the  lives  of  Christians, — the 
partisans  of  Rome,  with  that  blind  infatuation 
common  to  those  who  have  long  held  power, 
were  pleasing  themselves  with  the  thought, 
that  because  Luther  was  in  the  Wartburg, 
the  Reformation  was  forever  at  an  end.  They 
thought,  therefore,  quietly  to  resume  their 
former  practices,  which  had  been  for  an  in- 
stant interrupted  by  the  monk  of  Wittemberg. 
Albert,  the  Archbishop  and  Elector  of  Mentz, 
was  one  of  those  weak  persons  who,  when 
things  are  nearly  balanced,  are  found  on  the 
side  of  truth ;  but  whenever  their  own  interest 
is  concerned,  are  quite  willing  to  take  up  with 
error.  His  great  aim  was  that  his  court  should 
equal  in  splendour  that  of  any  of  the  German 
princes,  that  his  equipages  should  be  as  rich, 
and  his  table  as  well  served :  the  trade  in  in- 
dulgences was  to  him  an  admirable  resource 
for  the  promotion  of  his  favourite  object.  Ac- 
cordingly, no  sooner  was  the  decree  against 
Luther  issued  from  the  Imperial  Chancellor's 
court,  than  Albert,  who  was  then  at  Halle, 
attended  by  his  courtiers,  called  together  the 
vendors  of  indulgences,  whose  activity  had 
been  paralysed  by  the  Reformer's  preaching, 
and  endeavoured  to  encourage  them  by  such 
words  as — "  Do  not  fear,  we  have  silenced 
him ;  go  shear  the  flock  in  peace ;  the  monk 
is  in  prison,  under  bolts  and  bars ;  and  this 
time  he  will  be  clever  indeed  if  he  disturbs  us 
at  our  work."  The  market  was  again  opened, 
the  wares  spread  out  for  sale,  and  again  the 
churches  of  Halle  resounded  with  the  ha- 
rangues of  the  mountebanks. 

But  Luther  still  lived;  and  his  voice  had 
power  to  pass  beyond  the  walls  and  gratings 
behind  which  he  was  concealed.  Nothing 
could  have  roused  him  to  a  higher  pitch  of 
indignation.  "What!"  thought  he,  "violent 
discussions  have  taken  place,  I  have  braved 
every  danger,  the  truth  has  triumphed,  and 
now  they  dare  to  trample  it  in  the  dust,  as  if 
it  had  been  refuted.  They  shall  again  hear 
that  voice  which  arrested  their  guilty  traffic." 
"  I  will  take  no  rest,"  wrote  Luther  to  Spa- 
latin,  "  till  I  have  attacked  the  idol  of  Mentz, 
and  its  whoredoms  at  Halle."48  He  went  in- 
stantly to  work,  caring  little  for  the  mystery 
in  which  some  sought  to  envelope  his  seclu- 
sion in  the  Wartburg.  He  was  like  Elijah 
in  the  desert,  forging  new  thunderbolts  to 
hurl  against  the  impious  Ahab.  On  the  1st 
of  November,  he  completed  a  tract  "  Against 
the  new  Idol  of  Halle." 

The  Archbishop  had  received  information 
of  Luther's  intentions.  Urged  by  his  appre- 
hensions, he,  toward  the  middle  of  December, 
despatched  two  of  his  attendants,  Capito  and 
Auerbach,  to  Wittemberg,  to  ward  off  the 
blow.  "It  is  indispensable,"  said  they  to 
Melancthon,  who  received  them  courteously, 


"it  is  quite  indispensable  that  Luther  should 
moderate  his  impetuosity."  But  Melancthon, 
though  himself  of  gentler  spirit,  was  not  of 
the  number  of  those  who  imagine  wisdom  to 
consist  in  perpetual  concession,  retracting, 
and  silence.  "  God  is  making  use  of  him," 
he  replied,  "  and  this  age  requires  a  bitter  and 
pungent  salt."49  On  this,  Capito,  addressing 
himself  to  Jonas,  endeavoured,  through  him, 
to  influence  the  Elector's  councils. 

The  report  of  Luther's  design  had  already 
spread  thither,  and  produced  great  consterna- 
tion. "What!"  said  the  courtiers,  "rekin- 
dle the  flame  that  it  cost  so  much  trouble  to 
subdue !  The  only  safety  for  Luther  is  to 
withdraw  into  the  shade;  and  see  how  he 
exalts  himself  against  the  greatest  prince  in 
the  empire."  "I  will  not  surfer  Luther  to 
write  against  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  to 
the  disturbance  of  the  public  tranquillity,"50 
said  the  Elector. 

When  these  words  were  reported  to  Luther, 
he  was  indignant.  It  is  not  enough,  then,  to 
confine  his  body,  they  would  enchain  his 
spirit,  and  the  truth  itself.  Do  they  imagine 
he  hides  himself  from  fear?  or  that  his  retreat 
is  a  confession  of  defeat  ]  On  the  contrary, 
he  contends  that  it  is  a  victory  gained.  Who 
then  in  Worms  had  dared  to  rise  up  against 
him,  in  opposition  to  the  truth  ]  Accordingly, 
when  the  captive  of  the  Wartburg  had  finished 
reading  Spalatin's  letter,  apprizing  him  of  the 
Elector's  intention,  he  threw  it  aside,  resolv- 
ing to  return  no  answer.  But  he  could  not 
contain  his  feelings ;  he  again  took  it  in  hand. 
"  And  so,  the  Elector  will  not  suffer,  &c. !" 
wrote  Luther  in  reply,  "and  I  on  my  part 
will  not  suffer  that  the  Elector  should  not  al- 
low me  to  write.  Rather  will  I  be  the  utter 
ruin  of  yourself,  the  Elector,  and  the  whole 
world.51  If  I  have  stood  up  against  the  Pope, 
who  created  your  Cardinal,  is  it  fitting  that  I 
should  give  way  to  his  creature?  Truly,  it 
is  very  fine  to  hear  you  say  we  ought  not  to 
disturb  the  public  peace,  while  you  permit  the 
disturbance  of  the  Peace  that  is  from  God.  It 
shall  not  be  so,  Spalatin!  O  Prince  it  shall 
not  stand  !52  I  send,  with  this,  a  tract  I  had 
written  against  the  Cardinal,  before  I  re- 
ceived your  letter; — please  to  hand  it  to  Me- 
lancthon." 

The  reading  of  this  manuscript  alarmed 
Spalatin; — he  again  urged  on  the  Reformer 
the  imprudence  of  a  publication  that  would 
oblige  the  Imperial  government  to  lay  aside 
its  affected  ignorance  of  what  had  become  of 
him,  and  to  proceed  to  punish  a  prisoner  who 
assailed  the  chief  dignitary  of  the  Church 
and  Empire.  If  Luther  persisted,  the  general 
tranquillity  would  be  disturbed,  and  the  cause 
of  the  Reformation  endangered.  Luther, 
therefore,  consented  to  delay  the  publication, 
and  even  gave  Melancthon  leave  to  strike 
out  the  more  severe  passages.53  But  growing 
indignant  at  his  friend's  timidity,  he  wrote  to 
Spalatin, — "The  Lord  still  lives — He  reigns, 
— the  Lord  whom  you  counsellors  of  the  court 
cannot  trust,  unless  He  so  shapes  his  work, 
as  that  there  be  nothing  left  to  trust  Him  in !" 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


— and  he  forthwith  resolved  to  write  direct  to 
the  Cardinal. 

It  is  the  Episcopal  authority  itself  that 
Luther  calls  to  the  bar  of  judgment  in  the 
person  of  the  German  primate.  His  words  are 
those  of  a  bold  man,  burning  with  zeal  in  be- 
half of  truth,  and  feeling  that  he  speaks  in  the 
name  of  God  himself. 

"  Your  Electoral  Highness,"  wrote  he, 
from  the  depth  of  his  retirement,  "  has  seen 
fit  again  to  set  up  at  Halle  the  idol  that  en- 
gulfs the  treasure  and  the  souls  of  poor  Chris- 
tians. You  think,  perhaps,  that  I  am  dis- 
abled, and  that  the  power  of  the  Emperor 
will  easily  silence  the  protest  of  a  feeble  monk. 
....  But  know  this, — I  will  fearlessly  dis- 
charge the  duty  that  Christian  charity  lays 
me  under,  dreading  not  the  gates  of  hell ! — 
and  much  less,  popes,  bishops,  or  cardinals. 

"  Therefore,  I  humbly  implore  your  Elec- 
toral Highness  to  call  to  remembrance  the 
origin  of  this  business,  and  how  from  one  little 
spark  came  so  fearful  a  conflagration.  Then 
also,  the  world  reposed  in  fancied  security. 
'That  poor  mendicant  friar,'  thought  they, 
*  who,  unaided,  would  attack  the  Pope,  has 
undertaken  a  task  above  his  strength.'  But 
God  interposed  his  arm,  and  gave  the  Pope 
more  disturbance  and  anxiety  than  he  had 
known  since  first  he  sat  in  the  temple  of  God, 
and  lorded  it  over  God's  church.  That  same 
God  still  lives — let  none  doubt  it.54  He  will 
know  how  to  bring  to  nothing  the  efforts  of  a 
Cardinal  of  Mentz,  though  he  should  be  back- 
ed by  four  emperors — for  it  is  His  pleasure  to 
bring  down  the  lofty  cedars,  and  humble  the 
pride  of  the  Pharaohs. 

"  For  this  cause  I  apprize  your  Highness 
that  if  the  idol  is  not  removed,  it  will  be  my 
duty,  in  obedience  to  God's  teaching,  publicly 
to  rebuke  your  Highness,  as  I  have  done  the 
Pope  himself.  Let  not  your  Highness  neglect 
this  notice.  I  shall  wait  fourteen  days  for  an 
early  and  favourable  answer.  Given  in  my 
wilderness  retreat,  on  Sunday  after  St.  Cathe- 
rine's day,  1521.  Your  Highness'  devoted 
and  humble,  MARTIN  LUTHER." 

This  letter  was  forwarded  to  Wittemberg, 
and  from  thence  to  Halle,  where  the  Cardinal 
Elector  was  then  resident;  for  no  one  dared 
venture  to  intercept  it,  foreseeing  the  storm 
such  an  act  of  audacity  would  have  called 
forth.  But  Melancthon  accompanied  it  by  a 
letter  to  the  prudent  Capito,  wherein  he  la- 
boured to  give  a  favourable  turn  to  so  unto- 
ward a  step. 

It  is  not  possible  to  describe  the  feelings  of 
the  young  and  pusillanimous  Archbishop  on 
the  receipt  of  the  Reformer's  letter.  The  forth- 
coming work  against  the  idol  of  Halle  was 
like  a  sword  suspended  over  his  head.  And 
yet  what  must  have  been,  at  the  same,  the  ir- 
ritation produced  by  the  insolence  of  the  low- 
born and  excommunicated  monk,  who  dared 
address  such  language  to  a  prince  of  the 
house  of  Brandenburg,  and  a  primate  of  the 
German  Church.  Capito  besought  the  Arch- 
bishop to  comply  with  Luther's  advice.  Fear, 
pride,  and  conscience,  which  he  could  not  sti- 


fle, struggled  long  in  Albert's  soul.  At  length, 
dread  of  the  threatened  writing,  joined,  per- 
haps, to  a  feeling  of  remorse,  prevailed.  He 
stooped  to  humble  himself,  and  put  together 
such  an  answer  as  seemed  likely  to  appease 
the  man  of  the  Wartburg,  and  scarcely  had  the 
fourteen  days  expired,  when  Luther  received 
the  following  letter,  more  surprising  even  than 
his  own  terrifying  epistle. 

"  My  dear  Doctor, — 1  have  received  and  read 
your  letter,  and  have  taken  it  in  good  part,  as 
being  well  intended  :  but  I  think  the  cause 
that  has  induced  you  to  write  to  me  in  such  a 
strain  has  for  a  long  time  past  had  no  exist- 
ence. It  is  my  desire,  by  God's  help,  to  com- 
port myself  as  a  pious  bishop,  and  a  Christian 
prince;  and  I  confess  that  for  this,  God's 
grace  is  necessary  to  me.  I  deny  not  that  1 
am  a  sinful  man,  liable  to  sin,  and  apt  to  be  led 
astray,  and  even  sinning  and  going  astray 
every  day  of  my  life.  I  know  that,  without 
God's  grace,  I  am  but  worthless  and  loath- 
some mire,  like  others;  if  not  worse.  In  re- 
plying to  your  letter,  I  would  not  omit  to  ex- 
press the  favour  I  bear  you  ;  for  it  is  my  most 
earnest  desire,  for  Christ's  sake,  to  show  you 
all  kindness  and  favour.  I  know  how  to  re- 
ceive the  rebuke  of  a  Christian  and  a  brother. 
By  my  own  hand.  ALBERT." 

Such  was  the  strain  in  which  the  Elector 
Archbishop  of  Mentz  and  Magdeburg,  com- 
missioned to  represent  and  maintain  in  Ger- 
many the  constitution  of  the  Church,  wrote  to 
the  excommunicated  prisoner  of  the  Wart- 
burg  !  In  thus  replying,  did  Albert  obey  the 
better  dictates  of  his  conscience,  or  was  he 
swayed  by  his  fears'?  On  the  former  suppo- 
sition, it  is  a  noble  letter;  on  the  latter  it  is 
contemptible.  We  would  rather  suppose  it 
to  have  proceeded  from  a  right  motive.  How- 
ever that  may  be,  it  at  least  shows  the  vast 
superiority  of  the  servant  of  God  above  the 
greatness  of  this  world.  Whilst  Luther,  soli- 
tary, a  captive,  and  under  sentence,  derived 
from  his  faith  an  unconquerable  courage,  the 
Cardinal-archbishop,  surrounded  on  all  sides 
with  the  power  and  favour  of  the  world,  trem- 
bled in  his  chair.  Again,  and  again,  does  this 
reflection  present  itself,  and  it  affords  the  solu- 
tion of  the  strange  enigma  offered  by  the  his- 
tory of  the  Reformation.  The  Christian  is  not 
called  to  calculate  his  resources,  and  count  the 
means  of  success.  His  one  concern  is  to 
know  that  his  cause  is  the  cause  of  God  ;— 
and  that  he  himself  has  no  aim  but  his  Mas- 
ter's glory.  Doubtless  he  has  an  inquiry  to 
make,  but  it  has  reference  only  to  his  motives ; 
the  Christian  looks  in  upon  his  heart, — not 
upon  his  arm  :  he  regards  right, — not  strength. 
And  that  question  once  well  settled, — his 
path  is  clear.  It  is  for  him  to  go  boldly  for- 
ward, though  the  world  and  all  its  armies 
should  withstand  his  progress ;  in  the  firm 
persuasion  that  God  himself  will  fight  against 
the  opposers. 

Thus  did  the  enemies  of  the  Reformation 
pass  at  once  from  the  harshest  measures  to  pi- 
tiable weakness :  they  had  done  this  at 
Worms,  and  these  sudden  changes  are  con- 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


267 


tintially  recurring  in  the  conflict  between  I 
truth  and  error.  Every  cause  destined  to  sue-  | 
cumb,  carries  with  it  an  internal  malaise,  j 
which  occasions  it  to  stagger  and  fluctuate  be-  | 
tween  opposite  extremes.  Steadiness  of  pur-  j 
pose  and  energy  could  not  sanctify  a  bad  j 
cause,  but  they  might  serve  at  least  to  gild  its 
fall  with  what  the  world  calls  glory. 

Joachim  I.,  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  Al- 
bert's brother,  was  an  example  of  that  decision 
of  character  so  rare  in  our  own  times.  Im- 
movable in  his  principles,  decisive  in  action, 
knowing  when  needful  how  to  resist  the  en- 
croachments of  the  Pope,  he  opposed  an  iron 
hand  to  the  progress  of  the  Reformation.  Long 
before  this,  when  at  Worms,  he  had  urged 
that  Luther  should  be  refused  a  hearing,  and 
brought  to  punishment,  notwithstanding  the 
safe-conduct  with  which  he  was  furnished. 
Scarcely  was  the  edict  of  Worms  issued, 
when  he  directed  that  it  should  be  rigorously 
enforced  in  his  states.  Luther  could  appre- 
ciate so  decided  a  character,  and,  drawing  a 
distinction  in  favour  of  Joachim,  when,  speak- 
ing of  his  other  adversaries,  remarked,  "we 
may  still  pray  for  the  Elector  cf  Brandenburg.'"53 
This  disposition  inthe  prince  seemed  to  commu- 
nicate itself  to  his  people.  Berlin  and  Branden- 
burg long  continued  closed  to  the  reformed  doc- 
trines. But  that  which  isslowly  received  is  firm- 
ly held ;  whilst  countries,  which  then  hailed  the 
Gospel  with  joy,  as  Belgium  and  Westphalia, 
were  ere  long  seen  to  abandon  it.  Branden- 
burg,— which  was  the  latest  of  the  German 
states  to  enter  on  the  way  of  faith, — was  des- 
tined, at  a  later  period,  to  stand  foremost  in 
the  cause  of  the  Reformation.56 

Luther  was  not  without  suspicion  that  the 
Cardinal's  letter  was  dictated  by  some  insi- 
dious design  suggested  by  Capito.  He  re- 
turned no  answer;  he  declared  to  the  latter, 
that  so  long  as  the  Archbishop,  unequal  as  he 
was  to  the  care  of  a  petty  parish,  should  hold 
to  his  pretensions  as  Cardinal,  and  his  episco- 
pal state,  instead  of  discharging  the  humble 
duty  of  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  he  could  not 
be  in  the  way  of  salvation.57  Meanwhile,  and 
at  the  very  time  that  Luther  contended  against 
error,  as  if  he  were  still  in  the  thick  of  the 
conflict,  he  was  at  work  in  his  retirement  as 
though  regardless  of  all  that  was  happening 
outside  its  walls.  The  time  had  arrived  when 
the  Reformation  was  to  pass  from  the  closet 
of  divines  into  the  private  life  of  nations  ;  and, 
nevertheless,  the  great  engine  by  which  this 
advance  was  to  be  effected  was  not  yet  brought 
forth.  This  mighty  and  wonder-working  en- 
gine, from  whence  a  storm  of  missiles  was  to 
be  discharged  against  Rome,  battering  down 
its  walls, — this  engine,  which  was  to  upheave 
the  burden  under  which  the  Papacy  then 
held  down  the  almost  stifled  Church,  and  to 
communicate  to  mankind  an  impulse  which, 
ages  after,  would  still  be  felt,  was  ordained 
to  go  forth  from  the  old  castle  of  the  Wart- 
burg,  and  enter,  with  the  Reformer,  on  the 
world's  stage  on  the  same  day  that  closed  his 
captivity. 

The  further  the  Church  was  removed  from 
35 


the  days  in  which  Jesus,  its  true  light,  walked 
on  this  earth,  the  more  did  it  need  the  candle 
of  God's  word  to  transmit  to  after  times  the 
unclouded  knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ.  But 
that  Divine  Word  was  unknown  to  that  age. 
Some  fragments  of  translations  from  the  Vul- 
gate, made  in  1477,  1490,  and  1518,  had  been 
but  coldly  received,  and  were  almost  unin* 
telligible,  as  well  as,  from  their  high  price, 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  common  people.  The 
giving  the  Scriptures  to  the  Church  in  Ger- 
many in  the  vernacular  tongue,  had  even  been 
prohibited.53  Added  to  which,  the  number  of 
those  who  could  read,  became  considerable, 
only  when  there  existed  in  the  German  lan- 
guage a  book  of  strong  and  general  interest. 

Luther  was  ordained  to  present  his  nation 
with  the  written  word.  That  same  God  who 
had  relegated  St.  John  in  Patmos,  that  he 
might  there  write  what  he  had  seen,  had  shut 
up  Luther  in  the  Wartburg,  that  he  should 
there  translate  his  Word.  The  great  labour, 
which  it  would  have  been  difficult  for  him  to 
take  in  hand  in  the  distracting  occupations  of 
Wittemberg,  was  to  set  the  new  edifice  on 
the  solid  rock,  and,  after  the  lapse  of  so  many 
ages,  recall  Christians  from  scholastic  sub- 
tleties to  the  pure  and  unadulterated  fountains 
of  redemption  and  salvation.  The  wants  of 
the  Church  loudly  called  for  this  service,  and 
Luther's  deep  experience  had  fitted  him  to 
render  it.  In  truth,  he  had  found,  in  the  faith, 
that  rest  for  his  own  soul,  which  his  fluctu- 
ating conscience  and  monkish  prejudice  had 
so  long  sought  in  merits  and  holiness  of  his 
own.  °The  ordinary  teaching  of  the  Church, 
the  theology  of  the  schools  knew  nothing  of  the 
consolations  which  faith  gives:  but  the  Scrip- 
tures set  them  forth  powerfully, — and  it  was 
in  the  Scriptures  that  he  had  discovered  them. 
Faith  in  God's  word  had  given  him  liberty ! 
By  faith  he  felt  himself  freed  from  the  dog- 
matic authority  of  Church,  hierarchy,  tradi- 
tion, the  notions  of  the  schools,  the  power  of 
prejudice,  and  commandments  of  men !  These 
manifold  bonds  which  had  for  ages  chained 
down  and  silenced  all  Christendom,  were 
burst  asunder,  and  he  could  raise  his  head 
freed  from  all  authority  save  that  of  the  Word. 
This  independence  of  man, — this  subjection 
to  God,  which  he  had  learned  in  the  Holy 
Scriptures, — he  was  anxious  to  communicate 
to  the  Church.  But  for  this  purpose  it  was 
needful  that  he  should  give  to  it  God's  own 
Revelations.  There  was  a  necessity  that 
some  strong  hand  should  unclose  the  portals 
of  that  arsenal  whence  Luther  had  drawn  his 
weapons,  and  that  its  recesses,  which  had  for 
ages  been  unexplored,  should  be  laid  open  to 
all  Christian  people  against  the  day  of  trial. 

Luther  had,  before  this  time,  translated 
some  fragments  of  the  Holy  Scripture.  The 
seven  penitential  psalms*  had  first  occupied 
his  pen.  John  the  Baptist, — JESUS  CHRIST, — 
and  the  Reformation — alike  commenced  by 
calling  men  to  repentance.  It  is,  indeed,  the 
principle  of  every  regeneration  in  human  na- 


Ps.  6,  32,  38,  51,  102,  130,  147. 


268 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


ture.  These  earlier  essays  had  been  eagerly 
bought  up,  and  had  awakened  a  general  de- 
mand for  more  ;  and  the  desire  on  the  part  of 
the  people  was  by  Luther  regarded  as  a  call 
from  God.  He  resolves  to  meet  it.  He  was 
a  captive  enclosed  within  lofty  walls ;  but 
what  of  that!  he  would  devote  his  leisure  to 
render  the  Word  of  God  into  the  language  of 
his  nation.  Soon  shall  we  see  that  Word 
descending  with  him  from  the  Wartburg — 
circulating  among  the  families  of  Germany, 
and  enriching  them  with  spiritual  treasure, 
that  had  hitherto  been  shut  up  within  the 
hearts  of  a  few  pious  persons.  "  WTould  that 
that  book  alone,"  he  exclaimed,  "  were  in  all 
languages — before  the  eyes — in  the  ears — and 
in  the  hearts  of  all."59  Admirable  words, 
which  a  well-known  society*  engaged  in 
translating  the  Bible  into  the  vernacular  dia- 
lect of  every  nation  under  heaven,  has,  after 
a  lapse  of  three  centuries,  undertaken  to  re- 
alize. "  Scripture,"  says  he  again,  "  Scrip- 
ture 'without  comment'  is  the  sun  whence  all 
teachers  receive  their  light." 

Such  are  the  true  principles  of  Christianity 
and  of  the  Reformation.  Adopting  these 
memorable  words,  we  are  not  to  seek  light 
from  the  Fathers  to  interpret  Scripture, — but 
to  use  Scripture  to  interpret  the  writings  of 
the  Fathers.  The  Reformers,  as  also  the 
Apostles,  hold  forth  the  alone  word  of  God  as 
light,  whilst  they  exhalt  the  one  offering  of 
Christ  as  the  only  righteousness.  To  mingle 
commandments  of  men  with  this  supreme  au- 
thority of  God,  or  any  righteousness  of  man's 
own,  with  this  perfect  righteousness  of  Christ, 
is  to  corrupt  the  two  great  fundamental  truths 
of  the  Gospel.  Such  were  the  two  leading 
heresies  of  Rome :  and  the  doctrines  that  cer- 
tain teachers  would  introduce  into  the  bosom 
of  the  Reformation,  though  not  carried  to 
such  a  length,  have  the  same  tendencies. 

Luther,  taking  up  the  Greek  originals  of  the 
inspired  writers,  entered  on  the  difficult  task 
of  rendering  them  into  his  native  tongue.  Im- 
portant moment  in  the  history  of  the  Refor- 
mation !  thenceforth  it  was  no  longer  in  the 
hands  of  the  Reformer.  The  Bible  was 
brought  forward — and  Luther  held  a  secondary 
place.  God  showed  himself;  and  man  was 
seen  as  nothing.  The  Reformer  placed  the 
BOOK  in  the  hands  of  his  contemporaries  : 
thenceforward,  each  could  hear  God  speaking 
to  him, — and,  as  for  himself,  he  mingled  in 
the  crowd,  placing  himself  among  those  who 
came  to  dxaw  from  the  common  fountain  of 
light  and  life. 

In  translating  the  Holy  Scriptures,  Luther 
had  found  that  consolation  and  strength  which 
met  his  need.  Weak  in  body — solitary — de- 
pressed in  spirit  by  the  machinations  of  his 
enemies,  and  sometimes  by  the  indiscretions 
of  his  friends — and  sensible  that  his  life  was 
wasting  in  the  gloom  of  the  old  castle,  he 
had,  at  times,  to  pass  through  awful  strug- 
gles. In  those  days,  men  were  much  disposed 
to  carry  into  the  visible  world  the  conflicts 


*  The  Bible  Society. 


that  the  soul  sustains  with  its  spiritual  ene 
mies.  Luther's  vivid  imagination  easily  gave 
bodily  shape  to  the  emotions  of  his  soul,  and 
the  superstitions  of  the  middle  ages  had  still 
some  hold  upon  his  mind,  so  that  it  might  be 
said  of  him,  as  was  said  of  Calvin,  in  refer- 
ence to  his  judgment  in  regard  to  heretics, 
that  he  had  in  him  the  remains  of  Popery. 
To  Luther,  Satan  was  not  simply  an  invisi- 
ble, though  really  existing,  being ;  he  thought 
that  adversary  of  God  was  accustomed  to 
appear  in  bodily  form  to  man,  as  he  had  ap- 
peared to  Jesus  Christ.  Although  we  may 
more  than  doubt  the  authenticity  of  the  de- 
tails given  on  such  topics  in  his  Table  Talk 
and  elsewhere,*  history  must  yet  record  this 
weakness  in  the  Reformer.  Never  had  these 
gloomy  imaginations  such  power  over  him  as 
in  his  seclusion  in  the  Wartburg.  At  WTorms, 
when  in  the  days  of  his  strength,  he  had 
braved  the  power  of  the  devil, — but  now,  that 
strength  was  broken,  and  his  reputation  tar- 
nished. He  was  thrown  aside :  Satan  had 
his  turn — and  in  bitterness  of  soul,  Luther 
imagined  he  saw  him  rearing  before  him  his 
gigantic  form — lifting  his  finger  as  if  in 
threatening,  grinning  triumphantly,  and  grind- 
ing his  teeth  in  fearful  rage.  One  day,  in  par- 
ticular, as  it  is  reported,  whilst  Luther  was 
engaged  in  translating  the  New  Testament, 
he  thought  he  saw  Satan,  in  detestation  of  his 
work,  tormenting  and  vexing  him,  and  moving 
round  him  like  a  lion  ready  to  spring  upon  his 
prey.  Luther,  alarmed  and  aroused,  snatch- 
ing up  his  inkstand,  threw  it  at  the  head  of 
his  enemy.  The  apparition  vanished,  and  the 
ink-bottle  was  dashed  to  pieces  against  the 
wall.f 

His  stay  at  the  Wartburg  began  now  to  be 
insupportable  to  him.  He  was  indignant  at 
the  timidity  of  his  protectors.  Sometimes 
he  remained  all  day  lost  in  silent  and  deep 
meditation,  and,  awakening  from  it,  he  would 
utter  the  exclamation — "  Ah  !  would  I  were 
at  Wittemberg!"  At  length,  he  could  no 
longer  restrain  himself: — "  Enough,"  thought 
he,  "enough  of  policy."  He  must  again  see 
his  friends — hear  from  their  lips  how  things 
were  going  on,  and  talk  over  all  with  them. 
True,  he  risked  falling  into  the  power  of  his 
enemies;  but  nothing  could  deter  him.  To- 
ward the  end  of  November,  he  secretly  quitted 
the  Wartburg,  and  set  out  for  Wittemberg.63 

A  storm  had  just  then  burst  forth  against 
him.  The  Sorbonne  had  at  length  spoken 
out.  This  celebrated  school  of  Paris — next 
in  authority  in  the  Church  to  the  Pope  him- 
self— the  ancient  and  venerable  source  whence 
theological  teaching  had  gone  forth,  had  just 
issued  its  verdict  against  the  Reformation. 
The  following  were  among  the  propositions 
it  condemned T— Luther  had  said,  "  God  ever 
pardons  sin  freely,  and  requires  nothing  from 


*  M.  Michelet,  in  his  memoirs  of  Luther,  de- 
votes no  less  than  thirty  pages  to  the  various  ac- 
counts of  this  incident. 

t  The  keeper  of  the  Wartburg  regularly  points 
.t  to  travellers  the  mark  made  by  Luther's  ink- 


out 
stand. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


269 


us  in  return,  save  that  for  the  time  to  come  we 
live  according  to  righteousness."  He  had 
added — "The  most  mortal  of  all  mortal  sins 
is  this  :  to  wit,  that  a  man  should  think  that  he 
is  not  guilty  of  damnable  and  mortal  sin  in  the 
sight  of  God."  He  had  also  declared,  that 
the  practice  of  burning  heretics  was  contrary 
to  the  will  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  To  these  seve- 
ral propositions,  as  well  as  to  many  others 
which  it  quoted,  the  Faculty  of  Theology,  in 
Paris,  had  replied  by  the  word,  "  Heresy — let 
it  he  accursed."61 

But  there  was  a  youth,  a  stripling  of  twen- 
ty-four years  of  age,  of  diffident  and  retiring 
manners,  who  ventured  to  take  up  the  gaunt- 
let that  the  first  college  in  Europe  had  thrown 
down.  It  was  no  secret  at  Wittemberg,  what 
was  to  be  thought  of  those  lofty  censures: — 
it  was  known  that  Rome  had  allowed  free 
course  to  the  machinations  of  the  Dominicans, 
and  that  the  Sorbonne  had  been  misled  by  the 
influence  of  two  or  three  fanatical  teachers 
who  were  designated  in  Paris  by  satirical 
nicknames.62  Accordingly,  in  his  apology, 
Melancthon  did  not  confine  himself  to  defend- 
ing Luther,  but  with  the  fearlessness  which 
characterizes  his  writings,  he  carried  the  war 
into  his  adversaries'  camp.  "  You  say,  '  he 
is  a  Manichean' — 'he  is  a  Montanist:'  you 
call  for  fire  and  fagot  to  repress  his  madness. 
And  who,  I  pray  you,  is  Montanist  ?  Luther, 
who  would  have  men  believe  Scripture  only  ] 
or  yourselves,  who  would  claim  belief  for  the 
thoughts  of  men  rather  than  for  the  word  of 
God  r™ 

And  truly  the  attaching  more  importance  to 
man's  teaching  than  to  God's  word  was  in 
substance  the  heresy  of  Montanus,  as  it  is  the 
real  character  of  the  Pope,  and,  indeed,  of  all 
who  rank  church  authority  or  mystical  im- 
pulses above  the  plain  words  of  the  Sacred 
Writings.  Accordingly,  the  young  master  of 
arts,  who  had  been  heard  to  say — "  I  would 
rather  die  than  relinquish  the  faith  of  the  Gos- 
pel,"64 did  not  stop  there.  He  charged  the 
doctors  of  the  Sorbonne  with  having  darkened 
the  light  of  the  Gospel, — put  out  the  doctrine 
of  Faith, — and  substituted  a  vain  philosophy 
in  place  of  true  Christianity.65  The  publica- 
tion of  this  writing  of  Melancthon  changed  the 
position  of  the  parties.  He  proved  unanswera- 
bly that  the  heresy  was  in  Paris  and  in  Rome, 
and  the  Catholic  truth  at  Wittemberg. 

All  this  while,  Luther,  little  regarding  the 
censures  of  the  Sorbonne,  was  journeying  in 
his  disguise  as  a  knight  toward  the  university 
city.  Various  rumours  reached  him  in  his 
journey,  of  a  spirit  of  impatience  and  insubor- 
dination having  manifested  itself  among  cer- 
tain of  his  adherents.66  He  was  deeply  grieved 
at  it.67  At  last  he  arrived  at  Wittemberg  vvith- 
outhaving  been  recognised  on  the  road  thither, 
and  stopped  at  the  door  of  Amsdorff.  Imme- 
diately his  friends  were  secretly  called  to- 
gether. Among  the  first  was  Melancthon, 
who  had  so  often  said,  "I  would  rather  die 
than  be  separated  from  him."38  They  met. 
What  an  interview  !  what  joy  !  The  captive 
of  the  Wartburg,  surrounded  by  his  friends, 


1  enjoyed  the  sweets  of  Christian  friendship.  He 
learned  the  spread  of  the  Reformation, — the 
hopes  of  his  brethren, — and,  delighted  with 
what  he  saw  and  heard,  he  kneeled  down  and 
prayed,  gave  thanks,  and  then,  with  brief  de- 
lay, set  forth  and  returned  to  the  WTartburg.69 

His  joy  was  well  founded.  The  work  of 
the  Reformation  made,  just  then,  a  prodigious 
advance.  Feldkirchen,  ever  in  the  van,  had 
mounted  the  breach ;  the  whole  body  of  those 
who  held  the  new  doctrines  were  in  motion, 
and  the  energy  which  carried  the  Reforma- 
tion from  the  range  of  teaching  into  the  pub- 
lic worship,  to  private  life,  and  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  Church,  revealed  itself  by  another 
explosion — more  threatening  to  the  papal 
power  than  that  which  had  already  happened. 

Rome,  having  rid  herself  of  the  Reformer, 
thought  she  had  extinguished  the  new  heresy ; 
but  it  was  not  long  before  a  great  change  took 
place.  Death  removed  the  Pontiff  who  had 
put  Luther  under  ban.  Troubles  broke  out  in 
Spain,  and  compelled  Charles  V.  to  recross 
the  Pyrenees.  War  was  declared  between 
that  prince  and  Francis  the  First;  and  (as  if 
this  were  not  enough  to  engross  the  Empe- 
ror's attention)  Solyman  invaded  Hungary. 
Charles,  thus  attacked  on  all  sides,  found  him- 
self compelled  to  leave  unmolested  the  monk 
of  Worms  and  his  religious  novelties. 

It  was  about  this  time,  that  the  bark  of  the 
Reformed  Faith,  which,  driven  in  every  di- 
rection by  the  winds,  had  been  well  nigh 
swamped,  righted  itself,  and  rode  above  the 
waters. 

It  was  in  the  convent  of  the  Augustines,  at 
Wittemberg,  that  the  Reformation  showed 
itself.  We  cannot  wonder  at  this :  the  Re- 
former, it  is  true,  was  not  within  its  walls,  but 
no  human  power  could  expel  from  it  the  spirit 
that  had  animated  him. 

Strange  doctrines  had  for  some  time  been 
occasionally  heard  in  the  church  where  Lu- 
ther had  so  often  preached.  A  zealous  monk, 
who  filled  the  office  of  college  preacher,  loud- 
ly urged  on  his  hearers  the  necessity  of  a  Re- 
formation. As  if  Luther,  whose  name  was  on 
every  one's  lips,  had  reached  too  commanding 
an  elevation  and  esteem,  God  seemed  to  be 
making  choice  of  men  no  way  known  for  any 
strength  of  character  or  influence  to  bring  in 
the  Reformation,  for  which  the  renowned  doc- 
tor had  opened  a  way.  "  Christ,"  said  the 
preacher,  "  instituted  the  Sacrament  of  the 
Altar,  in  remembrance  of  his  death,  and  nf>t 
to  make  it  an  object  of  worship.  To  bow  down 
to  it  is  idolatry.  The  priest  who  communi- 
cates alone  or  in  private  is  guilty  of  a  sin.  No 
prior  has  the  right  to  require  a  monk  to  say 
mass  alone.  Let  one,  two,  or  three  officiate, 
and  all  the  rest  receive  the  Lord's  Sacrament 
under  both  kinds."70 

Such  was  the  change  called  for  by  the  monk 
Gabriel ;  and  his  bold  words  were  heard  witli 
approbation  by  his  brother  monks,  particularly 
those  who  came  from  the  Low  Countries.71  As 
disciples  of  the  Gospel,  why  should  they  not 
conform  in  everything  to  its  directions  ]  Had 
not  Luther  himself,  in  writing  to  Melanclhon, 


270 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


in  the  month  of  August,  remarked — "  Hence- 
forth, I  will  say  no  more  private  masses?"72 
Thus  the  friars,  the  very  soldiers  of  the  hier- 
archy, when  made  free  by  the  Word  of  God, 
boldly  took  part  against  Rome. 

In  Witternberg  they  encountered  an  unbend- 
ing resistance  from  the  Prior,  and  here  they 
yielded, — at  the  same  time  protesting  that  to 
support  the  mass  was  to  oppose  the  Gospel  of 
God. 

The  Prior  had  carried  the  day.  One  man's 
authority  had  prevailed  over  all  the  rest.  It 
might  have  been  thought  that  this  stir  among 
the  Augustines  was  but  a  capricious  act  of  in- 
subordination, such  as  was  often  occurring  in 
the  convents  ;  but  in  reality  the  Spirit  of  God 
itself  was  then  moving  Christian  hearts.  A 
single  voice  proceeding  from  the  seclusion  of 
a  monastery,  found  a  thousand  echoes ;  and 
that  which  men  would  have  confined  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  convent 
spread  beyond  its  walls,  and  began  to  show 
itself  in  the  heart  of  the  city. 

Rumours  of  the  differences  among  the 
monks  were  soon  circulated  in  the  town :  the 
burghers  and  students  sided  some  with,  and 
others  against  the  mass.  The  Elector's  court 
interposed.  Frederic,  in  some  surprise,  de- 
spatched his  Chancellor,  Pontanus,  to  Wit- 
temberg,  with  orders  to  reduce  the  monks  to 
obedience,  putting  them,  if  necessary,  upon 
bread  and  water;73  and  on  the  12th  October, 
a  deputation  of  Professors,  among  whom  was 
Melancthon,  repairing  to  the  convent,  exhort- 
ed the  monks  to  desist  from  all  innovations, 
or  at  least  to  wait  the  course  of  events.74  This 
did  but  rekindle  their  zeal ;  and  all,  with  ex- 
ception of  their  Prior,  being  of  one  mind  in 
their  faith,  they  appealed  to  Scripture,  to  the 
spiritual  discernment  of  believers,  and  to  the 
impartial  judgment  of  divines, — and  two  days 
after  handed  in  a  declaration  in  writing. 

The  Professors  proceeded  to  examine  the 
question  more  closely,  and  perceived  that  the 
monks  had  truth  on  their  side.  Having  come 
to  convince  others,  they  were  convinced  them- 
selves !  What  was  to  be  done  1  Conscience 
pleaded — their  perplexity  was  continually  in- 
creasing; and  at  last,  after  long  hesitation, 
they  came  to  a  courageous  decision. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  the  university  re- 
ported to  the  Elector,  after  setting  forth  the 
abuses  of  the  mass:  "  Let  your  Electoral 
Highness,"  said  they,  "  put  an  end  to  all  cor- 
ruptions; lest,  in  the  day  of  judgment,  Christ 
should  apply  to  us  the  rebukes  he  once  pro- 
nounced upon  Capernaum." 

Thus,  it  was  no  longer  a  handful  of  obscure 
monks  who  spoke, — it  was  the  university, 
accredited  by  the  most  judicious,  as  having, 
for  years  past,  been  the  great  school  of  na- 
tional instruction:  and  thus,  the  very  agency 
employed  to  quell  the  spirit  of  the  Reforma- 
tion was  about  to  diffuse  it  far  and  wide. 

Melancthon,  with  that  decision  which  he 
carried  into  learning,  put  forth  fifty-five  pro- 
positions calculated  to  enlighten  the  minds  of 
inquirers. 

"Just,"  said  he,  "  as  gazing  on  a  cross  is 


[no  good  work,  but  the  bare  contemplation  of 
a  sign  that  reminds  us  of  Christ's  death." 

"Just  as  to  behold  the  sun  is  not  to  do  any 
good  work,  but  merely  to  look  upon  that 
which  reminds  us  of  Christ  and  his  Gospel." 

"So,  to  partake  of  the  Lord's  Supper  is 
not  to  do  a  good  work,  but  merely  to  make 
use  of  a  sign  which  recalls  to  remembrance 
the  grace  bestowed  upon  us  through  Christ." 

"  But  here  is  the  difference;  namely,  that 
the  symbols  invented  by  men  do  only  remind 
us  of  what  they  signify — whilst  the  signs 
given  by  God,  not  merely  recall  the  things 
themselves,  but  assure  our  hearts  in  the  will 
of  God." 

"  As  the  sight  of  a  cross  does  not  justify, 
so  the  mass  cannot  justify." 

"  As  the  gazing  on  a  cross  is  no  sacrifice 
for  our  own  or  others'  sins,  just  so  the  mass 
is  no  sacrifice." 

"  There  is  but  one  sacrifice, — but  one  satis- 
faction,— Jesus  Christ.  Beside  him  there  is 
none  other." 

"  Let  such  bishops  as  do  not  withstand  the 
profanations  of  the  mass  be  anathema."75 

Thus  spake  the  pious  and  gentle-spiritedf 

The  Elector  was  astounded.  His  intention 
had  been  to  restore  order  among  a  few  refrac- 
tory friars,  and  lo!  the  entire  university,  with 
Melancthon  at  their  head,  stand  up  to  defend 
them.  To  wait  the  course  of  events,  was 
ordinarily,  in  his  view,  the  most  eligible 
course.  He  had  no  relish  for  abrupt  changes, 
and  it  was  his  wish  that  all  opinions  should 
be  left  to  work  their  own  way.  "  Time 
alone,"  thought  he,  "throws  light  upon  all 
things,  and  brings  all  to  maturity."  And 
yet  the  Reformation  was  advancing  in  spite 
of  all  his  caution  with  rapid  strides,  and 
threatened  to  carry  all  before  it.  Frederic 
made  indeed  some  efforts  to  arrest  it.  His 
authority, — the  influence  of  his  personal  cha- 
racter,— and  such  arguments  as  appeared  to 
him  most  conclusive,  were  all  called  into  ex- 
ercise: "Do  not  be  hasty,"  said  he,  to  the 
divines,  "  you  are  too  few  in  number  to  effect 
such  a  change.  If  it  is  well  founded  in  Scrip- 
ture, others  will  be  led  to  see  it,  and  you  will 
have  the  whole  Church  with  you  in  putting 
an  end  to  these  corruptions.  Speak  of  these 
things, — discuss  and  preach  them  as  much  as 
you  will,  but  keep  up  the  established  ser- 
vices." 

Such  was  the  war  waged  relative  to  the 
mass.  The  monks  had  boldly  mounted  to  the 
assault; — the  divines,  after  a  moment  of  in- 
decision, had  supported  them.  The  prince 
and  his  counsellors  alone  defended  the  citadel. 
It  has  been  said  that  the  Reformation  was 
brought  about  by  the  power  and  authority  of 
the  Elector;  but  so  far  from  this  being  the 
jase,  we  see  the  assailants  drawing  off  their 
forces,  in  deference  to  the  voice  of  the  revered 
Frederic,  and  the  mass,  for  a  while,  continu- 
ing to  hold  its  place. 

The  heat  of  battle  was  already  beginning 
to  rage  in  another  part  of  the  field.  The 
monk  Gabriel  did  not  relax  in  his  fervid  ap- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


271 


peals  from  the  pulpit  of  the  Augustines.  It 
was  against  the  condition  of  monkery  itself 
he  now  dealt  his  powerful  strokes;  and  if  the 
strength  of  Romish  doctrines  was  principally 
in  the  mass,  the  monastic  order  formed  the 
main  support  of  her  priestly  hierarchy.  Hence, 
these  two  posts  were  the  first  to  be  stormed. 

No  one,"  exclaimed  Gabriel,  according  to 
the  Prior's  report,  "  not  even  a  single  inmate 
a  convent,  keeps  God's  commandments." 

"No  one  who  wears  a  cowl  can  he  saved.76 
Whoso  enters  a  cloister  enters  into  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Devil.  Vows  of  chastity,  poverty, 
ind  obedience  to  a  superior,  are  contrary  to 
,he  spirit  of  the  Gospel." 

These  strange  expressions  were  reported  to 
he  Prior,  who  took  care  not  to  be  present  in 
;hurch  to  hear  them. 

"  Gabriel,"  said  his  informants,  "  Gabriel 
nsists  that  every  possible  means  should  be 
aken  to  clear  out  the  cloisters;  that  when  the 
riars  are  met  in  the  street,  they  should  be 
witched  by  the  cloak,  and  pointed  out  to  ridi- 
:ule;  and  that  if  that  does  not  rout  them  from 
heir  convent,  they  should  be  expelled  by 
nain  force.  He  cries,  '  Break  open  the  mo- 
lasteries,  destroy  them,  raze  them  to  their 
bundations,  that  no  trace  of  them  may  re- 
nain,  and  that  on  the  ground  they  cover  not 
»ne  stone  may  be  left  of  walls  that  have  shel- 
ered  such  sloth  and  superstition.'  "77 

The  friars  were  astonished;  their  consci- 
snces  whispered  that  the  charge  brought 
igainst  them  was  but  too  true; — that  the  life 
if  a  monk  was  not  agreeable  to  the  will  of 
jJod ; — and  that  no  man  could  have  a  claim 

0  their  implicit  and  unlimited  obedience. 

In  one  day,  thirteen  Augustine  monks 
[uitted  the  convent,  and  throwing  aside  the 
labit  of  their  order,  assumed  the  dress  of  the 
aity.  Such  of  them  as  had  the  advantage  of 
nstruction,  continued  their  course  of  study, 
n  the  hope  of  being  one  day  useful  to  the 
Church ;  and  such  as  had  profited  little  by 
tudy,  sought  a  livelihood  by  working  with 
heir  own  hands,  according  to  the  precept  of 
he  Apostle,  and  after  the  example  of  the 
vorthy  burghers  of  Wittemberg.78  One,  who 
lad  some  knowledge  of  carpentry,  applied  for 
he  freedom  of  the  city,  resolving  to  marry 
.nd  settle. 

.If  Luther's  entrance  into  the  convent  of  the 
lugustines  at  Erfurth  had  laid  the  seeds  of 
he  Reformation,  the  departure  of  the  thirteen 
nonks  from  the  convent  of  the  Augustines  of 
A'lttemberg  was  the  signal  of  its  taking 
•ossession  of  the  nations  of  Christendom, 
^or  a  period  of  thirty  years,  Erasmus  had 
;xposed  the  unprofitableness,  fatuity,  and  vices 
>f  the  friars ;  and  all  Europe  had  gone  with 
lim  in  his  ridicule  and  contempt.  Thirteen 
nen  of  resolute  character  returned  to  their 
place  in  society ; — and  there,  in  service  to 
Iheir  fellow  men,  sought  to  fulfil  God's  com- 
mandments. The  marriage  of  Feldkirchen 
was  one  of  humiliation  to  the  hierarchy ; —  ! 

1  he  emancipation  of  these  thirteen  Augustines 
followed  close  upon  it,  as  a  second.  Monkery, 
which  had  established  itself  in  the  day  when 


the  Church  entered  on  her  long  period  of 
bondage  and  error,  was  doomed  to  fall  when- 
ever the  time  came  which  should  restore 
liberty  and  truth. 

This  bold  step  occasioned  a  general  ferment 
in  Wittemberg.  All  marvelled  at  the  men 
who  thus  carne  forward  to  share  the  labours 
of  the  common  people,  and  welcomed  them 
as  brethren : — at  the  same  time,  cries  were 
heard  against  those  who  obstinately  clung  to 
their  indolent  seclusion  within  the  walls  of 
their  monastery.  The  monks,  who  adhered 
to  the  prior,  trembled  in  their  cells,  and  the 
prior  himself,  carried  away  by  the  general 
feeling,  suspended  the  performance  of  private 
masses. 

In  a  moment  so  critical,  the  least  concession 
necessarily  precipitated  the  course  of  events. 
The  order  issued  by  the  prior  caused  a  strong 
sensation  in  the  town  and  in  the  University, 
and  produced  an  unforeseen  explosion.  Among 
the  students  and  burghers  of  Wittemberg 
were  some  of  those  turbulent  spirits  whom 
the  least  excitement  inflames,  and  urges  to 
criminal  excesses.  These  men  were  indig- 
nant that  the  same  masses,  which  were  sus- 
pended by  the  devout  Prior,  should  still  be 
performed  in  the  parish  church ;  and  on  the 
3d  December,  as  mass  was  about  to  be  chant- 
ed, they  suddenly  made  their  way  to  the  altar, 
bore  off  the  books,  and  compelled  the  officiat- 
ing priests  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  The 
Council  and  the  University  assembled  to  take 
severe  measures  against  the  authors  of  these 
disturbances.  But  the  passions,  once  roused, 
are  not  easily  calmed.  The  Cordeliers  had 
taken  no  part  in  the  Reformation  that  had  be- 
gun to  show  itself  among  the  Augustines. 
Next  day  the  students  affixed  to  the  gates  of 
their  monastery  a  threatening  placard.  Soon 
after,  forty  of  their  number  forced  their  way 
into  the  chapel,  and  without  proceeding  to 
violence,  gave  such  free  expression  to  their 
ridicule,  that  the  monks  dared  not  to  pro- 
ceed with  the  mass.  In  the  evening,  notice 
came  advising  the  friars  to  be  on  their  guard. 
"The  students,"  it  was  said,  "have  planned 
to  break  into  the  monastery."  The  monks,  in 
alarm,  and  seeing  no  way  of  defence  against 
these  real  or  supposed  attacks,  sent  in  haste 
to  ask  protection  of  the  Council.  Soldiers 
were  placed  on  guard,  but  the  enemy  did  not 
make  his  appearance.  The  University  arrest- 
ed the  students  who  had  taken  part  in  these 
disturbances.  They  were  found  to  be  from 
Erfurth,  and  already  noted  for  their  insubordi- 
nation.79 The  penalty  annexed  to  their  offence 
by  the  laws  of  the  University  was  imposed 
upon  them. 

Nevertheless,  it  was  felt  that  a  necessity 
had  arisen  for  a  careful  examination  of  the 
lawfulness  of  monastic  vows.  A  chapter, 
composed  of  the  Augustine  monks  of  Thurin- 
gen  and  Misnia  assembled  at  Wittemberg  in 
December  following.  Luther's  judgment  was 
acquiesced  in.  They  declared,  on  the  one 
hand,  that  monastic  vows  were  not  sinful,  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  they  were  not  obliga- 
tory. "In  Christ,"  said  they,  "there  is  nei- 
2  A 


273 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


ther  layman  nor  monk, — each  one  is  free  to  [ 
leave  the  monastery  or  to  abide  in  it.  Let 
whoever  leaves  it,  beware  how  he  abuses  his 
liberty;  let  him  who  abides  in  it,  obey  his  su- 
periors,— but  with  the  obedience  of  love ;"  and 
they  proceeded  to  prohibit  mendicity,  and  the 
saying  masses  for  money:  they  also  determined 
that  the  more  instructed  monks  should  devote 
themselves  to  teaching  the  Word  of  God,  and 
that  the  rest  should  labour  with  their  own 
hands  for  the  support  of  their  brethren.* 

Thus  the  question  of  Vows  seemed  to  be 
settled,  but  that  of  the  Mass  was  still  unde- 
cided. The  Elector  continued  to  oppose  the 
stream,  and  to  defend  an  institution  which  he 
saw  still  standing  in  every  nation  where  Chris- 
tianity was  professed.  The  moderation  of 
this  mild  sovereign  could  not,  however,  for 
any  length  of  time,  hold  in  the  public  mind. 
Carlstadt,  above  all,  took  part  in  the  general 
ferment.  Zealous,  upright,  and  fearless; 
prompt,  like  Luther,  to  sacrifice  every  thing 
for  the  truth ;  he  had  not  the  Reformer's  wis- 
dom and  moderation:  he  was  not  free  from 
vanity,  and  with  a  disposition  that  led  him  to 
go  deeply  into  every  question,  he  yet  had  but 
little  power  of  judgment,  and  no  great  clear- 
ness of  ideas.  Luther  had  delivered  him  from 
the  teaching  of  the  schools,  and  had  led  him 
to  study  the  Scriptures ;  but  Carlstadt  had 
not  had  patience  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  the 
original  languages,  and  had  not,  as  his  friend 
had  done,  acknowledged  the  sufficiency  of 
God's  word.  Hence  he  was  often  taking  up 
with  singular  interpretations.  As  long  as 
Luther  was  at  his  side,  the  influence  of  the 
master  restrained  the  disciple  within  due 
bounds;  but  Carlstadt  was  freed  from  this 
wholesome  restraint.  In  the  university, — in 
the  chapel, — throughout  Wittemberg, — the 
little  tawny-complexioned  Carlstadt,  who  had 
never  excelled  in  eloquence,  gave  utterance  to 
thoughts,  at  times,  profound,  but  often  enthu- 
siastic and  exaggerated.  "  What  infatuated 
folly  !"  he  exclaimed,  "  for  men  to  think  that 
the  Reformation  must  be  left  to  God's  work- 
ing. A  new  order  of  things  is  opening.  The 
strength  of  man  must  be  brought  in,  and  wo  to 
him  who  shall  hold  back  instead  of  mounting 
the  breach  in  the  cause  of  the  mighty  God  !" 

The  Archdeacon's  speech  communicated 
his  own  impatience  to  his  auditory.  "  \Vhat- 
ever  the  Pope  has  set  up  is  impious,"  ex 
claimed  some  men  of  sincere  and  upright 
minds,  under  the  influence  of  his  harangues. 
"Let  us  not  make  ourselves  accomplices  in 
these  abominations  by  allowing  them  to  exist. 
That  which  God's  word  condemns  ought  to  be 
swept  from  the  face  of  Christendom,  without 
regarding  the  Commandments  of  men.  If  the 
heads  of  the  state  and  of  the  church  will  not 
do  their  duty,  let  us  at  least  do  ours.  Let  us 
leave  thinking  of  negotiation,  conferences, 
theses,  and  discussions,  and  let  us  apply  the 
true  remedy  to  so  many  evils.  We  want  a  se- 
cond Elijah  to  throw  down  the  altars  of  Baal !" 


•*  Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  456. — The  editors  assign  to 
this  decree  the  date  of  October,  before  the  monks 
had  forsaken  their  convent. 


The  restoration  of  the  Supper  of  the  Lord 
in  this  moment  of  ferment  and  enthusiastic 
excitement,  could  not,  doubtless,  wear  that 
character  of  solemnity  and  sacredness  which 
was  given  to  it  by  the  Son  of  God  in  his  in- 
stitution of  it "  the  night  that  he  was  betrayed." 
But  if  God  was  now  using  the  weakness  and 
passions  of  men,  it  was,  not  the  less,  His  own 
hand  which  was  engaged  in  re-establishing  in 
the  midst  of  His  church  the  feast  of  His  own 
love. 

As  early  as  the  October  previous,  Carlstadt 
had  privately  celebrated  the  Lord's  Supper, 
according  to  Christ's  appointment,  with 
twelve  of  his  friends.  On  the  Sunday  before 
Christmas  Day,  he  announced  from  the  pulpit 
that,  on  New  Year's  Day,  he  would  distribute 
the  elements  under  the  two  kinds,  bread  and 
wine,  to  all  who  should  come  to  the  altar; 
that  he  intended  to  omit  all  unnecessary  cere- 
monies, and  should  perform  the  service  with- 
out cope  or  chasuble.80 

The  Council,  in  perturbation,  requested  the 
counsellor  Bergen  to  interfere,  and  prevent  so 
disorderly  a  proceeding,  whereupon  Carlstadt 
resolved  not  to  wait  the  time  fixed.  On 
Christmas  Day,  1521,  he  preached,  in  the 
parochial  church,  on  the  duty  of  abandoning 
the  mass,  and  receiving  the  sacrament  under 
both  kinds.  The  sermon  being  ended,  he 
came  down,  took  his  place  at  the  altar,  and 
after  pronouncing,  in  German,  the  words  of 
institution,  said  solemnly,  turning  towards  the 
people, — "  If  any  one  feels  the  burden  of  his 
sins,  and  is  hungering  and  thirsting  for  the 
grace  of  God,  let  him  draw  near,  and  receive 
the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord."81  Then,  with- 
out elevating  the  host,  he  distributed  to  each 
one  the  bread  and  wine,  saying,  "  This  is  the 
cup  of  my  blood,  the  blood  of  the  new  and 
everlasting  covenant." 

Conflicting  feelings  reigned  in  the  assembly. 
Some,  in  the  sense  that  a  further  grace  of  God 
was  given  to  the  Church,  drew  near  the  altar 
in  silent  emotion.  Others,  attracted  princi- 
pally by  the  novelty  of  the  occasion,  approach- 
ed in  some  confusion,  and  with  a  kind  of  im- 
patience. Not  more  than  five  communicants 
had  presented  themselves  in  the  confessional ; 
the  rest  took  part  only  in  the  public  confession 
of  sins.  Carlstadt  gave  to  all  the  general 
absolution,  laying  upon  them  no  other  penance 
than  this,  "Sin  no  more."  In  conclusion,  the 
communicants  sang  the  Agnus  Dei.32 

Carlstadt  met  with  no  opposition.  The 
changes  we  are  narrating  had  already  ob- 
tained general  concurrence.  The  Archdeacon 
administered  the  Lord's  Supper  again  on  New 
Year's  day,  and  also  on  the  Sunday  following, 
and  from  that  time  the  regular  observance  of 
it  was  kept  up.  Einsidel,  one  of  the  Elector's 
council,  having  rebuked  Carlstadt  for  seeking 
his  own  exaltation,  rather  than  the  salvation 
of  his  hearers — "Noble  Sir,"  answered  he, 
"  I  would  meet  death  in  any  form  rather  than 
desist  from  following  the  Scripture.  The 
word  has  come  to  me  so  quick  and  powerful . . . 
wo  is  me  if  I  do  not  preach."83  Soon  after  this, 
Carlstadt  married. 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


273 


In  the  month  of  January,  the  town-council 
of  Wittemberg  issued  regulations  for  the  cele- 
oration  of  the  Supper  according  to  the  amend- 
ed ritual.  Steps  were  also  taken  to  restore 
the  influence  of  religion  upon  public  morals; 
for  it  was  the  office  of  the  Reformation  to 
re-establish,  simultaneously,  faith,  Christian 
worship,  and  general  morality.  It  was  decreed 
that  public  beggars  should  be  no  longer  tole- 
rated, whether  friars  or  others;  and  that  in 
each  street  some  man,  well  reported  of  for 
piety,  should  be  commissioned  to  take  care  of 
the  poor,  and  to  summon  before  the  University 
or  Council  such  as  were  guilty  of  disorders.84 
So  fell  that  grand  bulwark  of  Romish  do- 
minion, the  Mass.  Thus  it  was  that  the  Re- 
formation passed  beyond  the  sphere  of  teach- 
ing, into  that  of  public  worship.  For  three 
centuries  the  mass  and  the  doctrine  of  transub- 
stantiation  had  been  regularly  established.* 
Throughout  that  long  period,  all  things  within 
the  Church  had  a  new  tendency  impressed 
upon  them,  and  every  thing  conspired  to  favour 
the  pride  of  man  and  the  honour  paid  to  the 
priest.  The  holy  sacrament  had  been  adored; 
regular  festivals  had  been  instituted  in  honour 
of  the  most  stupendous  of  miracles;  the  wor- 
ship of  Mary  had  risen  high  in  the  scale  of 
public  estimation;  the  priest,  who,  in  the 
consecration  of  the  elements,  was  supposed 
to  receive  mysterious  power  to  change  them 
into  the  very  body  of  Christ,  had  been  sepa- 
rated from  the  class  of  laity,  and,  to  use  the 
words  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  had  become  a 
"mediator  between  God  and  man;"85 celibacy 
had  been  proclaimed  as  an  inviolable  law; 
auricular  confession  was  enforced  upon  the 
people,  and  the  cup  of  blessing  denied  them ; 
for  how,  indeed,  should  common  people  be 
ranged  on  the  same  line  with  priests,  honoured 
with  the  most  solemn  of  all  ministrations. 
The  Mass  cast  reproach  upon  the  Son  of  God ; 
it  was  opposed  to  the  perfect  remission  through 
his  cross,  and  the  spotless  glory  of  his  ever- 
lasting kingdom:  but,  whilst  it  disparaged 
the  glory  of  the  Lord,  it  exalted  the  priest, 
whom  it  invested  with  the  inconceivable  power 
of  reproducing,  in  hand,  and  at  will,  the  So- 
vereign Creator  of  all  things!86  Thenceforward 
the  Church  seemed  to  exist — not  to  preach  the 
Gospel,  but  only  to  reproduce  Christ  in  the 
flesh  !  The  Roman  Pontiff,  whose  obedient 
vassals,  at  their  pleasure,  created  the  body  of 
God  himself,  took  his  seat  as  God,  in  the  tem- 
ple of  God,  and  asserted  his  claim  to  a  spirit- 
ual treasury,  from  whence  to  draw  forth  at 
will  indulgences  for  the  pardon  of  men's 
sins. 

Such  were  the  gross  errors  which,  for  a 
period  of  three  centuries,  had  established 
themselves  in  the  Church  in  connection  with 
the  mass.  The  Reformation,  by  abolishing 
this  thing  of  man's  setting  up,  swept  away  all 
the  abuses  blended  with  it.  The  proceeding 
of  the  Archdeacon  was  therefore  full  of  im- 
portant results.  The  costly  shows  that  amused 
the  people,  the  worship  of  the  Virgin,  the  pride 


By  the  Council  of  Lateran,  in  1215. 


of  the  clergy,  and  the  papal  authority,  were 
all  shaken.  The  glory  was  withdrawn  from, 
the  priests,  and  returned  to  rest  on  JESUS,  and 
the  Reformation  advanced  a  step  farther. 

Nevertheless,  prejudiced  observers  might 
have  seen  nothing  in  all  that  was  going  on, 
but  what  might  be  deemed  the  effect  of  pass- 
ing enthusiasm.  Facts  were  needed,  that 
should  give  proof  of  the  contrary,  and  demon- 
strate that  there  was  a  deep  and  broad  distinc- 
tion between  a  Reformation  based  on  God's 
word  and  any  mere  fanatical  excitement. 

Whenever  a  great  ferment  is  working  in 
the  Church,  some  impure  elements  are  sure 
to  mingle  with  the  testimony  given  to  truth ; 
and  some  one  or  more  pretended  reforms  arise 
out  of  man's  imagination,  and  serve  as  evi- 
dences or  countersigns  of  some  real  reforma- 
tion in  progress.  Thus,  many  false  Messiahs, 
in  the  first  century  of  the  Church,  were  an 
evidence  that  the  true  Messiah  had  already 
come.  The  Reformation  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury could  not  run  its  course  without  present- 
ing the  like  phenomenon,  and  it  was  first  ex- 
hibited in  the  little  village  of  Zwickau. 

There  were  dwelling  at  Zwickau  a  few  men, 
who,  being  deeply  moved  by  the  events  pass- 
ing around  them,  looked  for  special  and  direct 
revelations  from  the  Deity,  instead  of  desiring, 
in  meekness  and  simplicity,  the  sanctification 
of  their  affections.  These  persons  asserted 
that  they  were  commissioned  to  complete  that 
Reformation  which,  in  their  view,  Luther  had 
but  feebly  begun.  "  What  is  the  use,"  asked 
they,  **  of  such  application  to  the  Bible  ?  No- 
thing is  heard  of  but  the  BIBLE.  Can  the 
Bible  preach  to  us  ?  Can  it  suffice  for  our 
instruction "?  If  God  had  intended  to  instruct 
us  by  a  book,  would  he  not  have  given  us  a 
Bible  direct  from  heaven1?  It  is  only  the 
SPIRIT  that  can  enlighten!  God  himself 
speaks  to  us,  and  shows  us  what  to  do  and 
say."  Thus  did  these  fanatics,  playing  into 
the  hands  of  Rome,  impugn  the  fundamental 
principle  on  which  the  whole  Reformation  is 
based :  namely,  the  perfect  sufficiency  of  the 
word  of  God. 

Nicolas  Storch,  a  weaver,  publicly  declared 
that  the  angel  Gabriel  had  appeared  to  him 
by  night,  and  after  revealing  to  him  matters 
he  was  not  allowed  to  divulge,  had  uttered  the 
words,  "Thou  shall  sit  on  my  throne!"87  A 
senior  student  of  Wittemberg,  named  Mark 
Stubner,  joined  Storch,  and  forthwith  aban- 
doned his  studies ;  for,  according  to  his  own 
statement,  he  had  received  immediately  from 
God  the  ability  to  interpret  Holy  Scripture. 
Mark  Thomas,  also  a  weaver,  associated  him- 
self with  them ;  and  another  of  the  initiated,  by 
name  Thomas  Munzer,  a  man  of  fanatical  turn 
of  mind,  gave  to  the  new  sect  a  regular  organ- 
ization. Resolving  to  act  according  to  the 
example  of  Christ,  Storch  chose  from  among 
his  followers  twelve  apostles  and  seventy  dis- 
ciples. All  these  loudly  proclaimed,  as  we 
have  lately  heard  it  asserted  by  a  sect  of  our 
own  days,  that  Apostles  and  Prophets  wero 
at  last  restored  to  the  Church.88 

Ere  long,  the  new  prophets,  in  accordance 


274 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


with  this  plan  of  adhering  to  the  example  of  I  Himself;  we  have  the  knowledge  of  things 


those  of  holy  writ,  began  to  declare  their  mis 
sion.  "Wo,  wo '."they  exclaimed;  "a  church 
under  human  governors,  corrupted  like  the 
bishops,  cannot  be  the  church  of  Christ.    The 
ungodly  rulers  of  Christendom  will  soon  be 
cast  down.     In  five,  six,  or  seven  years,  a 
time  of  universal  desolation  will  come  upon 
the  earth.     The  Turk  will  get  possession  o 
Germany;    the  clergy,   not  even   excepting 
those  who  have  married,  shall  be  slain.    The 
ungodly  sinners  shall  all  be  destroyed;  am 
when  the  earth  shall  have  been  purified  b] 
blood,  supreme  power  shall  be  given  to  Storch 
to  install  the  saints  in  the  government  of  the 
earth.89  Then  shall  there  be  one  Faith  and  on< 
Baptism.    The  day  of  the  Lord  draweth  niah 
and  the  end  of  all  things  is  at  hand.     Wo 
wo  !  wo  !"     Then  publicly  declaring  that  in 
fant  baptism  was  of  no  avail,  the  new  prophets 
called  upon  all  to  draw  near,  and  receive  a 
their  hands  a  true  baptism,  in  token  of  thei 
entrance  into  the  new  Church  of  God. 

Such  preaching  made  a  deep  impression  on 
the  popular  mind.  Not  a  few  devout  persons 
were  startled  by  the  thought  that  prophets 
were  again  given  to  the  Church,  and  those  on 
whom  the  love  of  the  marvellous  had  mos 
power,  threw  themselves  into  the  open  arms 
of  the  eccentric  preachers  of  Zwickau. 

But  scarcely  had  this  heresy,  which  had 
shown  itself  of  old  in  the  days  of  Montanism, 
and  again  in  the  middle  ages,  drawn  together 
a  handful  of  separatists,  when  it  encountered 
in  the  Reformation  a  strong  opposing  power. 
Nicolas  Haussman,  to  whom  Luther  gave  that 
noble  testimony — "  What  we 
was  at  this  time  the  pastor  of  Zwickau.  This 
good  man  was  not  led  away  by  the  pretensions 
of  the  false  prophets.  Supported  by  his  two 
deacons,  he  successfully  resisted  the  innova- 
tions Storch  and  his  followers  were  seeking  to 
introduce.  The  fanatics,  repelled  by  the  pas- 
tors of  the  church,  fell  into  another  extrava- 
gance :  they  formed  meetings  in  which  doc- 
trines subversive  of  order  were  publicly 
preached.  The  people  caught  the  infection, 
and  disturbances  were  the  consequence;  a 
priest,  bearing  the  sacrament,  was  pelted  with 
stones,91  and  the  civil  authority  interfering  com- 
mitted the  most  violent  of  the  party  to  prison.92 
Indignant  at  this  treatment,  and  intent  upon 
justifying  themselves  and  obtaining  redress, 
Storch,  Mark  Thomas,  and  Stubner,  repaired 
to  Witternberg.93 

They  arrived  on  the  27th  December,  1521. 
Storch,  leading  the  way  with  the  port  and 
bearing  of  a  Lanzkneclit,  and  Mark  Thomas 
and  Stubner  following  behind.94  The  disorder 
that  reigned  in  Wittemberg  was  favourable  to 
their  designs.  The  youth  of  the  academies, 
and  the  class  of  citizens  already  roused  and 
excited,  were  well  prepared  to  give  ear  to  the 
new  teachers. 

Making  sure  of  co-operation,  they  waited 
upon  the  University  Professors,  to  receive 
their  sanction :  "We,"  said  they,  "  are  sent 
by  God  to  teach  the  people.  The  Lord  has 
favoured  us  with  special  communications  from 


which  are  coming  upon  the  earth.95  In  a  word, 
we  are  Apostles  and  Prophets,  and  we  appeal, 
for  the  truth  of  what  we  say,  to  Doctor  Lu- 
ther." The  Professors  were  amazed. 

"  Who  commissioned  you  to  preach  ?"  en- 
quired Melancthon  of  Stubner,  who  had  for- 
merly studied  under  him,  and  whom  he  now 
received  at  his  table — "  The  Lord  our  God." 
— "  Have  you  committed  anything  to  writ- 
ing1?— "The  Lord  our  God  has  forbidden  me 
to  do  so."  Melancthon  drew  back,  alarmed 
and  astonished. 

"  There  are  indeed  spirits  of  no  ordinary 
kind  in  these  men,"  said  he;  "but  what 
spirits  ?  .  .  .  none  but  Luther  can  solve  the 
doubt.  On  the  one  hand  let  us  beware  of 
quenching  the  Spirit  of  God,  and  on  the  other, 
of  being  seduced  by  the  spirit  of  the  devil." 

Storch,  who  was  of  a  restless  disposition, 
soon  left  Wittemberg;  Stubner  remained  be- 
hind. Actuated  by  an  ardent  desire  to  make 
proselytes,  he  went  from  house  to  house,  con- 
versing with  one  and  another,  and  persuading 
many  to  acknowledge  him  as  a  prophet  of 
God.  He  especially  attached  himself  to  Cel- 
larius,  a  Suabian,  a  "friend  of  Melancthon,  and 
master  of  a  school  attended  by  a  considerable 
number  of  young  persons.  Cellarius  admitted, 
with  blind  confidence,  the  claims  of  the  new 
Apostles. 

Melancthon's  perplexity  and  uneasiness 
continued  to  increase.  It  was  not  so  much 
the  visions  of  the  prophets  of  Zwickau,  as 
their  doctrine  concerning  Baptism  that  dis- 
turbed him.  To  him  it  seemed  agreeable  to 
reason, — and  he  thought  it  deserved  to  be  ex- 
amined into, — "  for,"  observed  he,  "  nothing 
should  be  lightly  received  or  rejected."96 

Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  Reformation.  In 
this  hesitation  and  struggle  of  Melancthon, 
we  have  an  evidence  of  his  uprightness,  which 
does  him  more  honour  than  a  determined  op- 
position could  have  done. 

The  Elector  himself,  whom  Melancthon 
termed  the  light  of  Israel,"  had  his  doubts.97 

Prophets  and  Apostles  in  the  electorate  of 
Saxony,  as  of  old  time  in  Jerusalem  !  It  is  a 
solemn  question,"  said  he,  "  and  as  a  layman, 
[  cannot  decide  it.  But  rather  than  fight  against 
Sod,  1  would  take  to  my  staff,  and  descend 
Tom  my  throne !" 

On  reflection,  he  intimated  by  his  counsel- 
ors, that  Wittemberg  had  quite  sufficient 
rouble  in  hand  :  that  it  was  most  likely  the 
;laims  of  the  men  of  Zwickau  were  a  tempta- 
ion  of  the  devil,  and  that  the  wisest  course 
ippeared  to  be  to  allow  the  whole  matter  to 
settle  down, — that  nevertheless  whenever  his 
Highness  should  clearly  perceive  what  was 
*od's  will,  he  would  not  confer  with  flesh  and 
dood,  but  was  ready  to  endure  every  thing  in 
he  cause  of  truth.98 

Luther  received  in  the  Wartburg  intelli- 
gence of  the  ferment  at  the  court  of  Wittem- 
erg.  His  informants  apprized  him  of 
trange  persons  having  made  their  appear- 
nce,  and  that,  as  to  their  message,  it  was 
ot  known  from  whence  it  came.  The 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


275 


thought  instantly  occurred  to  him,  that  God 
had  permitted  these  deplorable  events  in  order 
to  humble  his  servants,  and  to  rouse  them  to 
seek  higher  degrees  of  sanctification.  "  Your 
Highness,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  the  Elector, 
"your  Highness  for  many  a  year  collect- 
ed reliques  far  and  wide ;  God  has  heard 
your  prayers,  and  sent  you,  at  no  cost  or  trou- 
ble of  your  own,  a  whole  cross,  with  nails, 
spears  and  scourges.  God  prosper  the  newly 
acquired  relic.  Only  let  your  Highness  spread 
out  your  arms,  and  endure  the  piercing  of  the 
nails  in  your  flesh.  I  always  expected  that 
Satan  would  send  us  this  plague." 

Nevertheless,  there  was  nothing,  according 
to  his  judgment,  more  urgent  than  to  secure 
to  others  the  liberty  he  claimed  for  himself. 
He  would  have  no  divers  weights  or  measures  : 
"  Pray,  let  them  alone ;  don't  imprison  them," 
wrote  he  to  Spalatin  ;  "  let  not  our  prince  em- 
brue  his  hands  in  the  blood  of  the  prophets 
that  have  risen  up."99  Luther  was  far  beyond 
the  age  in  which  he  lived,  and  even  beyond 
many  of  the  Reformers  in  the  matter  of  tolera- 
tion. 

Affairs  were  daily  growing  more  serious  in 
Wittemberg.100 

Carlstadt  did  not  receive  many  things  taught 
by  the  new  teachers,  and  especially  their 
anabaptist  doctrine ;  but  there  is  something 
contagious  in  religious  enthusiasm,  which  a 
head  like  his  could  with  difficulty  withstand. 
From  the  time  the  men  of  Zwickau  arrived  in 
Wittemberg,  Carlstadt  had  accelerated  his 
movements  in  the  direction  of  violent  changes  : 
"  It  is  become  necessary,"  cried  he,  "  that  we 
should  exterminate  all  the  ungodly  practices 
around  us.101  He  brought  forward  all  the  texts 
against  image  worship,  and  with  increased 
vehemence  declaimed  against  Romish  idolatry 
— "People  kneel,"  said  he,  "and  crawl  be- 
fore those  idols;  burn  tapers  before  their 
shrines,  and  make  offerings  to  them.  Let  us 
arise,  and  drag  the  worshippers  from  their  al- 
tars!" 

Such  appeals  were  not  lost  upon  the  popu- 
lace. They  broke  into  churches,  carried  off 
the  images,  breaking  them  in  pieces,  and 
burning  them.102  Better  would  it  have  been  to 
have  awaited  their  abolition  by  authority  ;  but 
the  cautious  advances  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Reformation  were  thought  to  compromise  its 
security. 

It  was  not  long  before  one  who  listened  to 
these  enthusiasts  might  have  thought  there 
were  no  real  Christians  in  all  Wittemberg, 
save  only  those  who  refused  to  come  to  con- 
fession, persecuted  the  priests,  and  ate  meat 
on  fast  days.  The  bare  suspicion  that  he 
did  not  reject,  one  and  all,  the  ceremonies  of 
the  Church,  as  inventions  of  the  devil,  was 
enough  to  subject  a  man  to  the  charge  of  be- 
ing a  worshipper  of  Baal.  "  We  must  form 
a  church,"  they  exclaimed,  "that  shall  con- 
sist of  the  Saints  alone !" 

The  burghers  of  Wittemberg  presented  to 
the  Council  certain  regulations  which  it  was 
compelled  to  sanction.  Several  of  these  regu- 
lations were  conformable  to  Christian  morals. 
36 


The  closing  of  places  of  amusement  was  par- 
ticularly insisted  upon. 

But  soon  after  this,  Carlstadt  went  still 
greater  lengths ;  he  began  to  pour  contempt 
upon  human  learning  ;  and  the  students  heard 
their  aged  tutor  advising  them,  from  his  ros- 
trum, to  return  to  their  homes,  and  resume  the 
spade,  or  follow  the  plough,  and  cultivate  the 
earth,  because  man  was  to  eat  bread  in  the 
sweat  of  his  brow  !  George  Mohr,  master  of 
the  boys'  school  of  Wittemberg,  carried  away 
by  a  similar  madness,  called  from  his  win- 
dow to  the  burghers  outside  to  come  and  re- 
move their  children.  Where,  indeed,  was  the 
use  of  their  pursuing  their  studies,  since  Storch 
and  Stubner  had  never  been  at  the  University, 
and  yet  were  prophets?  A  mechanic  was 
just  as  well,  nay  perhaps  better,  qualified  than 
all  the  divines  in  the  world  to  preach  the 
Gospel  ! 

Thus  it  was  that  doctrines  were  put  forth 
directly  opposed  to  the  Reformation.  The  re- 
vival of  letters  had  opened  a  way  for  the  re- 
formed opinions.  Furnished  with  theological 
learning,  Luther  had  joined  issue  with  Rome  ; 
— and  the  Wittemberg  enthusiasts,  similar  to 
those  fanatical  monks  exposed  by  Erasmus  and 
Reuchlin,  pretended  to  trample  under  foot  all 
human  learning!  Only  let  Vandalism  once 
establish  its  sway,  and  the  hopes  of  the  world 
were  gone;  and  another  irruption  of  barba- 
rians would  quench  the  light  which  God  had 
kindled  among  Christian  people. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  results  of  these 
strange  lessons  began  to  show  themselves. 
Men's  minds  were  diverted  from  the  Gospel, 
or  prejudiced  against  it :  the  school  was  al- 
most broken  up,  the  demoralized  students 
burst  the  bands  of  discipline,  and  the  states 
of  Germany  recalled  such  as  belonged  to  their 
several  jurisdictions.103  Thus  the  men  who 
aimed  at  reforming  and  infusing  new  vigour 
into  every  thing  had  brought  all  to  the  brink 
of  ruin.  "One  more  effort,"  thought  the 
partisans  of  Rome,who,  on  all  sides  were  again 
lifting  their  heads,  "  and  all  will  be  ours !" 

The  prompt  repression  of  these  fanatical 
excesses  was  the  only  means  of  saving  the 
Reformation.  But  who  should  undertake  the 
task  ?  Melancthon?  He  was  too  young,  too 
deficient  in  firmness,  too  much  perplexed  by 
this  strange  conjuncture  of  circumstances. 
The  elector?  He  was  the  most  pacific  man 
of  his  age.  To  build  his  castles  of  Alten- 
burg,  Weimar,  Lochau,  and  Coburg,  to  adorn 
the  churches  with  fine  pictures  by  Lucas  Cra- 
nach,  to  improve  the  chantings  in  his  cha- 
pels, to  advance  the  prosperity  of  his  uni- 
versity, and  promote  the  happiness  of  his  sub- 
jects ;  to  stop  in  his  walks  and  distribute 
little  presents  to  playful  children, — such  were 
the  tranquil  occupations  of  his  life  ;  and  now, 
in  his  declining  years,  to  engage  in  conflict 
with  fanatics,  and  oppose  violence  to  violence, 
how  could  the  gracious  and  pious  Frederic 
take  such  a  step  1 

The  evil,  therefore,  was  gaining  ground, 
and  no  one  stept  forward  to  arrest  its  progress. 
Luther  was  absent  far  from  Wittemberor.  Con- 


276 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


fusion  and  ruin  impended  over  the  city.  The 
Reformation  beheld,  proceeding,  as  it  were, 
from  its  own  bosom,  an  enemy  more  to  be 
dreaded  than  Popes  and  Emperors.  It  was  as 
if  on  the  brink  of  an  abyss. 

"Luther!  Luther !"  was  the  cry  from  one 
end  of  Wittemberg  to  the  other.  The  burgh- 
ers were  clamorous  for  his  reappearance.  Di- 
vines felt  their  need  of  the  benefit  of  his  judg- 
ment; even  the  prophets  appealed  to  him. 
All -united  in  entreating  him  to  return.105 

We  may  guess  what  was  passing  in  the 
Reformer's  mind.  The  harsh  usage  of  Rome 
seemed  nothing  when  compared  with  what 
now  wrung  his  heart.  It  is  from  the  very 
midst  of  the  Reformation  that  its  enemies  have 
gone  forth.  It  is  preying  upon  its  own  vitals ; 
and  that  teaching,  which,  by  its  power,  had 
sufficed  to  restore  peace  to  his  troubled  heart, 
he  beholds  perverted  into  an  occasion  of  fatal 
dissensions  in  the  Church. 

"  If  I  knew,"  said  Luther,  at  an  earlier  pe- 
riod, "  that  my  doctrine  had  injured  one  human 
being,  however  poor  and  unknown, — which  it 
could  not,  for  it  is  the  very  Gospel, — I  would 
rather  face  death  ten  times  over  than  not  re- 
tract it.106  And  lo !  now,  a  whole  city,  and  that 
city  Wittemberg  itself,  is  sinking  fast  into  li- 
centiousness." True,  indeed,  the  doctrine  he 
had  taught  had  not  been  the  cause  of  all  this 
evil ;  but  from  every  quarter  of  Germany 
voices  were  heard  that  accused  him  as  the 
author  of  it.  Some  of  the  bitterest  feelings 
he  had  ever  known  oppressed  his  spirit  at  this 
juncture,  and  his  trial  was  of  a  different  kind. 
Was  this  then,  he  asked  himself,  to  be  the 
issue  of  the  great  work  of  Reformation  1  Im- 
possible !  he  utterly  rejected  the  doubts  that 
presented  themselves.  God  has  begtm  the 
work — God  will  fulfil  it.  «« I  prostrate  my- 
self in  deep  abasement  before  the  Eternal," 
said  he,  "and  I  implore  of  Him  that  His 
name  may  rest  upon  this  work,  and  that  if 
any  thing  impure  has  mingled  in  the  doing  of 
it,  He  will  remember  that  I  am  but  a  sinful 
man."107 

The  letters  written  to  Luther,  conveying 
reports  of  the  inspiration  of  the  pretended 
prophets  and  their  exalted  communion  with 
the  Lord,  did  not  occasion  a  moment's  hesita- 
tion. He  well  knew  the  deep  struggles  and 
prostrations  of  the  spiritual  life ;  at  Erfurth 
and  at  Wittemberg,  he  had  had  experience  of 
the  mighty  power  of  God,  which  rendered  him 
but  little  disposed  to  credit  the  statement  that 
God  had  appeared  visibly  and  discoursed  with 
his  creature. 

"  Ask  them,"  said  he,  in  writing  to  Me- 
lancthon,  "if  they  have  known  those  spiritual 
heavings,  those  pangs  of  God's  new  creation, 
those  deaths  and  hells  which  accompany  a 
real  regeneration.108  And  if  they  speak  only 
cf  soft  and  tranquil  impressions,  piety,  and 
devotion  as  they  phrase  it,  don't  believe  them ; 
not  even  though  they  should  assert  that  they 
have  been  caught  up  into  the  third  heaven !  In 
order  that  Christ  should  enter  into  his  glory, 
it  behoved  him  to  pass  through  the  suffering 
of  death  :  thus  the  believer  must  pass  through 


the  tribulation  of  his  sin  before  he  enters  into 
his  Peace.  Would  you  learn  when,  where, 
and  how,  God  speaks  to  men  1  Listen  to  the 
word.  *  As  a  lion  He  has  broken  all  my  bones, 
— I  am  cast  out  from  before  His  face,  and  my  life 
is  brought  down  to  the  gales  of  death.1  No,  no, 
the  Divine  Majesty  (as  they  term  Him)  does 
not  speak  face  to  face  with  man,  for  '  no  man? 
says  He,  *  can  see  my  face  and  live.' " 

But  his  firm  conviction  that  the  prophets 
were  under  a  delusion  did  but  aggravate  Lu- 
ther's grief.  The  solemn  truth  of  Salvation 
by  Grace  seemed  to  have  quickly  lost  its  at- 
traction, and  men  were  turning  aside  after  fa- 
bles. He  began  to  understand  that  the  work 
was  not  so  easy  as  he  had  once  fondly  thought. 
He  stumbled  at  this  first  stone  placed  in  his 
path  by  the  fickleness  of  the  human  heart. 
Grief  and  anxiety  weighed  heavily  on  his  spi- 
rit. He  desired,  though  at  the  hazard  of  his 
life,  to  remove  the  stumbling-block  out  of  the 
way  of  the  people,  and  he  resolved  to  return 
to  Wittemberg. 

It  was  a  moment  of  considerable  danger. 
The  enemies  of  the  Reformation  thought 
themselves  on  the  very  eve  of  destroying  it. 
George  of  Saxony,  who  would  neither  con- 
nect himself  with  Rome  nor  with  Wittem- 
berg, had  written,  as  early  as  the  15th  Octo- 
ber, 1521,  to  Duke  John,  the  Elector's  brother, 
to  induce  him  to  side  with  those  who  opposed 
the  progress  of  the  Reformation.  "  Some," 
wrote  he,  "  deny  the  immortality  of  the  soul, 
others,  and  those  friars  too !  drag  the  relics 
of  St.  Anthony  through  the  streets,  and  throw 
them  into  the  gutters.109  All  this  comes  of  Lu- 
ther's teaching.  Entreat  your  brother  either 
to  make  a  public  example  of  the  impious 
authors  of  these  disorders,  or,  at  least,  pub- 
licly to  declare  his  opinion  of  them.  Our 
gray  hairs  warn  us  that  we  are  near  the  end 
of  our  course,  and  that  we  ought  speedily  to 
put  an  end  to  such  evils." 

After  this,  George  took  his  departure  to  be 
present  at  the  sittings  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment at  Nuremberg.  On  arriving,  he  used 
every  means  to  procure  the  adoption  of  severe 
measures.  The  result  was,  that,  on  the  21st 
of  January,  the  Diet  published  an  edict,  in 
which  they  complained  bitterly  that  the  priests 
were  accustomed  to  say  mass  without  being 
habited  in  priest's  garments, — that  they  pro- 
nounced the  words  of  consecration  in  German, 
— administered  it  to  such  as  had  not  confessed 
themselves, — passed  it  into  the  hands  of  lay- 
men, without  even  troubling  themselves  to 
ascertain  whether  the  communicant  came  to 
it  fasting.110 

The  Imperial  Government  directed  the 
Bishops,  accordingly,  to  look  after  and  punish 
severely  the  innovators  within  their  respect- 
ive dioceses;  and  the  Bishops  were  not  slow- 
in  following  these  directions. 

It  was  just  at  this  moment  that  Luther  de- 
cided to  appear  again  upon  the  stage.  He 
clearly  saw  the  critical  position  of  affairs,  and 
foreboded  wide-spreading  calamity.  "  A  time 
of  trouble,"  said  he,  "is  coming  upon  the 
empire,  which  will  sweep  before  it  princes, 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


277 


magistrates,  and  bishops.     People's  eyes  are  j 
opened ;  they  cannot  be  driven  by  main  force; 
Germany  will  be  deluged  with  blood.111  Let 
us  take  our  stand  as  a  wall  of  defence  to  our 
country  in  the  day  of  God's  anger." 

So  thought  Luther:  but  lie  perceived  a 
danger  yet  more  imminent.  At  Wittemberg, 
the  fire,  instead  of  expiring,  was  burning 
every  day  more  fiercely.  From  the  summits 
of  the  Wartburcr,  Luther  might  discern  in  the 
horizon  the 'lurid  glare  that  gives  notice  of 
devastation  flashing  at  intervals  through  the 
gloom.  Who  but  himself  can  apply  a  remedy 
in  the  crisis'?  What  should  prevent  his 
throwing  himself  into  the  heat  of  the  confla- 
gration, and  exerting  his  influence  to  arrest 
its  progress]  He  foresees  his  enemies  pre- 
paring to  strike  him  down,  but  his  purpose  is 
not  shaken.  Nor  is  he  deterred  by  the  Elec- 
tor's entreaty  that  he  would  keep  writhin  the 
Warthurg,  and  there  quietly  prepare  his  jus- 
tification at  the  approaching  Diet.  A  more 
urgent  necessity  is  pressing  upon  his  soul ; 
and  it  is  to  justify  the  Gospel  itself.  "The 
news  from  Wittemberg,"  wrote  he,  "is  every 
day  becoming  more  alarming.  I  am  on  the 
point  of  setting  out.  That  state  of  things 
absolutely  requires  it."112 

Accordingly,  on  the  3d  of  March,  he  finally 
decided  on  leaving  the  Wartburg.  He  bade 
farewell  to  its  gray  turrets  and  gloomy  forests. 
He  passed  beyond  those  walls,  within  which 
the  anathemas  of  Leo  and  the  sword  of 
Charles  were  alike  powerless.  He  trod  the 
path  that  wound  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain. 
The  world  which  lay  stretched  before  him, 
and  on  which  he  was  once  more  about  to 
appear,  would  soon  perhaps  ring  with  the 
clamours  of  those  who  sought  his  life.  It 
matters  not.  On  he  goes  rejoicing;  for  it  is 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord  that  he  is  bending  his 
steps  towards  the  haunts  of  men.113 

Time  had  been  busy.  Luther  was  leaving 
the  Wartburg  for  another  cause  and  in  a  dif- 
ferent character  from  that  in  which  he  had 
first  entered  it.  He  had  arrived  there  as  one 
who  had  attacked  the  received  tradition,  and 
its  established  teachers.  He  was  quitting  it 
for  the  defence  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Apostles 
against  a  new  class  of  adversaries.  He  had 
entered  the  Wartburg  as  an  innovator  who 
had  assailed  the  ancient  hierarchy, — he  was 
leaving  it  in  the  spirit  of  a  conservator,  that 
he  might  defend  the  faith  of  Christians.  Until 
this  period,  Luther  had  seen  in  the  success  of 
his  efforts  but  the  triumph  of  the  great  truth 
of  Justification  by  Faith;  and,  armed  with 
this  single  weapon,  he  had  beat  down  long- 
standing superstitions.  But  if  there  had  been 
a  time  for  removing  that  which  had  encum- 
bered the  soil,  a  season  must  needs  come  for 
building  up.  Hidden  under  the  ruins  with 
which  his  assaults  had  strewed  the  plain, 
behind  discredited  letters  of  indulgence,  bro- 
ken tiaras  and  trampled  cowls,  beneath  the 
many  Romish  errors  and  corruptions  that  his 
mind  surveyed  as  the  slain  upon  a  battle-field, 
he  discerned  and  brought  forth  to  light  the 
primitive  Catholic  Church,  reappearing  still 


the  same,  and,  as  it  were,  emerging  from  a 
protracted  struggle,  with  unchangeable  doc- 
trine and  heavenly  accents.  He  could  appre- 
ciate the  vast  difference  between  Rome  and 
that  true  Church  which  he  hailed  and  em- 
braced with  joy.  Luther  wrought  no  new 
thing  on  the  earth,  as  has  been  falsely  charged 
upon  him ;  he  did  not  build  for  his  own  age 
an  edifice  that  had  no  associations  with  the 
past;  he  discerned  and  let  i.n  the  light  upon 
those  earlier  foundations  which  were  then 
overrun  with  thorns  and  brambles  ;  while  he 
persevered  in  reconstructing  the  temple,  he 
did  but  build  on  the  fundamental  truths  taught 
by  the  Apostles.  Luther  was  aware  that  the 
ancient  and  primitive  Apostolic  Church  must, 
on  one  hand,  be  restored  and  opposed  to  that 
papal  power  which  had  so  long  oppressed  it, 
— and,  on  the  other  hand,  be  defended  against 
enthusiasts  and  unbelievers,  who  affected  to 
disown  it,  and  were  seeking  to  set  up  some 
new  thing,  regardless  of  all  that  God  had 
done  in  past  ages.  Luther  was,  from  that 
hour,  no  longer  the  representative  of  a  single 
great  truth — that  of  Justification  by  Faith, 
though,  to  the  last,  he  gave  to  it  the  highest 
place ;  the  whole  theology  of  Christianity  now 
occupied  his  thoughts  : — and  while  he  believ- 
ed that,  in  its  essence,  the  Church  is  the  Con- 
gregation of  Saints,  he  was  careful  not  to  de- 
spise the  visible  Church,  and  he  therefore  re- 
cognised those  who  were  outwardly  called, 
as  constituting,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  king- 
dom of  God.  Accordingly,  a  great  change 
took  place  in  Luther,  and  in  his  entrance  into 
divine  truth,  and  in  that  regenerative  process 
which  God  was  carrying  on  in  the  world. 
The  hierarchy  of  Rome,  acting  upon  him, 
might  have  goaded  the  Reformer  to  one  ex- 
treme, had  not  the  sects,  which,  at  this  time, 
lifted  their  heads  so  daringly,  recalled  him  to 
just  and  moderate  views.  His  residence  in 
the  Wartburg  divides  these  two  periods  of 
the  history  of  the  Reformation. 

Luther  rode  slowly  on  in  the  direction  of 
Wittemberg.  It  was  Shrove  Tuesday,  and 
the  second  day  of  his  journey.  Towards  even- 
ing, a  terrific  storm  came  on,  and  the  roads 
were  flooded.  Two  young  Swiss,  who  were 
travelling  the  same  way,  were  hastening  for 
shelter  to  the  city  of  Jena.  They  had  studied 
at  Bale,  and  were  attracted  to  Wittemberg  by 
the  renown  of  its  university.  Journeying  on 
foot,  tired,  and  wet  through,  John  Kessler,  of 
Saint  Gall,  and  his  comrade,  quickened  their 
steps.  The  town  was  in  all  the  bustle  and 
buffoonery  of  the  carnival ;  dances,  masquer- 
ades, and  tumultuous  feasting  engrossed  the 
thoughts  of  the  inhabitants  ;  and  the  two  tra- 
vellers, on  arriving,  could  find  no  room  in  any 
of  the  inns.  After  a  while,  they  were  directed 
to  the  Black  Bear,  outside  the  city  gate.  Ha- 
rassed and  depressed,  they  repaired  thither. 
The  landlord  received  them  kindly.114  Ashamed 
of  their  appearance,  they  sat  down  near  the 
open  door  of  the  public  room,  unwilling  to  go 
further.  Seated  at  one  of  the  tables,  was  a 
solitary  man  in  the  habit  of  a  knight,  his  head 
covered  with  a  red  cap,  and  wearing  small- 


278 


HISTORY*  OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


slothes,  over  which  hung  down  the  skirts  of 
his  doublet.  His  right  hand  rested  on  the 
pommel  of  his  sword;  his  left  grasped  the 
hilt;  a  book  lay  open  before  him,  and  he 
seemed  to  be  reading  attentively.115  At  the 
noise  made  by  their  entrance,  the  stranger 
raised  his  head  and  saluted  them  courteously, 
inviting  them  to  approach  and  take  a  seat  with 
him  at  the  table;  then,  offering  them  a  glass 
of  beer,  he  said,  alluding  to  their  accent, 
"You  are  Swiss,  I  perceive;  but  from  which 
of  the  Cantons  ?"—"  From  St.  Gall."— "If 
you  are  going  to  Wittemberg,  you  will  there 
meet  one  of  your  countrymen,  Doctor  Schurff." 
Encouraged  by  so  much  affability,  they  in- 
quired, "  Could  you  kindly  inform  us  where 
Martin  Luther  now  is  ?"  "  I  know  for  certain," 
answered  the  knight,  "  that  Luther  is  not  at 
Wittemberg,  but  probably  he  will  be  there 
shortly.  Philip  Melancthon  is  there.  If 
you'll  be  advised  by  me,  apply  yourselves  to 
the  Greek  and  Hebrew,  that  you  may  under- 
stand the  Holy  Scriptures."  "If  our  lives 
are  spared,"  observed  one  of  the  Swiss,  "  we 
will  not  return  without  seeing  and  hearing 
Doctor  Luther;  it  is  for  that  purpose  we  have 
made  the  journey.  We  hear  he  wants  to  abo- 
lish the  clergy  and  the  mass;  and  as  our  pa- 
rents always  intended  to  bring  us  up  to  the 
Church,  we  should  like  to  know  on  what 
grounds  he  is  acting."  The  knight  was  silent 
lor  a  moment,  and  then  inquired,  "Where 
have  you  been  studying  hitherto?"  —  "At 
Bale."—"  Is  Erasmus  still  there  1  What  is 
he  doing?"  They  answered  his  questions, 
and  a  pause  ensued.  The  two  Swiss  knew 
not  what  to  make  of  their  new  acquaintance. 
"  How  strange,"  thought  they,  "  that  the  con- 
versation of  a  knight  should  be  all  about 
Schurff,  Melancthon,  and  Erasmus,  and  the 
advantage  of  knowing  Greek  and  Hebrew !" 
"  Tell  me,  my  friends,"  said  the  stranger,  sud- 
denly breaking  silence,  "  what  is  said  of  Lu- 
ther in  Switzerland  ?"— "  Sir,"  replied  Kess- 
ler,  "opinions  concerning  him  are  greatly 
divided,  as  is  the  case  everywhere.  Some 
extol  him,  and  others  pronounce  him  an  abo- 
minable heretic." — "  Ay,  ay,  the  priests,  no 
doubt,"  remarked  the  stranger. 

The  knight's  cordiality  had  put  the  students 
completely  at  their  ease.  Their  curiosity  was 
excited  to  know  what  book  he  had  been  read- 
ing when  they  came  in.  The  knight  had 
closed  the  volume.  Kessler's  comrade  ven- 
tured to  take  it  up ;  what  was  his  surprise  at 
finding  it  to  be  the  Hebrew  Psalter!  Laying 
it  down,  he  said,  as  if  to  divert  attention  from 
this  freedom,  "  Gladly  would  I  give  my  little 
finger  to  understand  that  language." — "  You 
will  surely  have  your  wish,"  was  the  stranger's 
reply,  "  if  you  will  take  the  pains  to  ac- 
quire it." 

A  few  minutes  after,  the  landlord's  voice 
was  heard  calling  Kessler.  The  poor  Swiss 
began  to  fear  something  was  amiss;  but  the 
host  whispered,  "I  hear  you  want  to  see  Lu- 
ther; well.it  is  he  who  is  "seated  beside  you." 
Kessler's  first  thought  was  that  he  was  jest- 
ing. "  You  surely  would  not  deceive  me," 


said  he.  "It  is  he  himself,"  replied  the  land- 
lord ;  "but  don't  let  him  see  that  you  know 
him."  Kessler  made  no  answer ;  but  returned 
to  the  room  and  resumed  his  seat,  eager  to 
communicate  the  information  to  his  companion. 
To  do  this  was  not  easy ;  at  last  he  leaned 
forward,  as  if  looking  towards  the  door,  and, 
stooping  close  to  his  friend's  ear,  whispered, 
"  The  landlord  says  it  is  Luther  himself." — 
"  Perhaps,"  returned  his  companion, "he  said 
Hiitten."—"  Probably  so,"  said  Kessler;  "I 
may  have  mistaken  the  one  name  for  the  other, 
for  they  resemble  each  other  in  sound." 

At  that  moment  the  trampling  of  horses' 
feet  was  heard  outside:  two  travelling  mer- 
chants, asking  a  night's  lodging,  entered  the 
room,  laid  aside  their  spurs,  and  threw  off  their 
cloaks ;  and  one  of  them  deposited  near  him, 
on  the  table,  an  unbound  book,  which  attracted 
the  knight's  notice.  "  What  book  may  that 
be?"  asked  he.  "  It  is  a  commentary  on  the 
Gospels  and  Epistles,  by  Doctor  Luther," 
was  the  traveller's  answer;  "  it  has  only  just 
appeared." — "  I  shall  get  it  shortly,"  remarked 
the  knight. 

Conversation  was  interrupted  by  the  land- 
lord's announcing  that  supper  was  ready. 
The  two  students,  not  wishing  to  incur  the 
expense  of  a  meal  in  company  with  the  knight 
Ulric  Hiitten  and  two  thriving  merchants,  took 
the  landlord  aside,  and  asked  him  to  serve 
them  with  something  apart.  "  Come  along, 
my  friends,"  said  the  innkeeper  of  the  Black 
Bear;  "sit  ye  down  beside  this  gentleman ; 
I  will  let  you  off  easy." — "Come,  come," 
said  the  knight,  "  I'll  pay  the  score." 

During  supper,  the  mysterious  stranger  made 
many  striking  and  instructive  remarks.  Both 
merchants  and  students  listened  in  silence, 
more  attentive  to  his  words  than  to  the  dishes 
before  them.  In  the  course  of  conversation, 
one  of  the  merchants  exclaimed,  "  Luther  must 
be  either  an  angel  from  heaven  or  a  devil  from 
hell !"  and  he  followed  up  his  exclamation 
by  the  remark,  "  I  would  give  ten  florins  for 
an  opportunity  of  meeting  him  and  confessing 
to  him." 

Supper  being  over,  the  merchants  rose  from 
their  seats;  the  two  Swiss  remained  in  corn- 
pan}''  with  the  knight,  who,  taking  up  a  large 
glass  of  beer,  and  raising  it  to  his  lips,  said 
gravely,  after  the  custom  of  the  country, — 
"Swiss,  one  glass  more,  for  thanks."  And 
as  Kessler  was  about  to  take  the  glass,  the 
stranger,  replacing  it,  handed  him  one  filled 
with  wine: — "You  are  not  used  to  beer," 
said  he. 

This  said,  he  rose  from  his  seat,  threw  over 
his  shoulders  a  military  cloak,  and,  extending 
his  hand  to  the  students,  said,  "  When  you 
reach  Wittemberg,  salute  Doctor  Jerome 
SchurrT  from  me." — "  With  pleasure,"  replied 
they ;  "  but  whose  name  shall  we  give  ?"— 
"  Do  you  tell  him  only,  that  he  who  is  coming 
sends  him  greeting."  With  these  words  he 
departed,  leaving  them  delighted  with  his 
condescension  and  kindness. 

Luther — for  he  it  was — continued  his  jour- 
ney. It  will  be  remembered  that  he  had  been 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


279 


placed  under  ban  of  the  Empire ;  whoever  met 
him  might  therefore  seize  his  person.  But  in 
that  critical  moment,  engaged,  as  he  was,  in 
an  enterprise  replete  with  dangers,  he  was 
calm  and  serene,  and  conversed  cheerfully 
with  those  whom  he  met  with  on  his  way. 

It  was  not  that  he  deceived  himself  as  to 
immediate  results.  He  saw  the  horizon  black 
with  storms.  "  Satan,"  said  he,  "  is  enraged ; 
and  all  around  me  are  plotting  death  and  de- 
struction.116 But  I  go  forward  to  throw  myself 
in  the  way  of  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  with 
no  protector  but  God  above.  Go  where  I  will, 
every  man  is  at  perfect  liberty  to  put  me  to 
death  wherever  he  may  find  me.  Christ  is 
Lord  of  all :  if  it  be  His  will  that  my  life 
should  be  taken,  even  so  let  it  be." 

That  same  day,  being  Ash  Wednesday, 
Luther  arrived  at  Borne,  a  small  town  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Leipsic.  He  felt  that  it 
became  him  to  acquaint  his  prince  with  the 
bold  step  he  was  about  to  take,  and  accord- 
ingly wrote  as  follows,  from  the  inn  at  which 
he  had  alighted  : 

"Grace  and  peace  from  God  our  Father, 
and  from  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ !  Most  serene 
Elector,  gracious  Prince,  the  reproach  brought 
upon  the  Gospel  by  the  events  that  have  taken 
place  at  Wittemberg  have  so  deeply  grieved 
me,  that  I  should  have  lost  all  hope,  were  I 
not  assured  that  our  cause  is  that  of  the  truth. 

"Your  Highness  knows  full  well, — or,  if 
not,  be  it  known  to  you, — I  received  the  Gos- 
pel, not  from  man,  but  from  heaven,  by  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  It  was  not  from  any  doubt 
as  to  the  truth,  that  I  formerly  requested  pub- 
lic discussions;  I  did  so  in  humility,  and  in 
the  hope  to  win  over  others.  But,  since  my 
humility  is  taken  advantage  of,  to  the  hinder- 
ance  of  the  Gospel,  my  conscience  urges  me, 
at  this  time,  to  change  my  course  of  action. 
I  have  sufficiently  shown  my  deference  to  your 
Highness,  by  withdrawing  from  the  public 
gaze  for  a  whole  year.  Satan  knows  that  it 
was  not  from  cowardice  that  I  did  so.  I  would 
have  entered  Worms,  though  there  had  been 
as  many  devils  in  the  town  as  there  were  tiles 
upon  its  roofs.  Now,  Duke  George,  whom 
your  Highness  mentions  as  if  to  scare  me,  is 
much  less  to  be  dreaded  than  a  single  devil. 
If  what  is  passing  at  Wittemberg  were  occur- 
ring at  Leipsic,  (the  Duke's  usual  place  of 
residence,)  I  would  instantly  mount  my  horse 
and  repair  thither,  even  though — your  High- 
ness will,  I  trust,  pardon  the  expression — it 
should  rain  Dukes  George  for  nine  days  toge- 
ther, and  every  one  should  be  nine  times  as 
fierce  as  he !  WThat  can  he  be  thinking  of  in 
attacking  me  ?  Does  he  suppose  that  Christ, 
my  Lord,  is  a  man  of  straw!117  May  God  avert 
from  him  the  awful  judgment  that  hangs  over 
hirn ! 

"  Be  it  known  to  your  Highness,  that  I  am 
repairing  to  Wittemberg,  under  a  protection 
more  powerful  than  that  of  an  Elector.  I  have 
no  thought  of  soliciting  the  aid  of  your  High- 
ness ;  and  am  so  far  from  desiring  your  pro- 
tection, that  it  is  rather  my  purpose  to  protect 
your  Highness.  If  I  knew  that  your  High- 


ness could  or  would  take  up  my  defence,  I 
would  not  come  to  Wittemberg.  No  secular 
sword  can  advance  this  cause:  God  must  do 
all,  without  the  aid  or  co-operation  of  man. 
He  who  has  most  faith  is  the  most  availing 
defence;  but,  as  it  seems  to  me,  your  High- 
ness is  as  yet  very  weak  in  faith. 

"  But  since  your  Highness  desires  to  know 
what  to  do,  I  will  humbly  answer :  Your 
Electoral  Highness  has  already  done  too  much, 
and  should  do  nothing  whatever;  God  neither 
wants  nor  will  endure  that  you  or  I  should 
take  thought  or  part  in  the  matter.  Let  your 
Highness  follow  this  advice. 

"In  regard  to  myself,  your  Highness  must 
remember  your  duty  as  an  Elector,  and  allow 
the  instructions  of  his  Imperial  Majesty  to  be 
carried  into  effect  in  your  towns  and  districts, 
offering  no  impediment  to  any  who  would 
seize  or  kill  me ;  for  none  may  contend  against 
the  powers  that  be,  save  only  He  who  has  or- 
dained them.118 

"  Let  your  Highness  accordingly  leave  the 
gates  open,  and  respect  safe-conducts,  if  my 
enemies  in  person,  or  by  their  envoys,  should 
come  to  search  for  me  in  your  Highness's 
states.  Every  thing  may  take  its  course, 
without  trouble  or  prejudice  to  your  Highness. 

"  I  write  this  in  haste,  that  you  may  not 
feel  aggrieved  by  my  coming.  My  business 
is  with  another  kind  of  person  from  Duke 
George,  one  who  knows  me,  and  whom  I  know 
well. 

"  Written  at  Borne,  at  the  inn  of  the  Guide, 
on  Ash  Wednesday,  1522. 

"  Your  Electoral  Highness's 

"Very  humble  servant, 

"  MARTIN  LUTHER." 

In  this  way,  Luther  made  his  approach  to 
Wittemberg  :  he  wrote  to  his  prince,  but  not, 
as  we  have  seen,  to  excuse  the  step  he  had 
taken.  An  unshaken  confidence  animated  his 
heart.  He  saw  God's  hand  engaged  in  the 
cause,  and  that  sufficed  him.  The  heroism 
of  faith  was  perhaps  never  more  fully  acted 
out.  In  one  of  the  editions  of  Luther's  works, 
we  read  opposite  this  letter,  the  remark — 
"This  is  a  wonderful  writing  of  the  third  and 
latest  Elias."119 

It  was  on  Friday,  the  7th  of  March,  that 
Luther  re-entered  Wittemberg,  having  been 
five  days  on  his  journey.  Doctors,  students, 
burghers,  broke  forth  in  rejoicings,  for  they 
had  again  among  them  the  pilot  who  could 
best  extricate  the  vessel  from  the  reefs  by 
which  it  was  encompassed. 

The  Elector,  who  was  then  at  Lochau,  at- 
tended by  his  court,  was  much  affected  by  the 
perusal  of  the  Reformer's  letter.  In  his  desire 
to  exculpate  him  before  the  diet,  he  wrote  to 
Schurff :  "  Let  Luther  write  to  me,  explain- 
ing his  reasons  for  returning  to  Wittemberg, 
and  introduce  the  statement  that  he  came  with- 
out my  consent."  Luther  complied. 

"  Behold  me  ready  to  bear  your  Highness's 

disapprobation,  and  the  anger  of  the  whole 

world.     Are  not  the  Wittembergers  my  own 

heep  1     Has  not  God  committed  them  to  my 

care  "?  and  ought  I  not,  if  need  be,  to  lay  down 


280 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


my  life  for  them1?  Besides,  I  dread  lest  we 
should  see,  throughout  Germany,  a  revolt  by 
which  God  shall  punish  our  nation.  Let  your 
Highness  be  well  assured,  the  decrees  of  hea- 
ven are  not  like  those  of  Nuremberg."*  This 
letter  was  written  on  the  same  day  that  Lu- 
ther reached  Wittemberg. 

The  following  day,  being  Easter  Eve,  Luther 
visited  Jerome  Schurff.  He  found  Melanc- 
thon,  Jonas,  Amsdorff,  Augustin  Schurtf, 
Jerome's  brother,  assembled.  Luther  put 
many  questions  to  them,  and  while  they  re- 
counted all  that  had  taken  place  in  his  ab- 
sence, two  foreigners  entered  the  room.  The 
Swiss  drew  back  timidly,  on  finding  them- 
selves in  the  midst  of  this  company  of  learned 
Doctors;  but  they  soon  recovered  their  self- 
possession  when  they  saw  in  the  centre  of  the 
group,  the  knight  whom  they  had  met  at  the 
Black  Bear.  The  latter,  advancing,  accosted 
them  as  old  friends,  and  said,  smiling,  as  he 
pointed  to  one  of  the  company, — "  That  is 
Philip  Melancthon,  whom  I  mentioned  to 
you."  The  two  Swiss  spent  that  day  in  the 
society  of  the  assembled  friends,  on  the  strength 
of  the  meeting  at  Jena. 

One  absorbing  thought  engrossed  the  Re- 
former's mind,  and  damped  the  pleasure  he 
would  otherwise  have  felt  at  finding  himself 
once  more  surrounded  by  his  friends.  Doubt- 
less, the  stage  on  which  he  had  chosen  to  ap- 
pear was  an  obscure  one.  He  was  about  to 
raise  his  voice  in  a  petty  town  of  Saxony ;  and 
yet  his  object  was,  in  reality,  so  important  as 
to  influence  the  destinies  of  the  world,  and  be 
felt  in  its  effects  by  many  nations  and  people. 
The  question  to  be  decided  was, — whether 
the  teaching  which  he  had  derived  from  God's 
Word,  and  which  was  destined  to  produce  so 
mighty  an  effect,  would,  in  the  trial,  prove 
stronger  than  those  disorganizing  principles 
which  threatened  its  extinction.  It  was  now 
to  be  seen  whether  it  was  possible  to  reform 
without  destroying, — to  open  a  way  to  new 
developments  without  losing  such  as  had 
already  been  evolved.  To  reduce  to  silence 
fanatics  in  the  energy  of  the  first  bursts  of 
enthusiasm, — to  arrest  the  headlong  course  of 
a  thoughtless  multitude, — to  calm  their  spirits, 
and  restore  order,  peace,  and  reason, — to  break 
the  force  of  the  torrent  that  beat  against  the 
as  yet  unsettled  edifice  of  the  Reformation, — 
such  was  the  object  of  Luther's  return  to  Wit- 
temberg. But  would  his  influence  accomplish 
all  this  1  Time  must  show. 

The  Reformer's  heart  thrilled  at  the  thought 
of  the  struggle  he  was  about  to  enter  upon. 
He  raised  his  head,  as  the  lion  shakes  his 
brindled  mane  when  roused  to  the  fight.  "The 
hour,"  said  he,  "is  arrived,  when  we  must 
trample  under  foot  the  power  of  Satan,  and 
contend  against  the  spirit  of  darkness.  If  our 
adversaries  do  not  flee  from  us; — Christ  will 
know  how  to  compel  them.  We  who  put  our 
trust  in  the  Lord  of  life  and  death  are  lords 
both  of  life  and  of  death]"120 


*  L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  143.     Luther  altered  this  ex- 
pression at  the  Elector's  request. 


But  at  the  same  lime  the  impetuous  Reform- 
er, as  if  restrained  by  a  higher  power,  refused 
to  employ  the  anathemas  and  thunders  of  the 
Word,  and  set  about  his  work  in  the  spirit  of 
an  humble  pastor — a  tender  shepherd  of  souls. 
"  It  is  with  the  Word  we  must  contend,"  ob- 
served he,  "  and  by  the  Word  we  must  refute 
and  expel  what  has  gained  a  footing  by  vio- 
lence. I  would  not  resort  to  force  against 
such  as  are  superstitious ; — nor  even  against 
unbelievers!  Whosoever  believeth  let  him 
draw  nigh,  and  whoso  believeth  not  stand  afar 
off.  Let  there  be  no  compulsion.  Liberty  is 
of  the  very  essence  of  Faith."121 

The  next  day  was  Sunday.  That  day  the 
Doctor,  whom  the  lofty  walls  of  the  Wartburg 
had  for  nearly  a  year  hidden  from  the  public 
eye,  is  to  appear  in  the  pulpit  of  the  church 
of  Wittemberg.  "  Luther  is  come  back." 
"  Luther  is  to  preach  to-day."  The  news,  re- 
peated from  one  to  another,  had  of  itself  no 
slight  effect  in  giving  a  turn  to  the  thoughts 
by  which  the  multitude  were  deluded.  Peo- 
ple hurried  to  and  fro  in  all  directions;  and 
on  Sunday  morning  the  church  was  filled  to 
overflow  with  an  attentive  and  impressed  con- 
gregation. 

Luther  could  comprehend  the  disposition  of 
his  hearers'  minds.  He  ascended  the  pulpit. 
Behold  him  surrounded  by  the  flock  which 
had  formerly  followed  him  with  one  heart  as 
a  docile  sheep,  but  which  has  broken  from 
him  in  the  spirit  of  an  untamed  heifer.  His 
address  was  simple  and  noble, — energetic  and 
persuasive ;  breathing  the  spirit  of  a  tender 
father  returning  to  his  children,  and  inquiring 
into  their  conduct,  while  he  communicates  the 
reports  that  have  reached  him  concerning  them. 
He  frankly  commended  their  progress  in  the 
faith,  and  having  thus  prepared  and  gathered 
up  their  thoughts,  he  proceeded  as  follows  : — 

"  But  we  need  a  something  beyond  Faith  ; 
and  that  is  Love.  If  a  man  who  carries  a 
sword  is  alone,  it  matters  not  whether  he  draw 
it  or  keep  it  sheathed;  but  if  he  is  in  a  crowd 
let  him  have  a  care  lest  he  wound  any  of 
those  about  him. 

"Observe  a  mother  with  her  babe.  She 
first  gives  it  nothing  but  milk  ;  and  then  the 
most  easily  digestible  food.  What  would  be 
the  consequence  were  she  to  begin  by  giving 
it  meat  or  wine  1 

"  In  like  manner  should  we  act  toward  our 
brother. — Have  you  been  long  at  the  breast? 
— If  so,  well ; — only  let  your  brother  suck  as 
long! 

"  Observe  the  Sun.  He  dispenses  two  gifts, 
— namely — light  and  warmth.  The  mightiest 
monarch  cannot  turn  aside  his  rays : — they 
come  straight  on,  arriving  upon  this  earth  by 
a  direct  course.  Meanwhile  his  warmth  goes 
out  and  diffuses  itself  in  every  direction.  So 
it  is  that  Faith,  like  light,  should  ever  be 
simple  and  unbending; — whilst  Love,  like 
warmth,  should  beam  forth  on  all  sides,  and 
bend  to  every  necessity  of  our  brethren." 

Having  thus  engaged  his  hearers'  atten- 
tion, he  proceeded  to  press  them  more  closely : 

"  It  is  agreeable  to  Scripture,  say  you,  to 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


281 


abolish  the  Mass.  Be  it  so.  But  what  order, 
what  decency  have  you  observed  ?  It  became 
you  to  offer  up  earnest  prayers  to  God  ;  to  ap- 
ply to  the  authorities  ;  then,  indeed,  every 
one  might  have  acknowledged  that  the  thing 
was  of  the  Lord." 

Thus  spake  Luther.  The  fearless  man  who, 
at  Worms,  had  stood  forth  against  the  princes 
of  this  world,  made  a  deep  impression  on 
men's  minds  by  these  accents  of  wisdom  and 
peace.  Carlstadt  and  the  prophets  of  Zwickau, 
from  being  extolled  and  all-powerful  for  a  few 
weeks,  and  ruling  to  the  disturbance  of  the 
public  peace,  had  shrunk  into  insignificance 
beside  the  prisoner  escaped  from  the  Wart- 
burg. 

"  The  Mass,"  he  continued,  "  is  a  bad 
thing.  God  is  opposed  to  it.  It  ought  to  be 
abolished,  and  I  would  that  everywhere  the 
Supper  of  the  Gospel  were  established  in  its 
stead.  But  let  none  be  torn  from  it  by  force. 
We  must  leave  results  to  God.  It  is  not  we 
that  must  work, — but  His  WTORD.  And  why 
so  ?  you  will  ask.  Because  the  hearts  of 
men  are  not  in  my  hand  as  clay  in  the  hand 
of  the  potter.  We  have  a  right  to  speak,  but 
none  whatever  to  compel.  Let  us  preach  ; — 
the  rest  belongs  to  God.  If  I  resort  to  force, 
what  shall  I  gain  1  Grimace,  fair  appearances, 
apeings,  cramped  uniformity,  and  hypocrisy. 
But  there  will  be  no  hearty  sincerity, — no 
faith, — no  love.  Where  these  are  wanting, — 
all  is  wanting ;  and  I  would  not  give  a  straw 
for  suph  a  victory!122 

"  Our  first  aim  must  be  to  win  the  heart ; 
and  to  this  end  we  must  preach  the  Gospel. 
Then  we  shall  find  the  Word  impressing  one 
to-day,  another  the  next  day ;  and  the  result 
will  be,  that  each  one  will  withdraw  from  the 
Mass,  and  cease  to  receive  it.  God  does  more 
by  the  simpler  power  of  His  word  than  you 
and  I  and  the  whole  world  could  effect  by  all 
our  efforts  put  together !  God  arrests  the 
heart,  and' that  once  taken, — all  is  won  ! 

"  I  say  not  this  that  you  should  restore  the 
Mass.  Since  it  is  done  away  with,  in  God's 
name,  let  it  not  be  revived.  But  was  it  right 
to  go  about  it  in  such  a  manner  1  Paul,  coming 
one  day  to  the  famous  city  of  Athens,  found 
there  the  altars  of  such  as  were  no  gods.  He 
passed  on  from  one  to  the  other,  observing 
them  without  touching  one  of  them ;  but  he 
made  his  way  to  the  market-place,  and  testi- 
fied to  the  people  that  all  their  gods  were 
naught  but  images,  graven  by  art  and  man's 
device.  And  that  preached  Word  took  pos- 
session of  their  hearts,  and  the  idols  fell,  with- 
out his  so  much  as  touching  them ! 

"  I  am  ready  to  preach,  argue,  write, — but 
I  will  not  constrain  any  one:  for  faith  is  a 
voluntary  act.  Call  to  mind  what  I  have  al- 
ready done.  I  stood  up  against  Pope,  in- 
dulgences, and  Papists  ;  but  without  violence 
or  tumult.  I  brought  forward  God's  Word  ; 
I  preached  and  wrote,  and  there  I  stopped. 
And  whilst  I  laid  me  down  and  slept,  or  chat- 
ted with  Amsdorff  and  Melancthon  over  our 
tankard  of  Wittemberg  beer,  the  word  I  had 
preached  brought  down  the  power  of  the  Pope 


to  the  ground,  so  that  never  prince  or  emperor 
had  dealt  it  such  a  blow.  For  rny  part,  I  did 
next  to  nothing:  the  power  of  the  Word  did 
the  whole  business.  Had  I  appealed  to  force, 
Germany  might  have  been  deluged  with  blood. 
But  what  would  have  been  the  consequence"? 
Ruin  and  destruction  of  soul  and  body.  Ac- 
cordingly, I  kept  quiet,  and  let  the  Word  run 
through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land. 
Know  you  what  the  devil  thinks  when  he 
sees  men  resort  to  violence  to  spread  the  Gos- 
pel through  the  world?  Seated  behind  the 
fire  of  hell,  and  folding  his  arms,  with  a  ma- 
lignant glance  and  horrid  leer,  Satan  says, 
*  How  good  it  is  in  yonder  madmen  to  play 
into  my  hands.'  But  only  let  him  see  the 
Word  of  the  Lord  circulating,  and  working  its 
way  unaided  on  the  field  of  the  world,  and  at 
once  he  is  disturbed  at  his  work,  his  knees 
smite  each  other,  he  trembles,  and  is  ready  to 
die  with  fear." 

On  the  Tuesday  following,  Luther  again 
ascended  the  pulpit,  and  his  powerful  exhorta- 
tion was  once  more  heard,  in  the  midst  of  an 
attentive  audience.  He  preached  again  on 
Wednesday,  Thursday,  Friday,  Saturday,  and 
Sunday.  He  took  a  review  of  the  destruction 
of  images,  the  distinction  of  meats,  the  insti- 
tution of  the  Supper,  the  restoration  of  the 
cup  to  the  laity,  and  the  abolition  of  the  con- 
fessional. He  showed  that  these  points  were 
of  much  less  consequence  than  the  Mass,  and 
that  the  prime  movers  of  the  disorders  of  which 
Wittemberg  had  been  the  scene,  had  grossly 
abused  their  liberty.  He  passed  by  turns  from 
accents  of  true  Christian  charity  to  bursts  of 
holy  indignation. 

He  especially  declared  himself  against  those 
who  ventured  lightly  to  partake  of  the  Supper 
of  the  Lord.  "It  is  not  the  mere  pressing  with 
the  teeth,"  said  he, "  it  is  the  inward  and  spiritual 
partaking  realized  by  faith  which  makes  us 
Christians,  and  without  which  all  outward 
acts  are  but  show  and  grimace.  But  that  faith 
consists  in  the  firm  belief  that  Jesus  is  the 
Son  of  God  ;  that  having  himself  borne  our 
sins  and  our  iniquities  on  the  cross,  he  is,  him- 
self, the  alone  and  all-sufficient  expiation  ; 
that  he  now  appears  continually  in  the  pre- 
sence of  God,  reconciling  us  to  the  Father; 
and  has  given  to  us  the  sacrament  of  his  body 
for  the  strengthening  of  our  faith  in  this  un- 
speakable mercy.  Only  let  me  believe  this, 
and  God  is  my  defence;  with  Him  for  my 
buckler,  I  defy  sin,  death,  hell,  and  devils  : 
they  cannot  harm  me,  nor  even  so  much  as 
ruffle  a  hair  of  my  head  !  That  spiritual  bread 
is  comfort  to  the  afflicted,  health  to  the  sick, 
life  to  the  dying,  food  to  the  hungry,  and  a 
treasury  for  the  poor!  The  man  who  does 
not  feel  the  burden  of  his  sins,  ought,  there- 
fore, to  abstain  from  approaching^ the  altar. 
What  can  he  have  to  do  there  1  Ah  !  let  con- 
science be  heard;  let  our  hearts  be  broken 
with  the  sense  of  our  sins,  and  we  shall  not 
come  to  that  holy  sacrament  in  a  spirit  of  pre- 
sumption." 

Crowds  continually  filled  the  church  ;  many 
came  even  from  the  neighbouring  towns  and 


282 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


villages  to  hear  this  new  Elijah.  A mong  others  j  publicly  confessed  he  had  been  deceived 
Capito  passed  two  days  at  Wilternberg,  and  "  He  is  quite  a  changed  man,"said  Lut.her.I2E 
heard  the  doctor  preach  twice.  Never  before 


had  Luther  and  the  cardinal's  chaplain  been 
so  entirely  agreed.  Melancthon,  magistrates, 
professors,  and  the  whole  population  were 
overjoyed.1'0  Schurff,  delighted  with  such  a 
termination  of  so  unpromising  a  state  of 
things,  hastened  to  communicate  the  intelli- 
gence to  the  Elector.  He  wrote  to  him  on 
Friday,  the  15th  of  March,  after  hearing  Lu- 
ther's sixth  discourse.  "  Oh,  what  joy  has 
Doctor  Martin's  reappearance  diffused  among 
us  !  His  words,  through  divine  mercy,  every 
day  bring  back  into  the  way  of  truth  our  poor, 
deluded  people.  It  is  manifest  that  the  Spirit 
of  God  is  with  him,  and  that  his  coming  to 
Wittemherg  is  by  His  special  providence."124 

In  truth,  these  sermons  are  models  of  popu- 
lar eloquence ;  but  not  such  as,  in  the  days  of 
Demosthenes,  or  even  in  those  of  Savonarola, 
had  led  captive  the  hearts  of  the  people.  The 
task  of  the  preacher  of  Wittemberg  was  one 
of  greater  difficulty.  It  is  far  easier  to  rouse 
the.  fury  of  a  wild  beast  than  to  charm  it 
down.  What  was  needed  was  to  soothe  a  fana- 
tic multitude,  and  to  tame  unruly  passions ;  and 
in  this  Luther  succeeded.  In  his  first  eight 
sermons,  he  allowed  not  a  word  to  escape  him 
against  the  originators  of  these  disorders;  no 
allusion  likely  to  give  pain, — not  so  much  as 
a  word  by  which  their  feelings  could  be 
wounded.  But  his  moderation  was  his 
strength ;  and  the  more  tenderly  he  dealt 
with  the  souls  that  had  gone  astray,  the  more 
perfectly  did  he  vindicate  that  truth  that  was 
aggrieved.  There  was  no  withstanding  the 
power  of  his  eloquence.  Men  usually  ascribe 
to  timidity  and  cowardly  compromise,  exhor- 
tations that  inculcate  moderation.  Here,  how 
different  was  the  case !  In  publicly  standing 
forth  before  the  inhabitants  of  Wittemberg, 
Luther  braved  the  Pope's  excommunication 
and  the  Emperor's  proscription.  He  reap- 
peared, notwithstanding  the  Elector's  prohi- 
bition, who  had  intimated  that  he  could  not 
protect  him.  Even  at  Worms  his  courage 
had  not  been  so  signally  proved.  He  was 
exposing  himself  to  the  most  imminent  dan- 
gers ;  and  hence  his  call  was  responded  to. 
The  man  who  braved  the  scaffold  might 
claim  to  be  listened  to  when  he  inculcated 
submission.  None  better  qualified  to  urge  on 
his  hearers  the  duty  of  obedience  to  God,  than 
he  who,  in  order  that  he  might  himself  render 
such  obedience,  defied  the  most  violent  per- 
secution of  man.  At  Luther's  appeal,  dif- 
ficulties disappeared — tumult  subsided — se- 
dition was  silenced,  and  the  burghers  of 
Wittemberg  returned  quietly  to  their  dwell- 
ings. 

Gabriel  Didymus  who,  of  all  the  Augus- 
tine monks,  had  manifested  most  enthusiasm, 
hung  upon  the  Reformer's  words.  "  Don't 
you  think  Luther  a  wonderful  teacher  ?"  in- 
quired one  of  his  hearers,  who  was  himself 
deeply  affected.  «*  Ah  !"  replied  he,  "  I  seem 
to  be  listening  to  the  voice  of  an  angel  rather 
than  a  man."125  Didymus,  soon  after  this, 


It  was  not  so  at  first  with  Carlstadt. 
Abandoning  his  studies,  and  frequenting  th« 
workshops  of  artisans,  that  he  might  there 
receive  the  true  interpretation  of  the  Scrip 
tures,  he  was  mortified  at  beholding  his  party 
losing  ground  on  the  reappearance  of  Luther.127 
In  his  view  it  was  arresting  the  Reformation 
in  the  midst  of  its  career.  Hence,  his  coun- 
tenance wore  a  constant  air  of  dejection,  sad- 
ness, and  dissatisfaction.  Nevertheless,  he 
sacrificed  his  self-love  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
restrained  his  desire  to  vindicate  his  doctrine, 
was  reconciled,  at  least  in  appearance,  to  his 
colleague,  and  soon  after  resumed  his  studies 
in  the  university.128 

The  most  noted  of  the  prophets  were  not  at 
Wittemberg  when  Luther  arrived  there.  Ni- 
colas Storch  was  on  a  progress  through  the 
country.  Mark  Stubner  had  quitted  the  hos- 
pitable roof  of  Melancthon.  Perhaps  their 


spirit    of  prophecy 
voice  or  answer,' 


had   left  them    without 
from   the   first  tidings 


brought  them  that  the  new  Elijah  was  turn- 
ing his  steps  toward  their  Mount  Carmel. 
Cellarius,  the  old  schoolmaster,  alone  remain- 
ed. Meanwhile,  Stubner,  hearing  that  his 
sheep  were  scattered,  returned  in  haste  to 
Wittemberg.  Those  who  had  remained  faith- 
ful to  "  the  heavenly  prophecy"  gathered 
round  their  master,  repeated  the  substance  of 
Luther's  sermons,  and  pressed  him  with  anx- 
ious inquiries  as  to  what  they  ought  Jo  think 
and  do.129  Stubner  exhorted  them  to  stand  firm. 
"Let  him  come  forth,"  interposed  Cellarius; 
"  let  him  give  us  the  meeting;  let  him  only 
afford  us  opportunity  to  declare  our  doctrine, 
and  then  we  shall  see  ...  ." 

Luther  had  but  little  wish  to  meet  them. 
He  knew  them  to  be  men  of  violent,  hasty, 
and  haughty  temper,  who  would  not  endure 
even  kind  admonitions,  but  required  that  every 
one  should,  at  the  very  first  summons,  sub- 
mit to  them  as  to  a  supreme  authority.133  Such 
are  enthusiasts  in  every  age.  Nevertheless, 
as  an  interview  was  requested,  Luther  could 
not  decline  it.  Besides,  it  might  be  doing 
service  to  the  weak  of  the  flock  to  unmask 
the  imposture  of  the  prophets.  Accordingly 
the  meeting  took  place.  Stubner  opened  the 
conversation.  He  showed  how  he  proposed 
to  restore  the  Church  and  reform  the  world. 
Luther  listened  to  him  with  greatcalmness.131 
"  Of  all  you  have  been  saying,"  replied  he, 
at  last,  gravely,  "  there  is  nothing  that  I  see 
to  be  based  upon  Scripture.  It  is  a  mere  tis- 
sue of  fiction."  At  these  words  Cellarius 
lost  all  self-possession.  Raising  his  voice 
like  one  out  of  his  mind,  he  trembled  from 
head  to  foot,  and  striking  the  table  with  his 
fist,  in  a  violent  passion,  exclaimed  against 
Luther's  speech  as  an  insult  offered  to  a  man 
of  God.132  On  this  Luther  remarked,  "Paul 
declared  that  the  signs  of  an  apostle  were 
wrought  among  the  Corinthians,  in  signs  and 
mighty  deeds.  Do  you  likewise  prove  your 
apostleship  by  miracles." — "  We  will  do  so," 
rejoined  the  prophets,133 "The  God  whom  I 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


283 


serve,"  answered  Luther,  "  will  know  how  to  1 
bridle  your  gods."  Stubner,  who  had  hith- 
erto preserved  an  imperturbable  silence,  now  ] 
fixing  his  eyes  on  the  Reformer,  said,  in  a 
solemn  tone,  "  Martin  Luther,  hear  me  while 
I  declare  what  is  passing  at  this  moment  in 
your  soul.  You  are  beginning  to  see  that 
my  doctrine  is  true."  Luther  was  silent  for 
a  few  moments,  and  then  replied,  "  The  Lord 
rebuke  thee,  Satan."  Instantly  the  prophets 
lost  all  self-command.  They  shouted  aloud, 
"The  Spirit,  the  Spirit."  The  answer  of 
Luther  was  marked  by  the  cool  contempt  and 
cutting  homeliness  of  his  expressions:  "I 
slap  your  spirit  on  the  snout  !"134  said  he. 
Hereupon  their  outcries  redoubled.  Cellarius 
was  more  violent  than  the  rest.  He  stormed 
till  he  foamedatthemouth,135-and  their  voices 
were  inaudible  from  the  tumult.  The  result 
was  that  the  pretended  prophets  abandoned 
the  field,  and  that  very  day  they  left  Wittem- 
berg. 

Thus  did  Luther  achieve  the  object  for 
which  he  had  left  his  retirement.  He  had 
taken  his  stand  against  fanaticism,  and  ex- 
pelled from  the  bosom  of  the  church  the 
enthusiasm  and  disorder  which  had  invaded 
it.  If  the  Reformation  with  one  hand  dashed 
to  the  earth  the  dusty  decretals  of  Rome,  with 
the  other  it  put  away  from  it  the  pretensions 
of  the  mystics,  and  established  on  the  terri- 
tory it  had  acquired  the  living  and  sure  Word 
of  God.  The  character  of  the  Reformation 
was  thus  distinctly  seen.  Its  mission  was  to 
keep  constantly  a  middle  course  between 
these  extremes,  remote  alike  from  fanatical 
distortions  and  from  the  death-like  slumber 
of  the  papal  rule. 

Here  was  an  instance  of  a  whole  popula- 
tion passionately  excited,  and  misled  to  such 
a  degree  as  to  have  cast  off  all  restraint,  at 
once  listening  to  reason,  recovering  calmness, 
and  returning  to  their  accustomed  submis- 
sion, so  that  the  most  perfect  quiet  again 
reigned  in  that  very  city  which,  but  a  few  days 
before,  had  been  like  the  troubled  ocean. 

The  most  absolute  liberty  was  forthwith 
established  at  Wittemberg.  Luther  continued 
to  reside  in  the  convent,  and  to  wear  the  mo- 
nastic habit;  but  every  one  was  free  to  lay  it 
aside.  In  coming  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  per- 
sons might  either  receive  only  the  general 
absolution  or  they  might  apply  for  a  special 
one.  It  was  recognised  as  a  principle  to  re- 
ject nothing  but  what  contradicted  a  clear 
and  express  declaration  of  Scripture.136  It  was 
no  indifference  that  dictated  this  course.  On 
the  contrary,  religion  was  recaHed  to  its  es- 
sential principle.  Piety  only  withdrew  from 
the  accessary  forms  in  which  it  had  been 
wellnigh  lost,  that  it  might  rest  on  its  true 
basis.  Thus  was  the  Reformation  itself  pre- 
served, and  the  church's  teaching  progres- 
sively developed  in  love  and  truth. 

No  sooner  was  order  re-established,  when 
the  Reformer  turned  to  his  beloved  Melanc- 
thon,  and  requested  his  co-operation  in  the  final 
revision  of  the  translation  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, which  he  had  brought  with  him  from 
37 


the  Wartburg.137  As  early  as  the  year  1519, 
Melancthon  had  laid  down  the  grand  principle 
that  the  Fathers  must  be  explained  conforma- 
bly to  the  Scripture,  and  not  Scripture  accord- 
ing to  the  Fathers.  Meditating  daily  on  the 
books  of  the  New  Testament,  he  felt  at  once 
charmed  by  their  simplicity,  and  solemnly 
impressed  by  the  depth  of  their  import.  "  In 
them,  and  them  only,"  affirmed  this  adept  in 
ancient  philosophy,  "do  we  find  the  true  '  food 
of  the  soul.'  "  Gladly,  therefore,  did  he  com- 
ply with  Luther's  desire,  and  many  were  the 
hours  the  two  friends,  from  that  time,  spent 
together,  studying  and  translating  the  inspired 
Word.  Often  would  they  pause  in  their  la- 
bours to  give  free  expression  to  their  wonder. 
"If  Reason  could  speak,"  said  Luther,  "it 
would  say,  0,that  I  could  once  hear  the  voice 
of  God  !  I  should  think  it  worth  a  journey 
to  the  very  uttermost  parts  of  the  earth  !  Give 
ear,  then,  my  fellow  man — God,  the  creator 
of  heaven  and  earth,  now  speaks  to  thee !" 

The  printing  of  the  New  Testament  was 
begun  and  carried  on  with  an  activity  beyond 
all  example.138 One  might  have  thought  the 
very  printers  felt  the  importance  of  the  work 
in  hand.  Three  presses  were  constantly  em- 
ployed, and  ten  thousand  sheets  were  struck 
off  every  day.129 

At  last,  on  the  21st  of  September,  appeared 
the  complete  edition  of  three  thousand  copies 
in  two  volumes,  with  the  brief  title,  "  The 
New  Testament  in  German  ; — at  Wittem- 
berg." It  bore  no  name  of  man.  From  that 
hour  every  German  might  obtain  the  Word 
of  God  at  a  small  pecuniary  cost.* 

The  new  translation,  written  in  the  tone 
of  the  sacred  books,  in  a  language  that  was 
as  yet  in  its  virgin  simplicity,  and  now  first 
opening  its  full  beauty,  interested  and  de- 
lighted all  classes,  from  the  highest  to  the 
lowest.  It  was  a  national  work — the  peo- 
ple's book — nay,  much  more,  it  was  the  book 
of  God.  Even  enemies  could  not  withhold 
their  commendation  of  this  wonderful  pro- 
duction, and  there  were  some  incautious  par- 
tisans of  the  Reformation  so  carried  away  by 
the  beauty  of  the  new  version,  as  to  imagine 
they  could  recognise  in  it  a  second  inspira- 
tion. It,  indeed,  served  more  than  all  Lu- 
ther's own  writings  to  diffuse  a  spirit  of 
Christian  piety.  The  great  work  of  the  six- 
teenth century  was  now  placed  on  a  rock 
whence  nothing  could  dislodge  it.  The  Bible, 
restored  to  the  people,  recalled  the  mind  of 
man,  which  had  for  ages  wandered  in  the 
endless  labyrinths  of  scholastic  teaching,  to 
the  heavenly  springs  of  salvation.  Hence, 
the  success  that  attended  this  step  was  pro- 
digious. All  the  copies  were  quickly  dis- 
posed of.  In  December  following,  a  second 
edition  appeared;  and  by  the  year  1533,  no 
less  than  seventeen  editions  had  issued  from 
the  presses  of  Wittemberg ;  thirteen  from 
Augsburg;  twelve  from  Bale;  one  from  Er- 
furth  ;  one  from  Grimma  ;  one  from  Leipsic ; 
thirteen  from  Strasburg.140 


*  A  florin  and  a  half,  about  a  half-crown. 
2B 


284 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Even  while  the  first  edition  of  the  New 
Testament  was  passing  through  the  press, 
Luther  was  already  at  work  on  a  translation 
vi  the  Old  Testament.  This  labour,  begun 
in  1522,  was  continued  without  intermission. 
He  issued  it  in  detached  portions,  as  he  finish- 
ed them,  in  order  to  gratify  the  impatience  of 
the  public  demand,  and  to  make  the  purchase 
easy  to  the  poor. 

From  Scripture  and  Faith,  two  streams 
issuing  from  one  and  the  same  spring,  the  life 
of  the  Gospel  has  flowed,  and  still  diffuses 
itself  through  the  world.  They  bore  directly 
against  two  established  errors.  Faith  was 
met  by  the  opposing  Pelagian  tendency  of 
Catholicism.  Scripture,  in  like  manner, 
found  arrayed  against  it  the  theory  of  tradi- 
tion and  the  authority  of  Rome.  Scripture 
led  its  reader  to  Faith,  and  Faith  made  him 
the  disciple  of  the  Word.  "  Man  can  do  no 
meritorious  work  :  the  free  grace  of  God,  re- 
ceived through  faith  in  Christ,  alone  saves 
him."  Such  was  the  doctrine  proclaimed 
throughout  Christendom.  But  this  teaching 
must  needs  bring  Christendom  to  the  study  of 
the  Scripture.  In  truth,  if  faith  in  Christ  is 
every  thing  in  Christianity,  and  if  the  obser- 
vances and  ordinances  of  the  Church  are  no- 
thing, it  is  not  to  the  Church's  teaching,  but 
to  Christ's  word  that  we  must  adhere.  The 
bond  that  unites  to  Christ  will  be  every  thing 
to  the  believing  soul.  What  signifies  the  out- 
ward link  that  connects  him  with  a  visible 
church,  enslaved  by  the  commandments  of 
men  ]  .  .  Thus,  as  the  doctrine  of  the  Bible 
had  impelled  Luther's  contemporaries  toward 
Jesus  Christ,  their  love  for  Jesus  Christ,  in 
its  turn,  impelled  them  towards  the  Bible.  It 
was  not,  as  some  in  our  days  have  supposed, 
from  a  philosophic  necessity,  or  from  doubt, 
or  a  spirit  of  inquiry  that  they  reverted  to 
Scripture,  it  was  because  they  found  there 
the  words  of  Him  they  loved.  "You  have 
preached  Christ,"  said  they  to  the  Reformer, 
"  let  us  now  hear  him  himself"  And  they 
caught  at  the  sheets  given  to  the  world,  as  a 
letter  coming  to  them  from  heaven. 

But  if  the  Bible  was  thus  joyfully  wel- 
comed by  such  as  loved  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
it  was  scornfully  rejected  by  such  as  preferred 
the  traditions  and  ordinances  of  men.  This 
publication  by  Luther  was  the  signal  of  vio- 
lent persecution.  Rome  trembled  at  the  re- 
port brought  thither.  The  pen  which  tran- 
scribed the»sacred  oracles  was  in  truth  that 
visionary  pen  which  Frederic  had  beheld  in 
his  dream,  reaching  to  the  seven  hills,  and 
discomposing  the  Pope's  tiara.  The  monk 
in  his  cell,  the  prince  upon  his  throne,  uttered 
a  cry  of  anger.  The  ignorant  priests  were 
dismayed  at  the  thought  that  burghers,  and 
even  rustics  would  now  be  able  freely  to  dis- 
cuss with  them  the  precepts  of  the  Lord. 
The  King  of  England  denounced  the  work  to 
the  Elector  Frederic  and  to  Duke  George  of 
Saxony.  But  before  this,  and  as  early  as  the 
November  previous,  the  Duke  had  commanded 
all  his  subjects  to  deliver  up  every  copy  of 
Luther's  New  Testament  into  the  hands  of 


the  magistrate.  Bavaria,  Brandenburg,  Aus- 
tria, and  all  the  states  in  the  interest  of  Rome 
passed  similar  decrees.  In  some  parts,  a 
sacrilegious  bonfire,  composed  of  the  sacred 
books,  was  lighted  in  the  public  squares.141 
Thus  did  Rome,  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
renew  the  efforts  by  which  heathenism  had 
attempted  to  uproot  the  religion  of  Jesus 
Christ,  at  the  period  when  the  reins  were 
escaping  from  the  hands  of  the  Priests  of  Idol- 
worship.  But  what  power  can  stay  the  tri- 
umphant progress  of  the  Gospel?  *'Even 
after  I  had  prohibited  the  sale,"  wrote  Duke 
George,  "  many  thousand  copies  were  sold 
and  read  in  my  states." 

God  even  used,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
known  His  word,  the  very  hands  that  were 
essaying  to  destroy  it.  The  Romish  divines, 
seeing  they  could  not  stop  the  circulation  of 
the  Reformer's  work,  themselves  put  forth  a 
translation  of  the  New  Testament.  It  was 
no  other  than  Luther's  here  and  there  altered 
by  the  new  editors.  No  hinderance  was  of- 
fered to  the  reading  of  it.  Rome  had  not  yet 
experienced  that  wherever  the  Word  of  God 
took  root,  its  own  power  began  to  totter. 
Joachim  of  Brandenburg  gave  license  to  his 
subjects  to  read  any  translation  of  the  Bible, 
in  Latin  or  in  German,  provided  it  were  not 
from  the  presses  of  Wlttemberg.  The  Ger- 
man nations,  and  more  especially  the  people 
of  Brandenburg,  made,  in  this  way,  a  decided 
advance  in  the  knowledge  of  the  truth. 

The  publication  of  the  New  Testament  in 
the  vernacular  tongue,  is  among  the  memo- 
rable epochs  of  the  Reformation.  If  the  mar- 
riage of  Feldkirchen  had  been  the  first  step 
in  the  progress  of  its  influence  from  the 
sphere  of  teaching  to  that  of  social  life ; — if 
the  abolition  of  monastic  vows  had  been  the 
second,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Supper 
of  the  Lord  a  third  stage  of  this  transition, 
the  publication  of  the  New  Testament  was, 
perhaps,  even  more  important  than  all  the 
rest.  It  wrought  an  entire  change  in  the 
aspect  of  society — not  alone  in  the  priest's 
presbytery — not  merely  in  the  monk's  cell 
and  the  noble's  closet,  but  more  than  this, 
in  the  interior  of  the  dwellings  of  the  nobles, 
citizens,  and  peasantry.  When  Christians 
began  to  read  the  Bible  in  their  families,  Chris- 
tianity itself  underwent  a  palpable  change. 
Thence  ensued  changed  habits, —  improved 
morals, —  other  conversations, — in  short,  a 
new  life.  With  the  publication  of  the  New 
Testament,  it  seemed  as  if  the  Reformation 
passed  the  threshold  of  the  College,  and  took 
its  proper  place  at  the  hearths  of  the  people. 

The  effect  that  followed  was  incalculable. 
The  Christianity  of  the  Primitive  Church  was, 
by  the  publication  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  pre- 
I  sented  full  before  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  reco- 
i  vered  from  the  oblivion  in  which  for  centuries 
it  had  lain  hid  ;  and  the  sight  was,  of  itself, 
enough  to  justify  the  charges  that  had  been 
brought  against  Rome.  The  least  instructed, 
provided  they  did  but  know  how  to  read,  wo- 
men, artisans,  (we  are  quoting  from  one  of 
that  age  who  was  bitterly  opposed  to  the  Re- 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


formation,)  studied  the  New  Testament  with 
eager  delight.142They  carried  it  about  with 
them,  learned  portions  by  heart,  and  saw  in 
its  precious  pages  the  proof  of  the  perfect  ac- 
cordance of  that  Reformation  which  was  Lu- 
ther's aim,  with  the  revelation  that  God  had 
given. 

Meanwhile,  it  was  in  detached  portions 
only  that  the  teaching  of  the  Bible  and  of  the 
Reformation  had  till  then  been  set  forth.  A 
certain  truth  had  been  declared  in  one  tract — 
a  certain  error  exposed  in  another.  The  field 
of  the  Church  presented  the  appearance  of  a 
plain,  on  which,  here  and  there,  were  seen, 
without  order  or  arrangement,  the  ruins  of  the 
old,  and  the  materials  of  a  new  structure ;  but 
as  yet  the  new  edifice  was  wanting.  True  it 
is,  that  the  publication  of  the  New  Testament 
met  this  want.  The  Reformation  might  say, 
with  that  book  in  its  hand,  "  Behold  my  sys- 
tem." But,  as  each  individual  may  contend 
that  his  system  is  none  other  than  that  of  the 
Bible,  the  Reformation  seemed  called  to  set 
forth  in  order  what  it  found  in  Holy  Scripture. 
This  was  a  work  Melancthon  now  contributed 
in  its  name. 

In  the  development  of  his  theology,  Melanc- 
thon's  steps  had  been  deliberate;  but  they 
were  taken  with  firmness,  and  the  result  of 
his  inquiries  was  courageously  made  known 
to  all.  As  early  as  1520,  he  had  declared  that 
some  of  the  seven  sacraments  were,  in  his 
judgment,  mere  imitations  of  Jewish  feasts; 
and  that  he  considered  the  asserted  infallibi- 
lity of  the  Pope  as  a  proud  pretension,  directly 
at  variance  with  Scripture  and  sound  judg- 
ment. "We  want  more  than  a  Hercules,"143 
remarked  he,  "  to  make  a  stand  against  such 
doctrines."  Here  we  see  that  Melancthon 
had  been  led  to  the  same  conclusion  as  Luther 
by  a  more  studious  and  calm  process  of  con- 
viction. The  time  had  now  come  that  he  in 
his  turn  should  publicly  confess  his  faith. 

In  1521,  during  his  friend's  captivity  in  the 
Wartburg,  his  celebrated  "Loci  Communes" 
had  presented  to  Christian  Europe  a  body  of 
doctrine,  based  on  solid  grounds,  and  admira- 
bly compacted.  The  tracings  of  a  simple  and 
majestic  outline  appeared  before  the  wonder- 
ing minds  of  that  generation.  As  the  transla- 
tion of  the  New  Testament  had  justified  the 
Reformation  to  the  people,  so  Melancthon's 
Loci  Communes  served  to  justify  it  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  learned. 

For  fifteen  centuries  the  Church  had  existed 
on  the  earth  without  having  seen  such  a  work. 
Relinquishing  the  common  argumentation  of 
scholastic  theology,  the  friend  of  Luther  had 
at  last  given  to  Christendom  a  system  of  di- 


pharisaic  tyranny  of  false  teachers;144 and  while 
he  confessed  that  on  some  points  he  did  not 
agree  with  the  author,  he  nevertheless  added, 
that,  having  always  loved  him,  he  had  never 
loved  him  so  much  as  after  reading  this  work. 
"So  beautiful  is  the  proof  that  it  affords," 
said  Calvin,  when  presenting  it,  at  a  subse- 
quent period,  to  the  French  people,  "  that  the 
most  perfect  simplicity  is  the  noblest  method 
of  handling  the  Christian  doctrine."145 

But  no  one  experienced  a  finer  joy  than 
Luther;  to  the  last  this  work  was  to  him  a 
theme  of  wonder.  The  occasional  sounds  his 
trembling  hand  had  drawn,  in  the  deep  emo- 
tion of  his  soul,  from  the  chords  of  prophets 
and  apostles,  were  here  blended  together  in 
entrancing  harmony.  Those  solid  masses  of 
truth  which  he  had  hewn  from  the  quarry  of 
Holy  Scripture,  were  here  raised  and  com- 
pacted together  in  one  majestic  edifice.  He 
was  never  tired  of  commending  the  work  to 
the  attention  of  the  youths  who  came  to  study 
at  Wittemberg.  "If  you  would  wish  to  be- 
come divines,"  said  he, "read  Melancthon."146 

In  Melancthon's  judgment,  a  deep  sense  of 
the  wretched  state  to  which  man  is  reduced 
by  sin,  is  the  foundation  on  which  we  must 
build  the  teaching  of  Christian  theology.  This 
universal  evil  is  the  primary  fact,  the  leading 
truth  whence  the  science  takes  its  departure; 
and  it  is  this  which  forms  the  peculiar  distinc- 
tion of  theology  from  the  sciences  which  work 
their  own  advancement  by  the  powers  of 
reason. 

The  Christian  divine,  diving  into  the  heart 
of  man,  revealed  its  laws  and  mysterious 
motions,  as  the  philosopher  in  later  times  has 
disclosed  the  laws  and  attractions  of  material 
bodies.  "  Original  sin,"  said  he,  "  is  an  in- 
clination born  with  us — an  impulse  which  is 
agreeable  to  us — a  certain  influence  which 
leads  us  into  the  commission  of  sin,  and  Avhich. 
has  passed  from  Adam  upon  all  his  posterity. 
Just  as  there  is  found  in  fire  a  native  energy 
which  mounts  upward ;  just  as  in  the  load- 
stone we  observe  a  natural  power  of  attracting1 
steel,  just  so  do  we  find  in  man  a  primary  im- 
pulse impelling  him  to  that  which  is  evil. 
I  admit  freely  that  in  Socrates,  Xenocrates, 
Zeno,  were  seen  temperance  and  chastity ; 
these  exterior  virtues  were  found  in  men  whose 
hearts  were  unpurified,  and  they  proceeded 
out  of  the  love  of  self;  hence  we  should  regard 
them,  in  reality, notas virtues,  butas  vices."147 
Such  language  may  sound  harsh,  but  not  so 
if  we  enter  into  Melancthon's  real  meaning. 
None  more  prompt  than  he  to  acknowledge 
virtues  in  the  great  men  of  antiquity,  which 
entitled  them  to  the  esteem  of  men ;  but  he 


vinity  derived  entirely  from  Scripture.  In  it  laid  down  the  solemn  truth,  that  the  highest 
the  reader  was  conscious  of  a  breath  of  life,  a  law  given  by  God  to  all  his  creatures  is  to 
quickness  of  understanding,  a  force  of  convic-  j  love  Him  above,  all  things.  If,  then,  man  is 


tion,  and  a  simplicity  of  statement,  which 
strikingly  contrasted  with  the  subtle  and  pe- 
dantic method  of  the  schools.  The  coolest 


doing  that  which  God  commands, — does  it, 
not  from  love  to  God,  but  from  love  of  self,— 
can  we  think  that  God  will  accept  him,  thus 


judgments  and  the  most  exact  divines  were    daring  to  substitute  se/f  in  place  .of  His  own 

alike  impressed  with  admiration.  infinite  Majesty?    And  must  it  not  be  enough 

Erasmus  designated  this  work  a  wondrous    to  vitiate  any  action,  that  it  involves  in  it  a 

army,  ranged  in  order  of  battle  against  the  |  direct  rebellion  against  the  sovereignty  of  God? 


286 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION 


The  Wittemberg  divine  proceeded  to  show 
how  man  is  rescued  from  this  wretched  state. 
"  The  Apostle,"  said  he,  "invites  thee  to  con- 
template, at  the  Father's  right  hand,  the  Son 
of  God,  our  great  Mediator,  ever  living  to  make 
intercession  for  us;148 and  he  calls  upon  thee  to 
believe  assuredly  that  thy  sins  are  pardoned, 
and  thyself  counted  righteous  and  accepted  by 
the  Father,  for  the  sake  of  that  Son  who  died 
upon  the  cross." 

A  peculiar  interest,  attaches  to  this  first  edi- 
tion of  the  Loci  Communes,  from  the  manner 
in  which  the  German  divine  speaks  concern- 
ing Free  Will.  We  find  him  recognising, 
even  more  clearly  than  had  been  done  by  Lu- 
ther, (for  he  was  more  of  a  theologian,)  that 
this  doctrine  could  not  be  separated  from  that 
which  constituted  the  very  essence  of  the  Re- 
formation. Man's  justification  in  the  sight  of 
God  is  by  FAITH  ALONE,  was  the  first  point. 
This  faith  wrought  in  man's  heart  by  the 
ALOXE  GRACE  OF  GOD,  was  the  second.  Me- 
lancthon  saw  clearly  that  to  allow  any  ability 
in  the  natural  man  to  believe,  would,  in  this 
second  point,  entirely  set  aside  that  grand  doc- 
trine of  Grace  which  is  asserted  in  the  first. 
He  was  too  discerning,  too  deeply  instructed 
in  the  Scriptures,  to  be  misled  on  so  important 
a  question.  But  he  went  too  far :  instead  of 
confining  himself  to  the  religious  bearing  of 
the  question,  he  entered  upon  metaphysics. 
He  laid  down  a  sort  of  fatalism,  which  might 
lead  his  readers  to  think  of  God  as  the  author 
of  evil,  and  which  consequently  has  no  foun- 
dation in  Scripture.  "Since  whatever  hap- 
pens," said  he,  "  happens  by  necessity,  agree- 
ably to  the  divine  foreknowledge,  it  is  plain 
that  our  will  hath  no  liberty  whatever."149 

But  the  principal  object  Melancthon  had  in 
view,  was  to  present  theology  as  a  system  of 
devotion. — The  schools  had  so  dried  up  the 
generally  received  creed,  as  to  leave  it  desti- 
tute of  life.  The  office  of  the  Reformation 
was  to  reanimate  this  lifeless  creed.  In  suc- 
ceeding editions,  Melancthon  felt  the  necessi- 
ty for  great  clearnessin  doctrinal  statements.150 
In  1 521 ,  however,  it  was  not  so  much  the  case. 
"The  knowledge  of  Christ,"  said  he,  "is 
found  in  the  knowledge  of  the  blessings  deriv- 
ed through  him.  Paul,  writing  to  the  Ro- 
mans, and  desiring  to  sum  up  the  Christian 
doctrine,  does  not  set  about  treating  philoso- 
phically of  the  Trinity,  the  Incarnation,  Crea- 
tion, active  or  passive.  What,  then,  are  his 
themes  1 — the  Law,  Sin,  Grace.  On  our  in- 
struction in  these,  depends  our  knowledo-e  of 
Christ."151 

The  publication  of  this  treatise  was  of  sin- 
gular service  to  the  cause  of  truth.  Calumnies 
stood  refuted — prejudices  were  dissipated. 
Among  the  religious,  the  worldly,  and  the 
learned,  the  genius  of  Melancthon  was  admi- 
red, and  his  character  esteemed  and  loved. 
Even  such  as  had  no  personal  knowledge  of 
the  author  were  conciliated  to  his  creed  by 
this  work.  The  vigour  and  occasional  violence 
of  Luther's  language  had  offended  many  ;  but 
in  Melancthon,  an  elegance  of  composition,  a 
discriminating  judgment,  and  a  remarkable 


clearness  and  arrangement  were  seen  engaged 
in  the  exposition  of  those  mighty  truths  that 
had  aroused  the  slumbering  world.  The  work 
was  rapidly  bought  up,  and  read  with  avidity. 
His  gentleness  and  modesty  won  all  hearts, 
while  his  elevation  of  thought  commanded 
their  respect ;  and  the  higher  classes,  who  had 
been  hitherto  so  undecided,  were  captivated  by 
a  wisdom  which  had  at  last  found  so  noble  an 
utterance. 

On  the  other  hand,  such  of  the  opposers  of 
the  truth  as  had  not  been  humbled  by  the  en- 
ergy of  Luther,  were,  for  a  while,  silenced 
and  disconcerted  by  the  appearance  of  Me- 
lancthon's  tract.  They  had  found  another 
man  as  worthy  as  Luther  to  be  a  mark  for  their 
hatred.  "  Alas  !"  they  exclaimed,  "alas,  for 
Germany  !  to  what  new  extremity  shall  we  be 
brought  by  this  last  birth  !"!52 

The  Loci  Communes  passed  through  sixty- 
seven  editions  between  1521  and  1595,  with- 
out including  translations.  Next  to  the  Bible, 
this  work  may  have  mainly  contributed  to  the 
establishment  of  the  evangelical  doctrine. 

Whilst  the  "  grammarian,"  Melancthon, 
was  by  this  happy  co-operation  aiding  the 
efforts  of  Luther,  schemes  of  a  violent  charac- 
ter were  again  planning  by  his  formidable  ene- 
mies. At  the  news  that  he  had  effected  his 
escape  from  the  WTartburg,  and  appeared  again 
on  the  world's  stage,  the  rage  of  his  former 
adversaries  returned. 

Luther  had  been  rather  more  than  three 
months  at  Wittemberg,  when  a  rumour,  re- 
peated by  common  fame,  brought  him  the  in- 
telligence that  one  of  the  greatest  monarchs 
of  Christendom  had  risen  up  against  him. 
Henry  VIII.  head  of  the  house  of  Tudor,  a 
prince  descended  from  the  families  of  York 
and  Lancaster,  and  in  whom,  after  torrents  of 
bloodshed,  the  red  and  white  roses  were  at 
length  united,  the  puissant  king  of  England, 
who  boldly  advanced  the  obsolete  authority  of 
his  crown  over  the  continent,  and  more  par- 
ticularly over  France — had  put  forth  an  an- 
swer to  the  poor  monk  of  Wittemberg.  "  I 
hear  much  commendation  of  a  little  treatise  by 
the  king  of  England,"  wrote  Luther  to  Lange, 
on  the  26th  of  June,  1522.153 

Henry  the  Eighth  was  then  in  his  thirty- 
first  year, — "tall,  strong-built  and  proportion- 
ed, and  had  an  air  of  authority  and  empire,"154 
and  a  countenance  that  expressed  the  vivacity 
of  his  mind.  Vehement  in  his  temper,  bear- 
ing down  whatever  stood  in  the  way  of  his 
passions,  and  thirsting  for  distinctions,  the 
defects  of  his  character,  were,  for  a  time,  mis- 
taken for  the  impetuosity  of  youth — and  there 
was  no  lack  of  flatterers  to  confirm  him  in 
them.  Often  would  he  resort,  accompanied 
by  his  favourite  companions,  to  the  house  of 
his  chaplain,  Thomas  Wolsey,  the  son  of  a 
butcher  of  Ipswich.  This  man,  who  was 
gifted  with  great  abilities,  of  excessive  ambi- 
tion, and  unbounded  audacity,  being  patroni- 
sed by  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  the  king's 
chancellor,  had  rapidly  risen  in  his  master's 
favour.  He  would  often  allure  the  young 
prince  to  his  residence  by  the  attraction  of 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


287 


riotous  pleasures,*  in  which  he  would  not  have 
ventured  to  indulge  within  the  walls  of  his 
own  palace.  This  is  recorded  by  Polydore 
Vergil,  then  sub-collector  of  the  pope's  reve- 
nues in  England.  In  these  orgies,  the  chap- 
lain outdid  the  licentiousness  of  the  younger 
courtiers.  He  sang,  danced,  laughed,  played 
the  buffoon,  took  part  in  indecent  conversation, 
and  fenced.156  He  soon  attained  the  highest 
seat  at  the  council  board,  and  the  whole  king- 
ly power  passing  into  his  hands,  he  was  ena- 
bled to  stipulate  with  foreign  princes  for  are- 
ward  for  his  influence  in  affairs. 

Henry  passed  whole  days  in  balls,  ban- 
queting, and  justing — thus  squandering  the 
treasure  which  the  avarice  of  his  father  had 
accumulated.  Splendid  tournaments  succeed- 
ed each  other  without  intermission.  On  these 
occasions,  the  king,  who  was  easily  distin- 
guished from  the  other  combatants  by  his 
manly  beauty,  took  the  lead.f  If  the  contest 
seemed  for  a  moment  doubtful,  his  expertness 
or  strength,  or  else  the  skilful  policy  of  his 
antagonist  decided  the  victory  in  his  favour, 
and  the  arena  resounded  with  shouts  of  ap- 
plause. Such  easy  triumphs  inflated  the 
vanity  of  the  young  prince,  and  there  was  no 
pinnacle  of  earthly  grandeur  to  which  he 
would  not  have  aspired.  The  Queen  was 
often  present  on  such  occasions.  Her  grave 
deportment,  melancholy  look,  and  constrained 
and  depressed  manner,  presented  a  marked 
contrast  to  the  tumultuous  glitter  of  such  fes- 
tivities. Henry  VIII.,  soon  after  his  acces- 
sion, had,  from  political  considerations,  con- 
tracted marriage  with  Catherine  of  Arragon, 
five  years  older  than  himself,  widow  of  his 
brother  Arthur,  and  aunt  to  Charles  V.  While 
her  husband  followed  his  pleasures,  the  virtu- 
ous Catherine,  whose  piety  was  such  as  Spain 
has  been  noted  for,  was  accustomed  to  leave 
her  bed  in  the  dead  of  the  night  to  take  a  silent 
part  in  the  prayers  of  the  monks.156  She  would 
kneel  without  cushion  or  carpet.  At  five, 
after  taking  a  little  rest,  she  would  again  rise, 
and  assume  the  habit  of  St.  Francis ;  for  she 
had  been  admitted  into  the  third  order  of  that 
saint.157  Then,  hastily  throwing  over  her  the 
royal  garments,  she  was  in  church  at  six,  to 
join  in  the  holy  offices. 

Two  beings,  living  in  such  different  atmo- 
spheres, could  not  long  continue  united. 

Catherine,  however,  was  not  the  only  repre- 
sentative of  Romish  devotion  at  the  court  of 

*  Domi  suae  voluptatum  omnium  sacrarium 
fecit,  quo  regem  frequenter  ducebat.  (Polyd. 
Vergilius,  Angl.  Hist.  Bale,  1570,  fol.  p.  633.)— 
Polydore  Vergil  seems  to  have  been  a  sufferer  by 
Wolsey's  pride,  and  to  have  been,  perhaps,  in- 
clined, on  that  account,  to  exaggerate  that  minis- 
ter's errors. 

t  Eximia  corporis  forma  praeditus,  in  qua  etiam 
regise  majestatis  augusta  quaedam  species  elucebat. 
(Sanderus  de  Schismata  Anglicano,  p.  4.) — The 
work  of  Sanders,  the  Pope's  Nuncio,  must  be 
read  with  much  suspicion,  for  unfounded  and 
calumnious  statements  are  not  wanting  in  it — as 
has  been  remarked  by  Cardinal  Quirini  and  the 
Roman  Catholic  doctor  Lingard. —  (See  the  His- 
tory of  England,  by  this  last,  vol.  vi.  p.  173.) 


Henry  VIII.  John  Fisher,  bishop  of  Ro- 
chester, then  nearly  seventy  years  of  age,  and 
distinguished  alike  for  his  learning  and  strict 
morals,  was  the  object  of  universal  veneration. 
He  had  been,  for  a  long  period,  the  oldest 
counsellor  of  Henry  VII.,  and  the  Duchess  of 
Richmond,  grandmother  to  Henry  VIII.,  had, 
on  her  death-bed,  confided  to  him  the  youth 
and  inexperience  of  her  grandson.  The  king, 
in  the  midst  of  his  excesses,  long  continued 
to  revere  the  aged  bishop  as  a  father. 

A  much  younger  man  than  Fisher,  a  layman 
and  civilian,  had,  at  this  time,  attracted  gene- 
ral attention  by  his  genius  and  noble  charac- 
ter. His  name  was  Thomas  More.  He  was 
the  son  of  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Court  of 
King's  Bench.  In  poor  circumstances,  of 
temperate  habits,  and  unwearied  application, 
he,  at  the  age  of  twenty,  had  sought  to  mortify 
the  passions  of  youth  by  wearing  a  hair-shirt, 
and  by  self-inflicted  scourgings.  One  day, 
when  summoned  to  the  presence  of  Henry 
VIII.,  at  a  moment  when  he  was  attending 
mass,  he  replied — "The  king's  service  must 
give  way  to  the  service  of  God."  Wolsey 
introduced  him  to  Henry,  who  employed  him 
in  various  embassies,  and  lavished  on  him, 
much  kindness.  He  would  often  send  for 
him  to  converse  with  him  on  astronomy,  and 
at  other  times  concerning  Wolsey,  or  on  dis- 
puted points  of  theology. 

The  king  was,  to  say  the  truth,  not  alto- 
gether unacquainted  with  the  doctrines  of 
Rome.  It  even  appears,  that,  had  Prince 
Arthur  lived  to  ascend  the  throne,  Henry  was 
destined  to  the  archiepiscopal  see  of  Can- 
terbury. In  his  mind  and  life  were  strange- 
ly blended  Thomas  Aquinas158—  St.  Bonaven- 
tura — tournaments — banquetings  —  Elizabeth 
Blount,  and  others  of  his  mistresses.  Masses 
set  to  music  by  himself  were  chanted  in  his 
chapel. 

From  the  time  Henry  VIII.  first  heard  of 
Luther,  his  indignation  broke  forth  ;  and  no 
sooner  did  the  decree  of  the  Diet  of  Worms 
reach  England  than  he  gave  orders  that  the 
Pontiff's  bull  against  the  Reformer's  writings 
should  be  carried  into  execution.159  On  the  12th 
of  May,  1521,  Thomas  Wolsey,  who,  together 
with  the  rank  of  Chancellor  of  England,  held 
that  of  Cardinal  and  Roman  Legate,  repaired 
in  solemn  procession  to  St.  Paul's  Church. 
Swollen  by  excess  of  pride,  he  assumed  to 
rival  the  pomp  of  royalty  itself.  He  was 
accustomed  to  seat  himself  in  a  gold  chair, 
slept  in  a  golden  bed,  and  dined  on  a  table 
covered  with  cloth  of  gold.160  On  this  occasion 
he  displayed  his  utmost  state.  His  house- 
hold, to  the  number  of  800  persons,  compris- 
ing barons,  knights,  sons  of  the  first  families, 
who  had  entered  his  service  as  a  step  towards 
the  service  of  the  state,  attended  the  haughty 
prelate.  His  garments  shone  with  gold  and 
silk,  (he  was  the  first  ecclesiastic  who  had 
ventured  to  assume  such  sumptuous  apparel.)101 
Even  the  horse-cloths  and  harness  were  of  the 
like  costly  materials.  Before  him  walked  a 
priest  of  lofty  stature,  bearing  a  silver  pillar, 
surmounted  by  a  cross.  Behind  him,  another 
SB  2 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


stately  ecclesiastic,  holding  in  his  hand  the 
archiepiscopal  crozier  of  York ;  a  nobleman  at 
his  side,  carried  his  cardinal'shat.162  Others  of 
the  nobility — the  prelates — the  ambassadors 
of  the  Pope  and  of  the  Emperor  joined  the 
cavalcade,  and  were  followed  by  a  long  line 
of  mules,  bearing  chests  overhung  with  rich 
and  brilliant  stuffs;  and  in  this  pompous  pro- 
cession the  several  parties  that  composed  it 
were  carrying  to  the  pile  the  writings  of  the 
poor  monk  of  Wittemberg.  On  reaching  the 
church,  the  proud  priest  deposited  his  cardi- 
nal's hat  on  the  altar  itself.  The  virtuous 
Bishop  of  Rochester  took  his  place  at  the  foot 
of  the  cross,  and  with  accents  of  strong  emo- 
tion, preached  earnestly  against  heresy.  After 
this,  the  attendants  drew  near  bearing  the 
writings  of  the  heresiarch,  and  they  were 
devoutly  consumed  in  the  presence  of  a  vast 
concourse  of  spectators.  Such  was  the  first 
public  announcement  of  the  Reformation  to  the 
people  of  England. 

Henry  did  not  rest  there.  This  prince, 
"whose  sword  was  ever  uplifted  against  his 
adversaries,  his  wives,  and  his  favourites, 
wrote  to  the  Elector  Palatine — "Surely,  it  is 
no  other  than  the  devil,  who,  by  the  agency 
of  Luther,  has  kindled  this  wide-spreading 
conflagration.  If  Luther  will  not  retract,  let 
himself  and  his  writings  be  committed  to  the 
flames."163 

But  this  was  not  all.  Convinced  that  the 
progress  of  heresy  was  mainly  ascribable  to 
the  extreme  ignorance  of  the  German  princes, 
Henry  conceived  that  the  moment  had  arrived 
for  the  exhibition  of  his  own  learning.  The 
recollection  of  the  triumphs  of  his  battle-axe 
did  not  permit  him  to  "doubt  of  the  victory  he 
should  gain  by  his  pen.  But  another  passion, 
vanity, — ever  large  in  little  minds, — spurred 
on  the  royal  purpose.  He  was  mortified  by 
the  circumstance,  that  he  had  no  title  to  set 
against  that  of  Most  Christian  and  Catholic, 
borne  by  the  kings  of  France  and  Spain,  and 
had  for  a  long  time  solicited  from  the  court  of 
Rome  a  similar  distinction.  What  course 
more  likely  to  obtain  it  than  an  attack  upon 
heresy!  Henry,  then,  laid  aside  his  royal 
dignity,  and  descended  from  his  throne  into 
the  arena  of  theological  dispute.  He  pressed 
into  his  service  Thomas  Aquinas,  Peter  Lom- 
bard, Alaxander  of  Hale,  and  Bonaventura, 
and  gave  to  the  world  his  "  Defence  of  the 
Seven  Sacraments,  against  Martin  Luther,  by 
the  most  Invincible  King  of  England  and  of 
France,  Lord  of  Ireland,  Henry,  the  Eighth 
of  that  name." 

"I  will  put  myself  in  the  forefront  of  the 
Church,  to  save  her,"  said  the  king  of  Eng- 
land in  this  book — "I  will  receive  into  my 
bosom  the  poisoned  darts  of  her  assailant; 
what  I  hear  constrains  me  to  this.164  All  the 
servants  of  Jesus  Christ,  whatever  be  their 
age,  sex  or  rank,  should  rise  up  against  the 
common  enemy  of  Christendom.165 

"  Let  us  be  doubly  armed :  with  the  hea- 
venly armour  to  conquer  with  the  arms  of 
truth,  him  who  fights  with  those  of  error; 
but  also  an  earthly  armour,  so  that,  should  he 


show  himself  obstinate  in  malice,  the  hand  of 
the  executioner  may  silence  him;  and  thus, 
for  once  at  least,  he  may  be  useful  to  the 
world,  by  the  terrible  exampleof  his  death. "1(;6 

Henry  VIII.  could  not  conceal  the  con- 
tempt which  he  entertained  for  his  feeble 
adversary.  "This  man,"  says  the  royal 
theologian,  "  seems  to  be  in  pains  of  labour ; 
he  travails  in  birth ;  and  lo !  he  brings  forth 
but  wind.  Take  away  the  audacious  cover- 
ing of  proud  words,  with  which  he  clothes 
his  absurdities, — as  an  ape  is  clothed  with 
purple, — and  what  remains  ? — a  wretched  and 
empty  sophism."167 

The  king  defends,  successively,  the  mass, 
penance,  confirmation,  marriage,  orders,  and 
extreme  unction.  He  is  not  sparing  of  hard 
epithets  towards  his  adversary;  styling  him 
sometimes  an  infernal  wolf,  at  others  a  vene- 
mous  serpent,  or  a  limb  of  the  devil,  and  even 
casts  doubts  on  Luther's  sincerity.  In  short, 
Henry  VIII.  crushes  the  mendicant  monk 
with  his  royal  anger,  "and  writes,"  says 
an  historian,  "as  it  were  with  his  sceptre."168 

It  must,  however,  be  confessed,  that  the 
book  was  not  ill  written,  considering  the  au- 
thor and  the  age  in  which  he  wrote.  The 
style  is  not  altogether  devoid  of  force.  The 
public  of  the  day  set  no  bounds  to  its  praises. 
The  theological  treatise  of  the  powerful  king 
of  England,  was  received  with  a  profusion  of 
adulation.  "The  most  learned  work  that 
ever  the  sun  saw,"  is  the  expression  of  some.169 
"It  can  only  be  compared  with  the  works  of 
Saint  Augustine,"  said  others.  "  He  is  a 
Constantine,  a  Charlemagne, — nay  more, " 
echoed  others,  "he  is  a  second  Solomon." 

These  flattering  reports  soon  reached  the 
continent.  Henry  had  desired  his  ambassa- 
dor at  Rome,  John  Clarke,  dean  of  Windsor, 
to  present  his  book  to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff. 
Leo  X.  received  the  ambassador  in  full  con- 
sistory. Clarke  presented  the  royal  work  to 
him  with  these  words,  "The  king  my  master 
assures  you,  now  that  he  has  refuted  the  er- 
rors of  Luther  with  the  pen,  he  is  ready  to 
combat  his  adherents  with  the  sword."  Leo, 
touched  with  this  promise,  answered,  that  the 
king's  book  could  not  have  been  composed 
but  by  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  con- 
ferred upon  Henry  The  title  of  "Defender  of 
the  Faith" — still  borne  by  the  Sovereigns  of 
England ! 

The  reception  which  the  work  met  with  at 
Rome  contributed  not  a  little  to  attract  the 
general  attention.  In  a  few  months,  many 
thousand  copies,  from  different  presses,  got 
into  circulation;170  so  that,to  use  the  words  of 
Cochlaeus,  "  the  whole  Christian  world  was 
filled  with  wonder  and  joy."171 

Such  extravagant  praises  served  to  augment 
the  already  insufferable  vanity  of  the  head  of 
the  race  of  Tudor.  He  seemed  himself  to  en- 
tertain no  doubt,  that  he  was  inspired  by  the 
Holy  Spirit.*  Henceforward  he  could  not 
endure  contradiction.  Papal  authority  was  in 


*  He  was  brought  to  fancy  it  was  written  with 
some  degree  of  inspiration.    (Burnet  in  prsef.) 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


289 


his  view,  no  longer  at  Rome,  but  at  Green- 1  by  d 
wich, — and  infallibility  was  vested  in  his  own    me," 


person.  This  proud  assumption  served  great- 
ly to  promote,  at  a  later  period,  the  Reforma- 
tion in  England. 

Luther  read  Henry's  book  with  a  smile, 
mingled  with  disdain,  impatience,  and  indig- 
nation. The  falsehoods  and  insults  it  con- 
tained, but  above  all  the  air  of  pity  and  con- 
tempt which  the  king  affected,  irritated  the 
doctor  of  Wittemberg  to  the  highest  degree. 
The  thought  that  the  Pope  had  publicly  ap- 
proved the  book,  and  that  on  all  sides  the  en- 
emies of  the  Gospel,  were  triumphing  over  the 
Reformation  and  the  Reformer,  as  already 
overthrown,  increased  his  indignation: — and 
why  indeed,  thought  he,  should  he  temporise  1 
Was  he  not.  contending  in  the  cause  of  One 
greater  than  all  the  kings  of  this  earth]  The 
gentleness  that  the  Gospel  inculcates  seemed 
to  him  out  of  place.  An  eye  for  an  eye,  a 
tooth  for  a  tooth.  And  indeed  he  went  be- 
yond all  bounds: — persecuted,  railed  at,  hunted 
down,  wounded, — the  furious  lion  turned  upon 
his  pursuers,  and  set  himself  determinedly  to 
crush  his  enemy.  The  Elector,  Spalatin, 
Melancthon,  Bugenhagen,  essayed  in  vain  to 
appease  him.  They  tried  to  dissuade  him 
from  replying;  but  nothing  could  stop  him. 
"  I  won't  be  gentle  toward  the  king  of  Eng- 
land," said  he  :  "I  know  it  is  useless  to  hum- 
ble myself,  to  compromise,  entreat  and  try 
peaceful  methods.  I  will  show  these  wild 
beasts,  who  are  every  day  running  at  me  with 
their  horns,  how  terrible  I  can  be;  I  will  turn 
upon  my  pursuers,  I  will  provoke,  and  exas- 
perate my  adversary,  until  exhausting  all  his 
strength  he  falls  and  is  for  ever  annihilated.172 
*  If  this  heretic  does  not  retract,'  says  the  new 
Thomas,  Henry  VIII.,  'he  must  be  burnt!' 
Such  are  the  weapons  which  are  now  employed 
against  me :  the  fury  and  the  faggots  of  stu- 
pid asses  and  hogs  of  the  Thomas  Aquinas 
brood.*  Well,  then,  be  it  so!  Let  these 
swine  come  on,  if  they  dare;  aye,  let  them 
even  burn  me — here  I  am,  awaiting  them. — 
My  ashes,  after  death,  though  cast  into  a  thou- 
sand seas,  shall  rise  up  in  arms,  and  pursue, 
and  swallow  up  their  abominable  troop.  Liv- 
ing, I  will  be  the  enemy  of  the  Papacy, — and 
burnt,  I  will  be  its  ruin  !  Go  then,  swine  of 
St.  Thomas,  do  what  you  will.  Ever  will 
you  find  Luther,  like  a  bear  upon  your  road,  and 
like  a  lion  upon  your  path.  He  will  fall  upon 
you  from  all  sides,  and  give  you  no  rest  until 
he  shall  have  ground  your  iron  brains,  and 
pulverized  your  brazen  foreheads ! " 

Luther  begins  by  reproaching  Henry  VIII. 
with  having  supported  his  statements  merely 


*  Ignis  et  luror  insulsissimorum  asinorum  et 
Thomisticorum  porcorum.  (Contra  Henricum 
Regem,  Opp.  Lat.  ii.  p.  331.)  There  is  some- 
thing in  this  way  of  speaking  which  recalls  to  our 
mind  the  language  of  the  great  agitator  oflreland, 
except  that  there  is  more  force  and  nobility  of 
thought  in  the  orator  of  the  sixteenth  century,  than 
in  him  of  the  nineteenth  (See  Revue  BrUan- 
nique,  Nov.  1835  :  '  The  Reign  of  O'Connell ' — 
u  Soaped  swine  of  civilised  society,"  &c.  p.  30.) 


says  he,  "I  do  not  cease  my  cry  of  *  The 
Gospel !  the  Gospel ! — Christ !  Christ ! ' — and 
my  enemies  are  as  ready  with  their  answer, — 
4  Custom !  custom ! — Ordinances !  ordinances ! 
— Fathers  !  fathers ! ' — '  That  your  faith 
should  not  stand  in  the  wisdom  of  men,  but  in 
the  power  of  God?  says  St.  Paul.  And  the 
Apostle,  by  this  thunder-clap  from  heaven,  at 
once  overturns  and  disperses,  as  the  wind 
scatters  the  dust,  all  the  foolish  thoughts  of 
such  a  one  as  this  Henry  !  Alarmed  and  con- 
founded, the  Aquinases,  Papists,  Henrys,  fall 
prostrate  before  the  power  of  those  words."173 

He  proceeds  to  refute  in  detail  the  king's 
book,  and  exposes  his  arguments  one  after  the 
other,  with  remarkable  clearness,  energy,  and 
knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  and  of  Church 
history;  but  also  with  a  boldness  and  con- 
tempt, and  at  times  a  violence,  which  need 
not  surprise  us. 

Towards  the  end,  Luther's  indignation  is 
again  aroused,  that  his  adversary  should  only 
have  drawn  his  arguments  from  the  Fathers; 
for  on  them  was  made  to  turn  the  whole  con- 
troversy :  "To  all  the  decisions  of  Fathers,  of 
men,  of  angels,  of  devils,  I  oppose,"  says 
he,  **  not  the  antiquity  of  custom,  not  the  hab- 
its of  the  many,  but  the  word  of  the  Eternal 
God, — the  Gospel, — which  they  themselves 
are  obliged  to  admit.  It  is  to  this  book  that 
I  keep, — upon  it  I  rest, — in  it  I  make  my 
boast, — in  it  I  triumph,  and  exult  over  Papists, 
Aquinases,  Henrys,  sophists,  and  all  the  swine 
of  hell.174  The  King  of  Heaven  is  on  my  side, 
— therefore  I  fear  nothing,  though  even  a  thou- 
sand Augustines,  a  thousand  Cyprians,  and  a 
thousand  such  churches  as  that  of  which  this 
Henry  is  Defender,  should  rise  up  against  me. 
It  is  a  small  matter  that  I  should  despise  and 
revile  an  earthly  king,  since  he  himself  has 
not  feared,  by  his  writings,  to  blaspheme  the 
King  of  Heaven,  and  profane  his  holy  name 
by  the  most  daring  lies."175 

"Papists!"  he  exclaims  in  conclusion, 
"will  you  never  have  done  with  your  vain  at- 
tempts 1  Do,  then,  what  ye  list.  Notwith- 
standing, it  must  still  come  to  pass,  that  popes, 
bishops,  priests,  monks,  princes,  devils,  death, 
sin, — and  all  that  is  not  Jesus  Christ,  or 
in  Jesus  Christ, — must  fall  and  perish  before 
the  power  of  this  Gospel,  which  I,  Martin 
Luther,  have  preached."176 

Thus  spake  an  unfriended  monk.  His  vio- 
lence certainly  cannot  be  excused,  if  we  judge 
of  it  according  to  the  rule  to  which  he  himself 
was  ever  appealing,  namely,  God's  Word. — 
It  cannot  even  be  justified,  by  pleading  in  ex- 
tenuation, the  grossness  of  the  age, — (for 
Melancthon  knew  how  to  observe  courtesy 
of  language  in  his  writings,) — nor  can  we 
plead  the  energy  of  his  character,  if  something 
is  allowed  for  this,  more  must  be  ascribed  to 
the  violence  of  his  passions.  It  is  better, 
then,  that  we  should  give  our  judgment  against 
it.  Nevertheless,  justice  requires  the  remark, 
that  in  the  sixteenth  century  this  extravagant 
language  was  not  so  strange  as  it  would  be  at 
this  time.  The  learned  were,  like  the  nobles, 


290 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


a  kind  of  estate.     Henry,  in  attacking  Luther,  I 
had  put  himself  in  the  rank  of  a  man  of  let- 
ters.    Luther  replied  to  him  according  to  the  ! 
law  which  obtained  in  the  republic  of  letters;  . 
viz.  that  the  truth  of  what  is  stated  is  to  be 
considered,  and  not  the  condition  in  life  of; 
him  who  states  it.     Let  it  be  added,  also,  1 
that  when  this  same  king  turned  against  the 
Pope,  the  insults  heaped  upon  him  by  the  Ro- 
mish writers,  and  by  the  Pope  himself,  far  ex- 
ceeded all  that  Luther  had  ever  fulminated 
against  him. 

Besides. — if  Luther  did  call  Doctor  Eck  an 
ass,  and  Henry  VIII.  a  hog,  he  indignantly 
rejected  the  intervention  of  the  secular  arm ; 
at  the  time  that  the  former  was  writing  a  dis- 
sertation to  show  that  heretics  ought  to  be 
burned,  and  the  latter  was  erecting  scaffolds 
that  he  might  follow  out  the  precepts  of  the 
chancellor  of  Ingolstadt. 

Great  was  the  emotion  at  the  king's  court, 
when  Luther's  reply  arrived.  Surrey,  Wol- 
sey,  and  the  rest  of  the  courtiers  put  a  stop  to 
the  fetes  and  pageantry  at  Greenwich,  to  vent 
their  indignation  in  sarcasms  and  abuse.  The 
aged  Bishop  of  Rochester,  who  had  looked  on 
with  delight  at  the  young  prince,  formerly 
confided  to  his  care,  breaking  a  lance  in  de- 
fence of  the  Church,  was  stung  to  the  quick 
by  the  monk's  attack.  He  replied  to  it  at  the 
moment.  His  words  gave  a  good  idea  of  the 
age,  and  of  the  Church: — "  Take  us  the  little 
foxes  that  spoil  the  vines,  says  Christ  in  Sol- 
omon's Song;  from  this  we  learn,"  said  Fish- 
er, "  that  we  ought  to  lay  hands  upon  heretics, 
before  they  grow  big.  Luther  is  become  a 
large  fox,  so  old,  so  cunning,  so  mischievous, 
that  it  is  very  difficult  to  catch  him.  What 
do  I  say,  a  fox]  He  is  a  mad  dog,  a  raven- 
ing wolf,  a  cruel  she-bear;  or  rather,  all  these 
put  together,  for  the  monster  includes  many 
beasts  within  him."177 

Thomas  More  also  descended  into  the  arena 
to  engage  with  the  monk  of  Wittemberg. — 
Although  a  laic,  his  zeal  against  the  Refor- 
mation amounted  to  fanaticism,  if  it  would 
not  have  led  him  even  to  the  shedding  of  blood. 
When  young  men  of  family  take  up  the  cause 
of  the  Papacy,  they  often,  in  their  violence, 
outdo  the  clergy  themselves.  "Reverend 
brother,  father  tippler,  Luther,  apostate  of  the 
order  of  St.  Augustine,  (misshapen  bacchana- 
lian) of  either  faculty,  unlearned  doctor  of  sa- 
cred theology."178 Thus  it  is  the  Reformer  is 
addressed  by  one  of  the  most  illustrious  men 
of  the  age.  Then  he  goes  on  to  say,  in  ex- 
planation of  the  way  in  which  Luther  had 
composed  his  book  against  Henry  VIII. : — 
"  He  assembled  his  companions,  and  bid  them 
go  each  his  own  way  to  pick  up  scurrilities 
and  insults.  One  frequented  the  public  car- 
riages and  barges ;  another  the  baths  and  gam- 
bling houses;  this  one,  the  barber's  shops  and 
low  taverns ;  that  one,  the  manufactory  and 
the  house  of  ill  fame.  They  took  down  in 
their  pocket-books  all  that  they  heard  of  inso- 
lence, of  fillhiness,  of  infamy,  and  bringing 
back  all  these  insults  and  impurities,  they 
filled  with  them  that  dirty  sink  which  is  called 


« Luther's  wit.' "  Then  he  continues :  "  If  he 
retracts  these  lies  and  calumnies,  if  he  puts 
away  these  fooleries  and  this  rage,  if  he  swal- 
lows down  his  excrements  again,179.  .  .  he 
will  find  one  who  will  soberly  discuss  with 
him.  But  if  he  continues  as  he  has  begun, 
joking,  taunting,  fooling,  calumniating,  vom- 
iting out  sinks  and  sewers180.  .  .  let  others  do 
what  they  choose;  for  ourselves  we  prefei 
leaving  the  little  man  to  his  own  anger  and 
dirtiness."*  Thomas  More  would  have  done 
better  to  restrain  his  own  coarseness ;  Luther 
never  descended  to  such  a  style,  neither  did 
he  return  it  any  answer. 

This  work  increased  Henry's  attachment  to 
More.  He  even  used  to  go  and  visit  him  at 
his  humble  residence  at  Chelsea.  After  din- 
ner,— his  arm  leaning  on  the  shoulder  of  his 
favourite,  the  king  would  walk  round  the  gar- 
den with  him,  while  the  astonished  wife  of  his 
flattered  host,  concealed  behind  a  lattice,  with 
her  children,  could  not  but  keep  her  eyes  fixed 
on  them.  After  one  of  these  walks,  More, 
who  well  knew  the  man  he  had  to  deal  with, 
said  to  his  wife, "  If  my  head,  could  gain  for  him 
a  single  castle  in  France,  he  would  not  hesi 
tate  a  moment  to  take  it  off"." 

The  king,  thus  defended  by  the  Bishop  of 
Rochester,  and  by  his  future  chancellor,  need- 
ed not  any  more  to  resume  his  pen.  Con- 
founded at  the  thought  of  being  treated,  in 
the  face  of  Europe,  as  any  common  writer, 
Henry  VIII.  abandoned  the  dangerous  posi- 
tion he  had  taken,  and  laying  aside  the  pen 
of  the  theologian,  had  recourse  to  the  more 
effectual  measures  of  diplomacy. 

An  ambassador  was  despatched  from  his 
court  at  Greenwich,  with  a  letter  to  the  Elect- 
or, and  to  the  Dukes  of  Saxony.  "The  true 
serpent  cast  down  from  heaven,  even  Luther," 
says  Henry,  "casts  out  a  flood  of  poison  upon 
the  earth.  He  excites  revolt  in  the  Church 
of  Jesus  Christ,  he  abolishes  its  laws,  insults 
the  authorities,  inflames  the  laity  against  the 
priesthood,  both  of  these  against  the  Pope, 
the  people  against  kings,  and  asks  nothing 
better  than  to  see  Christians  fighting  against, 
and  destroying  one  another,  and  the  enemies 
of  our  faith  enjoying,  with  a  savage  grin,  the 
scene  of  carnage.181 

""What  is  this  doctrine,  which  he  calls 
evangelical,  other  than  the  doctrine  of  Wick- 
lif?  Now,  most  honoured  uncles,  I  know 
how  your  ancestors  have  laboured  to  destroy 
it;  they  pursued  it,  as  a  wild  beast,  in  Bohe- 
mia, and  driving  it,  till  it  fell  into  a  pit,  they 
shut  it  in  there,  and  barricaded  it.  You  will 
not,  I  am  sure,  let  it  escape  through  your 
negligence,  lest,  making  its  way  into  Saxony, 


*  Cum  suis et  stercorihus  . . .  relinqucre, 

(Cochlseup,  p.  63.)  Cochlseus  indeed  glories  in  the 
citation  of  these  passages,  choosing  what,  according 
to  his  taste,  he  thinks  the  finest  parts  of  the  work  or 
Thomas  More.  M.  Nisard,  on  the  contrary,  con- 
fesses  in  his  book  on  More,  whose  defence  he 
undertakes  with  so  much  warmth  and  learning 
that,  in  this  writing,  the  expressions  dictated  by 
the  anger  of  the  Catholic  are  such  that  the,  trans- 
lation of  them  is  impossible. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


291 


it  should  become  master  of  the  whole  of  Ger- 
many, and,  with  smoking  nostrils,  vomiting 
forth  the  fire  of  hell,  spread  that  conflagration 
far  and  wide,  which  your  nation  has  so  often 
wished  to  extinguish  in  its  blood.182 

"Therefore  it  is,  most  worthy  lords,  J  feel 
obliged  to  exhort  you,  and  even  to  beseech 
you,  by  all  that  is  most  sacred,  promptly  to 
extinguish  the  cursed  sect  of  Luther.  Shed 
no  blood,  if  it  can  be  avoided;  but  if  this 
heretical  doctrine  lasts,  shed  it  without  hesi- 
tation, in  order  that  this  abominable  sect  may 
disappear  from  under  the  heaven."183 

The  Elector  and  his  brother  referred  the 
king  to  the  approaching  council.  Henry 
VIII.  was  thus  as  far  as  ever  from  his  object. 
"  So  renowned  a  name  mixed  up  in  the  dis- 
pute," says  Paolo  Sarpi,  "  served  to  give  it  a 
greater  zest,  and  to  conciliate  general  favour 
towards  Luther,  as  is  usually  the  case  in 
combats  and  tournaments,  where  the  spec- 
tators have  always  a  leaning  to  the  weakest, 
and  delight  to  exaggerate  the  merit  of  his  ac- 
tions."184 

In  fact,  an  immense   movement  was  in 

6 'ogress.  The  Reformation,  which,  after  the 
iet  of  Worms,  had  been  thought  to  be  con- 
fined, together  with  its  great  teacher,  in  the 
turret-chamber  of  a  strong  castle,  was  break- 
ing forth  on  all  sides  in  the  empire,  and  even 
throughout  Christendom.  The  two  parties, 
until  now,  mixed  up  together,  were  beginning 
to  separate,  and  the  partisans  of  a  monk,  who 
had  nothing  on  his  side  but  the  power  of  his 
words,  were  fearlessly  taking  their  stand  in 
the  face  of  the  followers  of  Charles  V.  and 
Leo  X.  Luther  had  only  just  left  the  Wart- 
burg, — the  Pope  had  excommunicated  all 
his  adherents, — the  Imperial  Diet  had  just 
condemned  his  doctrine, — the  princes  were 
active  in  putting  it  down  throughout  the 
greatest  part  of  the  German  states, — the  Ro- 
mish priests  were  setting  the  public  against 
it  by  their  violent  invective, — foreign  nations 
were  requiring  that  Germany  should  sacrifice 
a  man  whose  attacks  were  formidable  even  at 
a  distance, — and  yet,  this  new  sect,  few  in 
number,  and  among  whose  numbers  there 
was  no  organization,  no  acting  in  concert, 
nothing,  in  short,  of  concentrated  power,  was 
already,  by  the  energy  of  the  faith  engaged 
in  it,  and  the  rapidity  of  its  conquests  of  the 
minds  of  men,  beginning  to  cause  alarm  to 
the  vast,  ancient,  and  powerful  sovereignty 
of  Rome.  Everywhere  was  to  be  seen,  as  in 
the  first  appearance  of  spring-time,  the  seed 
bursting  forth  from  the  earth,  spontaneously 
and  without  effort.  Every  day  some  pro- 
gress might  be  remarked.  Individuals,  vil- 
lage populations,  country  towns,  nay,  large 
cities,  joined  in  this  new  confession  of  the 
name  of  Jesus  Christ.  It  was  met  by  strong 
opposition  and  fierce  persecution,  but  the  mys- 
terious power  which  animated  these  people 
was  irresistible ;  and,  though  persecuted,  they 
still  went  forward,  facing  the  terrors  of  exile, 
imprisonment,  or  the  stake,  and  were  every 
where  more  than  conquerors  over  their  perse- 
cutors. 

38 


The  monastic  orders,  which  Rome  had 
I  planted  over  the  whole  of  Christendom,  like 
'  nets  for  catching  souls  and  retaining  them  in 
their  meshes,  were  among  the  first  to  burst 
their  fetters,  and  to  propagate  the  new  doc- 
trine in  every  part  of  the  Western  Church. 
The  Augustines  of  Saxony  had  gone  along 
with  Luther,  and,  like  him,  formed  that  inti- 
mate acquaintance  with  the  WTord  of  Truth, 
which,  making  God  their  portion,  disabused 
their  minds  from  the  delusions  of  Rome  and 
its  lofty  pretensions.  But  in  other  convents 
of  this' order,  the  light  of  the  Gospel  had 
also  shone  forth :  sometimes,  among  the  aged, 
who,  like  Staupitz,  had  preserved,  in  the  midst 
of  a  leavened  Christianity,  the  sound  doc- 
trines of  truth,  and  were  now  asking  of  God 
that  they  might  depart  in  peace,  since  their 
eyes  had  seen  his  salvation ;  sometimes, 
among  the  young,  among  those  who  had 
imbibed  Luther's  instructions  with  the  cha- 
racteristic eagerness  of  their  years.  At  Nu- 
remberg, Osnabruck,  Dillingen,  Ratisbon,  in 
Hesse,  in  Wirtemburg,  at  Strasburgh,  at  Ant- 
werp, the  convents  of  the  Augustines  were 
returning  to  the  faith  of  Christ,  and  by  their 
courageous  confession  exciting  the  indigna- 
tion of  Rome. 

But  the  movement  was  not  confined  to 
the  Augustines.  Men  of  decided  character 
among  the  other  orders  followed  their  exam- 
ple; and,  notwithstanding  the  clamours  of 
their  fellow-monks,  who  were  unwilling  to 
abandon  their  carnal  observances,  and  unde- 
terred by  their  anger  and  contempt,  or  by  cen- 
sure, discipline,  and  claustral  imprisonment, 
they  fearlessly  lifted  up  their  voices  in  favour 
of  that  holy  arid  precious  truth,  which,  after 
so  many  toilsome  researches,  so  many  dis- 
tressing doubts,  and  inward  conflicts,  they 
had  at  last  found.  In  the  majority  of  the 
cloisters,  the  most  spiritual,  devout,  and  in- 
structed monks  declared  themselves  in  favour 
of  the  Reformation.  Eberlin  and  Kettenbach 
attacked,  from  the  convents  of  the  Franciscans 
at  Ulm,  the  service  of  bondage  of  monkery,  and 
the  superstitious  practices  of  the  Church,  with 
an  eloquence  that  might  have  drawn  a  whole 
nation  after  it.  They  introduced  in  their  pe- 
tition, in  the  same  sentence,  a  request  for  the 
abolition  of  the  houses  of  the  monks,  and  of 
those  of  prostitution.  Another  Franciscan, 
Stephen  Kempe,  preached  the  Gospel  at 
Hamburg,  and,  though  alone,  set  his  face 
like  a  flint  against  the  hatred,  envy,  threats, 
cunning,  and  violence  of  the  priests, — enraged 
to  see  the  congregations  forsake  their  altars, 
and  flock  with  enthusiasm  to  his  preachings.183 

Sometimes  it  was  the  superiors  themselves 
who  were  first  won  over  to  the  Reformation. 
The  Priors  at  Halberstadt,  at  Neuenwerk,  at 
Halle,  at  Sagan,  set  the  example,  in  this 
respect,  to  those  under  their  authority;  at 
least,  they  declared  that  if  a  monk  felt  his 
conscience  burdened  by  his  monastic  vows, 
so  far  from  insisting  on  his  remaining  in  the 
convent,  they  would  themselves  carry  him 
out  on  their  shoulders.186 

In  fact,  in  all  parts  of  Germany  might  bo 


292 


HISTOkY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


seen  monks  leaving,  at  the  gates  of  their 
monastery,  their  frock  and  cowl.  Of  these, 
some  had  been  expelled  by  the  violence  of 
their  fallows,  or  of  their  superiors ;  others,  of 
a  gentle  and  peaceable  spirit,  could  no  longer 
endure  the  continually  recurring  disputes,  in- 
sults, recriminations,  and  animosities,  which 
pursued  them  from  morning  till  night.  Of 
all  these,  the  greater  number  were  convinced 
that  the  monastic  vows  were  inconsistent 
with  the  will  of  God  and  the  Christian  life. 
Some  had  gradually  been  led  to  this  convic- 
tion ;  others  had  reached  it  at  once  by  consi- 
dering a  single  text.  The  indolent,  heavy 
ignorance  which  generally  marked  the  men- 
dicant orders  communicated  a  feeling  of  dis- 
gust to  men  of  more  intelligent  minds,  who 
could  no  longer  endure  the  society  of  such 
associates.  A  Franciscan,  begging  his  way, 
one  day  presented  himself,  box  in  hand,  at  a 
blacksmith's  shop,  in  Nuremberg.  "Why 
don't  you  get  your  bread  by  working  with 
your  own  hands'?"  inquired  the  blacksmith. 
Thus  invited,  the  sturdy  monk,  tossing  from 
him  his  habit,  lifted  the'hammer,  and  brought 
it  down  again  with  force  upon  the  anvil. 
Behold  the  useless  mendicant  transformed 
into  the  industrious  workman  !  The  box  and 
monk's  gown  were  sent  back  to  the  monas- 
tery.187 

It  was  not,  however,  the  monks  only,  who 
ranged  themselves  under  the  standard  of  evan- 
gelical truth :  a  far  greater  number  of  priests 
proclaimed  the  new  doctrine.  But  it  needed 
not  to  be  promulgated  by  human  organs;  it 
often  acted  upon  men's  minds  and  aroused 
them  from  their  deep  slumber,  without  the 
instrumentality  of  a  preacher. 

Luther's  writings  were  read  in  the  bo- 
roughs, cities,  and  hamlets;  even  the  vil- 
lage schoolmaster  had  his  fire-side  audience. 
Some  persons  in  each  locality,  impressed 
with  what  they  had  heard,  consulted  the 
Bible  to  relieve  their  uncertainty,  and  were 
struck  with  the  marked  contrast  between  the 
Christianity  of  Scripture  and  that  which  they 
had  imbibed.  Fluctuating  for  a  while  be- 
tween Romanism  and  Holy  Writ,  they  ere 
long  took  refuge  in  that  living  Word  which 
had  beamed  into  their  minds  with  such  new 
and  cheering  lustre.  While  these  changes 
were  passing  in  their  minds,  an  evangelical 
preacher — he  might  be  a  priest,  or,  perhaps, 
a  monk — would  appear.  He  speaks  with 
eloquence  and  authority,183  proclaiming  that 
Christ  has  fully  atoned  for  the  sins  of  his 
people  and  proves  from  the  sacred  Word  the 
vanity  of  human  works  and  penance.  Such 
preaching  excited  terrible  opposition;  the 
clergy,  in  numerous  instances,  aided  by  the 
magistrates,  used  every  effort  to  bring  back 
those  whose  souls  were  escaping  from  bond- 
age. But  there  was  in  the  new  preaching  an 
accordance  with  Scripture,  and  a  secret,  but 
irresistible  energy,  which  won  the  heart  and 
subdued  the  most  rebellious.  Risking  the 
loss  of  property,  and,  if  needful,  the  loss  of 
life  itself,  men  deserted  the  barren  fanatical 
preachers  of.  the  Papacy,  and  enrolled  them- 


selves under  the  Gospel  banner.199  Sometimes 
the  people,  irritated  at  the  thought  how  long 
they  had  been  duped, drove  away  the  priests; 
but  more  frequently  these  latter,  forsaken  by 
their  flocks,  without  tithes  or  offerings,  went 
off,  with  desponding  hearts,  to  earn  a  liveli- 
hood in  distant  places.190  Whilst  the  defenders 
of  the  ancient  hierarchy  withdrew  in  sullen 
dejection,  pronouncing  maledictions  as  they 
took  leave  of  their  former  flocks, — the  people, 
whom  truth  and  liberty  filled  with  transports 
of  joy,  surrounded  the  new  preachers  with 
acclamations,  and  in  their  eagerness  to  hear 
the  Word,  bore  them,  as  in  triumph,  into  the 
churches  and  pulpits.191 

A  word  of  Power  from  God  himself,  was 
remoulding  society.  In  many  instances,  the 
people,  or  the  principal  citizens,  wrote  to  a 
man  whose  faith  they  knew,  urging  him  to 
come  and  instruct  them ;  and  he,  for  the  love 
of  the  truth,  would,  at  their  call,  at  once  leave 
his  worldly  interests,  his  family,  friends,  and 
country.19- Persecution  often  compelled  the 
favourers  of  the  Reformation  to  abandon  their 
dwellings; — they  arrive  in  a  place  where  the 
new  doctrines  have  never  yet  been  heard  of; 
they  find  there  some  hospitable  roof,  offering 
shelter  to  houseless  travellers ;  there  they 
speak  of  the  Gospel,  and  read  a  few  pages  to 
the  listening  townsmen,  and  perhaps,  by  the 
intercession  of  their  new  acquaintances,  ob- 
tain leave  to  preach  a  sermon  in  the  church. 
Immediately,  the  Word  spreads  like  fire 
through  the  town,  and  no  efforts  can  stay  its 
progress.193  If  not  permitted  to  preach  in  the 
church,  the  preaching  took  place  elsewhere, 
and  every  place  became  a  temple.  At  Husum 
in  Holstein,  Herman  Tast,  then  on  his  way 
from  Wittemberg,  and  to  whom  the  parochial 
clergy  denied  the  use  of  the  church,  preached 
to  an  immense  multitude,  under  the  shade  of 
two  large  trees  adjoining  the  churchyard,  not 
far  from  the  spot  where,  seven  centuries  be- 
fore, Anschnr  had  first  proclaimed  the  Gospel 
to  a  Heathen  auditory.  At  Armstadt,  Gas- 
pard  Gittel,  an  Augustine  friar,  preached  in 
the  market-place.  At  Dantzic,  the  Gospel 
was  proclaimed  from  an  eminence  outside  the 
city.  At  Gosslar,  a  student  of  Wittemberg 
opened  the  new  doctrines,  in  a  plain  planted 
with  lime-trees,  from  which  circumstance  the 
evangelical  Christians  there  obtained  the  ap- 
pellation of  the  Lime-tree  Brethren. 

Whilst  the  priests  were  exposing,  before 
the  eyes  of  the  people,  their  sordid  avidity, 
the  new  preachers,  in  addressing  them,  said  : 
"Freely  we  have  received — freely  do  we 
give."194 The  observation  often  dropt  by  the 
new  preachers  in  the  pulpit,  that  Rome  had 
of  old  given  to  the  nations  a  corrupted  Gos- 
pel, so  that  Germany  now  first  heard  the 
Word  of  Christ  in  its  divine  and  primitive 
beauty,  made  a  deep  impression  upon  all;195 
and  the  grand  thought  of  the  equality  of  all 
men  in  the  universal  brotherhood  of  Jesus 
Christ,  elevated  the  souls  which  had  so  long 
borne  the  yoke  of  the  feudality  and  papacy 
of  the  middle  ages.196 

Simple  Christians  were  often  seen  with  the 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


293 


New  Testament  in  hand,  offering  to  justify 
the  doctrine  of  the  Reformation.  The  Catho- 
lics, who  adhered  to  Rome,  drew  back  in  dis- 
may; for  the  study  of  Holy  Scripture  was 
leserved  to  the  priests  and  monks  alone. 
The  latter  being  thus  compelled  to  come 
forward,  discussion  ensued;  but  the  priests 
und  monks  were  soon  overwhelmed  with 
the  Scriptures  quoted  by  the  laity,  and  at  a 
loss  how  to  meet  them.197 "Unhappily,"  says 
Cochlaeus,  "  Luther  had  persuaded  his  fol- 
lowers that  their  faith  ought  only  to  be  given 
to  the  oracles  of  Holy  Writ."  Often  cla- 
mours were  heard  in  the  crowd,  denouncing 
the  shameful  ignorance  of  the  old  theologians, 
who  had  till  then  been  regarded  by  their  own 
party  as  among  the  most  eminentlylearned.198 

Men  of  the  humblest  capacity,  and  even 
the  weaker  sex,  by  the  help  of  the  knowledge 
of  the  Word,  persuaded,  and  prevailed  with 
many.  Extraordinary  times  produced  extra- 
ordinary actions.  At  Ingolstadt  a  young  wea- 
ver read  the  works  of  Luther  to  a  crowded 
congregation,  in  the  very  place  where  Doctor 
Eck  was  residing.  The  university  council  of 
the  same  town,  having  resolved  to  oblige  a 
disciple  of  Melancthon  to  retract, — a  woman, 
named  Argula  de  Staufen,  volunteered  to  de- 
fend him,  and  challenged  the  doctors  to  a 
public  disputation.  Women,  children,  arti- 
zans,  and  soldiers,  had  acquired  a  greater 
knowledge  of  the  Bible  than  learned  doctors 
ot  surpliced  priests. 

Christianity  was  presented  in  two-fold  ar- 
ray, and  under  aspects  strikingly  contrasted. 
Opposed  to  the  old  defenders  of  the  hierarchy, 
who  had  neglected  the  acquirement  of  the  lan- 
guages and  the  cultivation  of  literature,  (we 
have  it  on  the  authority  of  one  of  themselves) 
were  generous-minded  youths,  most  of  them 
devoted  to  study  and  the  investigation  of  the 
Scriptures,  and  acquainted  with  the  literary 
treasures  of  an tiquity.199 Gifted  with  quickness 
of  apprehension,  elev*ation  of  soul,  and  intre- 
pidity of  heart,  these  youths  soon  attained 
such  proficiency  that  none  could  compete  with 
them.  It  was  not  only  the  vigour  of  their 
faith  which  raised  them  above  their  contem- 
poraries, but  an  elegance  of  style,  a  perfume 
of  antiquity,  a  sound  philosophy,  and  a  know- 
ledge of  the  world,  of  which  the  theologians, 
veleris  farinas  (as  Cochlseus  himself  terms 
them)  were  altogether  destitute.  So  that  on 
public  occasions,  on  which  these  youthful  de- 
tenders  of  the  Reformation  encountered  the 
Romish  doctors,  their  assault  was  carried  on 
with  an  ease  and  confidence  that  embarrassed 
the  dulness  of  their  adversaries,  and  exposed 
them  before  all  to  deserved  contempt. 

The  ancient  structure  of  the  Church  was 
thus  tottering  under  the  weight  of  superstition 
and  ignorance,  while  the  new  edifice  was 
rising  from  its  foundations  of  faith  and  learn- 
ing. The  elements  of  a  new  life  were  diffused 
am«ng  the  general  body  of  the  people.  List- 
less dulness  was  every  where  succeeded  by 
an  inquiring  disposition  and  a  thirst  for  infor- 
mation. An  active,  enlightened  and  living 
faith,  took  the  place  of  superstitious  piety  and 


ascetic  meditations.  Works  of  true  devoted- 
ness,  superseded  mere  outward  observance 
and  penances.  The  pulpit  prevailed  over  the 
mummeries  of  the  altar,  and  the  ancient  and 
supreme  authority  of  God's  word,  was  at 
length,  re-established  in  the  Church. 

The  art  of  printing,  that  mighty  engine,  the 
discovery  of  which  marks  the  fifteenth  centu- 
ry, came  to  the  assistance  of  the  efforts  we  are 
now  recording;  and  its  weighty  missiles  were 
continually  discharged  against  the  enemy's 
walls. 

The  impulse  which  the  Reformation  gave 
to  popular  literature,  in  Germany,  was  prodi- 
gious. WThilst  the  year  1513  saw  only  thirty- 
five  publications,  and  1517  but  thirty-seven, 
the  number  of  books  increased  with  astonish- 
ing rapidity  after  the  appearance  of  Luther's 
theses.  We  find,  in  1518,  seventy-one  vari- 
ous publications  recorded;  in  1519,  one 
hundred  and  eleven;  in  1520,  two  hundred 
and  eight;  in  1521,  two  hundred  and  eleven  ; 
in  1522,  three  hundred  and  forty-seven;  and 
in  1523,  four  hundred  and  ninety-eight.  And 
where  were  all  these  books  published?  Al- 
most invariably  at  Wittemberg.  And  who 
was  the  author  of  them  ?  For  the  most  part, 
Luther.  The  year  1522,  saw  one  hundred 
and  thirty  publications  from  the  pen  of  the 
Reformer  alone;  and  the  following  year,  one 
hundred  and  eighty-three;  whilst  in  this  lat- 
ter year,  the  total  number  of  Roman  Catholic 
publications  amounted  to  but  twenty.200  Thus, 
the  literature  of  Germany  was  formed  in  the 
din  of  controversy,  as  its  religion  arose  in  the 
midst  of  conflicts.  Already  it  gave  evidence 
of  that  learned,  profound^  bold,  and  stirring 
spirit  that  latter  times  have  seen  in  it.  The 
genius  of  the  nation  now,  for  the  first  time, 
displayed  itself  without  mixture,  and  in  the 
very  hour  of  its  birth  it  received  a  baptism  of 
fire  from  Christian  enthusiasm. 

Whatever  Luther  and  his  friends  composed, 
others  disseminated  far  and  wide.  Monks, 
who  had  been  led  to  see  the  unlawfulness  of 
the  monastic  obligations,  and  desirous  of  ex- 
changing a  life  of  indolence  for  one  of  activity, 
but  too  ignorant  to  be  able  themselves  to  pro- 
claim the  Word  of  God,  traversed  the  pro- 
vinces, and,  visiting  the  hamlets  and  cottages, 
sold  the  writings  of  Luther  and  his  friends. 
Germany  was,  ere  long,  overrun  with  these 
enterprising  colporteurs.201  Printers  and  book- 
sellers eagerly  received  whatever  writings 
were  directed  to  the  defence  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, hut  would  not  look  at  those  of  the  oppo- 
site party,  as  savouring  generally  of  ignorance 
andbarbarism.^If  any  of  these  men,  however, 
ventured  to  sell  a  book  in  favour  of  Papacy, 
or  to  offer  it  for  sale  at  Frankfort,  or  elsewhere, 
he  drew  upon  himself  a  torrent  of  ridicule  and 
sarcasm  from  dealers,publishers,andscholars.203 
Vainly  had  the  Emperor  and  the  reigning 
princes  fulminated  severe  edicts  against  the 
writings  of  the  Reformers.  As  soon  as  an 
inquisitorial  visit  was  determined  on,  the  deal- 
ers, (who  secretly  obtained  information  of  it) 
would  conceal  the  books  which  it  was  intended 
to  proscribe ;  and  the  people,  ever  eager  to  pos- 


294 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


sess  that  of  which  authority  would  deprive 
them,  would  afterwards  buy  them  up,  and  read 
them  with  redoubled  ardour.  It  was  not  alone 
Germany  that  was  the  theatre  of  such  inci- 
dents, the  writings  of  Luther  were  translated 
into  French,  Spanish,  English,  and  Italian, 
and  were  circulated  among  those  nations. 

If  instruments  so  despised  could  yet  inflict 
such  disaster  on  the  power  of  Rome,  what  was 
it  when  the  monk  of  Wittemberg  was  heard 
to  raise  his  voice?  Shortly  after  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  strange  prophets,  Luther  traversed 
the  territory  of  Duke  George,  in  a  wagon, 
attired  in  plain  clothes.  His  gown  was 
carefully  concealed,  and  the  Reformer  wore 
the  disguise  of  a  countryman.  Had  he  been 
recognised,  and  so  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
exasperated  Duke,  it  had,  perhaps,  been  all 
over  with  him.  He  was  on  his  way  to  preach 
at  Zwickau,  the  birth-place  of  the  pretended 
prophets.  Scarcely  was  it  known  at  Schne- 
berg,  Annaberg,  and  the  neighbouring  towns, 
when  numbers  flocked  to  hear  him.  Fourteen 
thousand  persons  arrived  in  the  town,  and  as 
there  was  no  edifice  which  could  contain  so 
great  a  multitude,  Luther  preached  from  the 
balcony  of  the  Town-hall  to  twenty-five  thou- 
sand auditors,  who  thronged  the  market-place, 
— and  of  whom  several  had  climbed  to  the  top 
of  some  stones  that  lay  heaped  together  near 
the  hall.204The  servant  of  Jesus  Christ  was 
expatiating  with  fervour  on  the  election  of 
grace,  when  suddenly  a  shriek  proceeded  from 
the  midst  of  the  rivetted  auditory.  An  old 
woman  of  haggard  mien,  who  had  stationed 
herself  on  a  large  block  of  stones,  was  seen 
motioning  with  he*  lank  arms  as  though  she 
would  control  the  multitude  just  about  to  fall 
prostrate  at  the  feet  of  Jesus.  Her  wild  yells 
interrupted  the  preacher.  "It  was  the  devil," 
says  Seckendorf,  "who  took  the  form  of  an 
old  woman,  in  order  to  excite  a  tumult."205  But 
vain  was  the  effort;  the  Reformer's  word  put 
the  evil  spirit  to  silence ;  an  enthusiasm  com- 
municated itself  from  one  to  another,  looks  and 
warm  greetings  were  exchanged,  the  people 
pressed  each  other  by  the  hand,  and  the  friars, 
not  knowing  what  to  make  of  what  they  saw, 
and  unable  to  charm  down  the  tempest,  soon 
found  it  necessary  to  take  their  departure  from 
Zwickau. 

In  the  eastle  of  Freyberg  resided  Duke 
Henry,  brother  of  Duke  George.  His  wife 
the  Princess  of  Mecklenburg,  had,  the  prece- 
ding year,  presented  him  with  a  son,  who  was 
christened  Maurice.  Duke  Henry  united  the 
bluntness  and  course  manners  of  the  soldier 
to  a  passion  for  the  pleasures  of  the  table, 
and  the  pursuits  of  dissipation.  He  was, 
withal,  pious  after  the  manner  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived ;  he  had  visited  the  Holy 
Land,  and  had  also  gone  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  the  shrine  of  St.  James  at  Compostella. 
He  would  often  say,  "When  I  was  at  Com- 
postella, I  deposited  a  hundred  golden  florins 
on  the  altar  of  the  Saint,  and  I  said  to  him, — 
4  O  !  St.  James,  it  is  to  gain  your  favour  1  have 
made  this  journey.  I  make  you  a  present  of 
this  money ;  but  if  those  knaves  (the  priests) 


steal  it  from  you,  I  can't  help  it;  so  take  you 
care  of  it.' "206 

Two  friars,  (a  Franciscan  and  a  Dominican) 
disciples  of  Luther,  had  been  for  some  time 
preaching  the  Gospel  at  Freyberg.  The 
Duchess,  whose  piety  had  inspired  her  with  a 
horror  of  heresy,  attended  their  sermons,  and 
was  all  astonishment  at  discovering  that  what 
!  she  had  been  taught  so  much  to  dread,  was 
the  gracious  word  of  a  Saviour.  Gradually, 
her  eyes  were  opened ;  and  she  found  peace 
in  Jesus  Christ.  The  moment  Duke  George 
learned  that  the  Gospel  was  preached  at 
Freyberg,  he  begged  his  brother  to  resist  the 
introduction  of  such  novelties.  The  Chan- 
cellor Stehelin  and  the  canons  seconded  these 
representations  with  their  fanatical  zeal.  A 
violent  explosion  took  place  at  the  court  of 
Freyberg.  Duke  Henry  sternly  reprimanded 
and  reproached  his  wife,  and  more  than  once 
the  pious  Duchess  was  known  to  shed  tears 
over  the  cradle  of  her  babe.  By  slow  de- 
grees, however,  her  gentle  entreaties  melted 
the  heart  of  her  husband.  This  man,  so 
stern  by  nature,  softened  down.  A  sweet 
harmony  was  established  between  them :  at 
length  they  were  enabled  to  join  in  prayer 
beside  their  infant  son.  Great  and  untold 
destinies  hovered  above  that  son ;  and  from 
that  cradle,  where  the  Christian  mother  had  so 
often  poured  out  her  sorrows,  was  to  come 
forth  one  whom  God  in  his  own  time  would 
use  as  a  defender  of  the  Reformation. 

The  intrepidity  of  Luther  had  made  a  deep 
impression  on  the  inhabitants  of  Worms. 
The  Imperial  Decree  overawed  the  magis- 
trates; the  churches  were  all  closed;  but  a 
preacher,  taking  his  stand  on  a  rudely  con- 
structed pulpit,  in  a  square  thronged  with  an 
immense  multitude,  proclaimed  the  glad  ti- 
dings with  persuasive  earnestness.  If  the 
authorities  snowed  a  disposition  to  interfere, 
the  people  dispersed  in  an  instant,  hastily 
carrying  off  their  pulpit;  but  no  sooner  had 
the  officers  of  authority  passed  by,  than  they 
again  erected  their  pulpit  in  some  more  retired 
spot,  to  which  the  multitude  would  again  flock 
together  to  hear  more  of  the  Word  of  Jesus 
Christ.  This  temporary  pulpit  was  every  day 
set  up  in  one  spot  or  another,  and  served  as  a 
rallying  point  for  the  people  who  were  still 
under  the  influence  of  the  emotions  awakened 
by  the  drama  lately  enacted  in  Worms.207 

At  Frankfort  on  the  Maine,  one  of  the  most 
considerable  free  cities  of  the  empire,  all  was 
commotion.  A  courageous  evangelist,  Ibach, 
preached  salvation  by  Jesus  Christ.  The 
clergy,  among  whom  was  Cochlseus,  known 
by  his  writings  and  his  opposition  to  the  Re- 
formation, irritated  by  the  daring  intrusion  of 
such  a  colleague,  denounced  him  to  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Mentz.  The  Council,  though  with 
some  timidity,  nevertheless  supported  him; 
but  without  avail.  The  clergy  expelled  the 
evangelical  minister,  and  obliged  him  to  quit 
Frankfort.  Rome  appeared  triumphant;  all 
seemed  lost;  and  private  Christians  began  to 
fear  that  they  were  for  ever  deprived  of  the 
preaching  of  the  WTord  :  but  at  the  very  mo- 


HISTORY  OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


295 


ment  when  the  citizens  seemed  disposed  to 
submit  to  the  tyranny  of  their  priests,  certain 
nobles  suddenly  declared  themselves  for  the 
Gospel.  Max  of  Molnheim,  Harmut  of  Cron- 
berg,  George  of  Stockheim,  and  Emeric  of 
Reiffenstein,  whose  estates  lay  near  Frank- 
fort wrote  to  the  Council: — "We  are  con- 
strained to  make  a  stand  against  those  spirit- 
ual wolves."  And,  in  addressing  the  clergy, 
they  said  :— "  Either  embrace  evangelical  doc- 
trines and  recall  Ibach,  or  we  will  pay  no  more 
tithes." 

The  common  people,  who  listened  gladly 
to  the  reformed  opinions,  emboldened  by  this 
language  of  the  nobles,  showed  symptoms  of 
agitation;  and  one  day  when  Peter  Mayer, 
the  persecutor  of  Ibach,  and  who  of  all  the 
priests  was  the  most  hostile  to  the  new  opin- 
ions, was  on  the  point  of  preaching  against 
heretics,  a  violent  tumult  broke  forth,  and 
Mayer  in  alarm  retreated  from  the  pulpit. — 
This  popular  movement  decided  the  deter- 
mination of  the  Council.  An  ordinance  was 
published,  enjoining  all  ministers  to  preach 
the  pure  Word  of  God,  or  to  quit  the  town. 

The  light  which  shone  forth  from  Wittem- 
berg,  as  from  the  heart  of  the  nation,  was  thus 
diffusing  itself  throughout  the  empire.  In  the 
west, — Berg,  Cleves,  Lippstadt,  Munster, 
Wesel,  Miltenberg,  Mentz,  Deux  Fonts,  and 
Strasburg,  heard  the  'joyful  sound.'  In  the 
south, — Hof,  Schlesstadt,  Bamberg,  Esslin- 
gen,  Hall  (in  Suabia),  Heilbrunn,  Augsburg, 
Ulm,  and  many  other  places,  welcomed  it 
with  joy.  In  the  east, — the  Duchy  of  Lieg- 
nitz,  Prussia  and  Pomerania,  received  it  with 
open  arms.  It  the  north, — Brunswick,  Hal- 
berstadt,  Gosslar,  Zell,  Friesland,  Bremen, 
Hamburg,  Holstein,  and  even  Denmark,  and 
other  adjacent  countries,  moved  at  the  sounds 
of  the  new  teaching. 

The  Elector  had  declared  that  he  would  give 
full  liberty  to  the  bishops  to  preach  in  his 
dominions;  but  that  he  would  not  deliver  any 
one  into  their  hands.  Accordingly,  the  evan- 
gelical preachers,  persecuted  in  other  countries, 
were  soon  driven  to  take  refuge  in  Saxony. 
Among  these  were — Ibach,  from  Frankfort, 
JEberlin,  from  Ulm,  Kanadoif,  from  Mag- 
deburg, Valentine  Musteus,208  whom  the  canons 
of  Halberstadt  had  horribly  mutilated,  and 
other  faithful  ministers,  from  all  parts  of  Ger- 
many flocked  to  Wittemberg,  as  to  the  only 
asylum  of  which  they  felt  secure.  Here  they 
could  hold  converse  with  the  leading  Reform- 
ers, thereby  strengthening  themselves  in  the 
faith,  and  at  the  same  time  communicating 
the  experience  each  one  had  gained,  together 
with  the  information  he  had  acquired.  It  is 
thus  that  the  waters  of  our  rivers  return,  borne 
in  the  clouds  from  the  vast  expanse  of  ocean, 
to  feed  the  glaciers  whence  they  first  descend- 
ed, to  flow  through  the  plain. 

The  work  which  was  at  this  time  develop 
ing  itself  at  Wittemberg,  composed,  as  has 
been  seen,  of  various  elements,  became  from 
day  to  day  increasingly  the  work  of  that  na- 
tion, of  Europe,  and  of  Christendom.  The 
school  which  Frederic  had  founded,  and  into 


which  Luther  had  introduced  the  Word  of 
Life  was  the  centre  of  that  wide-spreading 
revolution  which  regenerated  the  Church ;  and 
Tom  it  the  Reformation  derived  a  true  and  a 
iving  unity,  far  above  the  semblance  of  unity 
hat  might  be  seen  in  Rome.  The  Bible  was 
the  supreme  authority  at  Wittemberg,  and 
there  its  doctrines  were  heard  on  all  sides. — 
This  academy,  though  the  most  recent  of  all 
in  its  origin,  r.ad  acquired  a  rank  and  influ- 
nce  throughout  Christendom  which  hitherto 
had  exclusively  appertained  to  the  ancient 
University  of  Paris.  The  crowrds  of  students 
which  resorted  to  Wittemberg,  from  all  parts 
of  Europe,  brought  thither  the  report  of  the 
wants  of  the  Church  and  of  the  people,  and  in 
quitting  those  walls,  become  sacred  in  their 
esteem,  they  bore  with  them,  to  the  Church 
and  people,  that  Word  of  Grace,  which  is  for 
the  healing  and  salvation  of  the  nations. 

In  contemplating  these  happy  results,  Lu- 
ther felt  his  confidence  increased.  He  had 
seen  a  feeble  effort,  begun  amidst  so  many 
fears  and  struggles,  change  the  face  of  the 
Christian  world ;  and  he  himself  was  aston- 
ished at  a  result  which  he  never  anticipated 
when  he  first  entered  the  lists  against  Tetzel. 
Prostrate  before  the  God  whom  he  adored,  he 
confessed  that  the  work  was  His ;  and  he  re- 
joiced in  the  assurance  of  victory  which  no 
power  cquld  prevent.  "  Our  enemies  threaten 
us  with  death,"  said  he,  to  the  Chevalier  Har- 
mut of  Cronberg — "if  their  wisdom  were 
equal  to  their  folly,  it  is  with  life  they  would 
threaten  us.  What  an  absurdity  and  insult  it 
is  to  affect  to  denounce  death  against  Christ 
and  Christians,  who  are  themselves  the  con- 
querors of  death!209  It  is  as  if  I  would  seek  to 
affright  a  rider  by  saddling  his  courser,  and 
helping  him  to  mount.  Do  they  not  know 
that  Christ  is  raised  from  the  dead  ?  So  far 
as  thay  see,  He  is  yet  lying  in  the  grave,  nay 
— even  in  hell.  Eut  we  know  that  He  lives." 
He  was  grieved  whenever  he  thought  that  any 
one  should  look  upon  him  as  the  author  of  a 
work,  of  which  the  most  minute  details  dis- 
closed to  him  the  finger  of  God.  "  Some  there 
are,"  said  he,  "  who  believe  because  I  believe. 
But  they  only  truly  believe,  who  would  con- 
tinue faithful  even  though  they  should  hear 
(which  may  God  forbid !)  that  I  had  denied 
Christ.  True  disciples  believe — not  in  Lu- 
ther— but  in  Jesus  Christ.  Even  I  myself 
care  little  for  Luther.210  Let  him  be  counted  a 
saint  or  a  cheat,  what  care  1 1  It  is  not  him 
that  I  preach;  it  is  Christ.  If  the  devil  can 
seize  Luther,  let  him  do  so !  But  let  Christ 
abide  with  us,  and  we  shall  abide  also." 

Surely  it  is  idle  to  explain  such  a  principle 
as  here  speaks  out,  by  the  mere  circumstances 
of  human  affairs.  Men  of  letters  might  sharp- 
en their  wits,  and  shoot  their  poisoned  arrows 
against  pope  and  friars — the  gathering  cry  for 
freedom,  which  Germany  had  so  often  sent 
forth  against  Italian  tyranny,  might  again  echo 
in  the  castles  and  provinces; — the  people 
might  again  delight  in  the  familiar  voice  of 
the  Wittemberg  nightingale211  heralding  the 
spring  that  was  every  where  bursting  forth;-  . 
2  C 


296 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION 


but  it  was  no  change  in  mere  outward  cir- 
cumstances, like  such  as  is  the  effect  of  a 
craving  for  earthly  liberty,  that  was  then  ac- 
complishing. Those  who  assert  that  the  Re- 
formation was  brought  about  by  bribing  the 
reigning  princes  with  the  prospect  of  convent 
treasure, — the  clergy,  with  the  license  of 
marriage, — or  the  people  with  the  boon  of 
freedom,  are  strangely  mistaken  in  its  nature. 
Doubtless,  a  profitable  use  of  resources  which 
hitherto  had  maintained  the  monks  in  idle- 
ness,— doubtless,  marriage  and  liberty,  God's 
gifts,  might  conduce  to  the  progress  of  the 
Reformation, — but  the  moving  power  was  not 
in  these  things.  An  interior  revolution  was 
going  on  in  the  deep  privacy  of  men's  hearts : 
Christians  were  again  learning  to  love  and 


forgive,  to  pray,  to  suffer  affliction,  and,  if 
need  be,  to  die  for  the  sake  of  that  Truth 
which  yet  held  out  no  prospect  of  rest  on  this 
side  heaven  !  The  Church  was  in  a  state  of 
transition.  Christianity  was  bursting  the 
shroud  in  which  it  had  so  long  been  veiled, 
and  resuming  its  place  in  a  world  which  had 
wellnigh  forgotten  its  former  power.  He 
who  made  the  earth  now  "turned  his  hand," 
and  the  gospel, — emerging  from  eclipse,— 
went  forward,  notwithstanding  the  repeated 
efforts  of  priests  and  of  kings, — like  the 
Ocean,  which,  when  the  hand  of  God  presses 
on  its  bosom,  rises  in  majestic  calmness  along 
its  shores,  so  that  no  power  of  man  is  able 
to  resist  its  movement. 


BOOK  X. 

Movement  in  Germany — War  between  Francis  I.  and  Charles  V. — Inigo  Lopez  de  Reculde — Siege 
of  Pampeluna — Loyala's  Armed  Vigil— Enters  a  Dominican  Convent — Mental  Distress — "  Strong 
Delusions" — "Belief  of  a  Lie" — Amusement  of  the  Pope — Death  of  Leo  X. — Character  of 
Adrian  VI. — The  Pope  attempts  a  Reformation — Opposition  at  Rome — Designs  against  Luther- 
Diet  at  Nuremberg — Osiander  at  Nuremberg — The  Pope's  Candour — Resolution  of  the  Diet — 
Grievances— The  Pope  to  the  Elector — The  Pope's  Brief — The  Princes  fear  the  Pope — "The 
Fiery  Trial" — "  The  Failing  Mines" — The  Augustine  Convent — Mirisch  and  Probst — Persecu- 
tion at  Miltemburg — The  Inquisitors  and  the  Confessors — The  Fate  of  Lambert — Luther's  Sym- 
pathy— Hymn  on  the  Martyrs — The  Legate  Carnpeggio — Evasion  of  the  Edict  of  Worms — Alarm 
of  the  Pope — The  Dukes  of  Bavaria — Conference  at  Ratisbon — Subtle  Devices — Results  of  the 
Ratisbon  League — The  Emperor's  Edict — Martyrdom  of  Gaspard  Tauber — Cruelties  in  Wiirtem- 
berg — Persecution  in  Bavaria — Fanaticism  in  Holstein — The  Prior  and  the  Regent — Martyrdom 
of  Henry  Zuphten — Luther  and  Carlstadt — Opinions  on  the  Lord's  Supper — Carlstadt  leaves 
Wittemberg — Luther  at  Jena — Luther  and  Carlstadt — Luther  at  Orlamund — Interview  at  Orla- 
mund — On  the  Worship  of  Images — Carlstadt  banished — Carlstadt  retires  to  Strasburg — Assem- 
bly at  Spires — Abridgment  of  the  Reformed  Doctrine — Albert  of  Brandenburg — The  Word  of 
God  not  bound — All  Saints'  Church — Abolition  of  the  Mass — Nature  of  Christianity — Letter  to 
Councillors — On  the  Use  of  Learning — Religion  and  the  Arts — Essence  of  Christianity — Music 
and  Poetry — Abuses  of  Painting — Insurrection  of  the  Peasantry — The  Reformation  and  Revolt 
— Fanaticism — "The  Spirit" — Mu'nzer  preaches  Revolt — Liberty  of  Conscience — Luther's  View 
of  the  Revolt— Luther  to  the  Peasantry— Murder  of  Count  Helfenstein— Warlike  Exhortation— 
Gotz  of  Berlichingen — "Radical  Reform" — Defeat  of  the  Rebels — Munzer  at  Mulhausen — 
Anxieties  at  Wittemberg — The  Landgrave  takes  up  Arms — Defeat  and  Death  of  Munzer — 
Thirteenth  Article — Luther  calumniated — Rise  of  the  New  Church — The  Revolt  and  the  Re- 
formation— The  last  Days  of  the  Elector  Frederic — The  Elector  and  the  Reformer — Duke 
George's  Confederacy— The  Nuns  of  Nimptsch— Catherine  Bora— The  deserted  Convent—Lu- 
ther's Thoughts  on  Matrimony — Luther's  Marriage — Domestic  Happiness — The  Elector  John — 
The  Landgrave  Philip — Poliander's  Hymn — New  Ordination — Diet  at  Augsburg — League  of 
Torgau — The  Evangelic  Union — "The  Rulers  take  Counsel  together" — The  Emperor's  Mes- 
sage— The  Reformation  and  the  Papacy. 


THE  Reformation,  which  had  taken  its  rise 
in  a  few  pious  hearts,  had  worked  its  way 
into  the  public  worship  and  the  private  life 
of  the  Church;  it  was  to  be  expected  that  it 
would,  as  it  advanced,  penetrate  into  civil 
relationships.  Its  progress  was  constantly, 
from  within, — outward.  We  are  about  to 
contemplate  this  great  change  taking  posses- 
sion of  the  political  life  of  nations. 

For  a  period  of  nearly  eight  centuries,  Eu- 
rope had  formed  one  vast  sacerdotal  state.  Its 
emperors  and  kings  had  been  under  the  pa- 
tronage of  its  popes.  If  France  and  Germany 
had  afforded  examples  of  energetic  resistance 
to  audacious  pretensions,  still  Rome,  in  the 
result,  had  prevailed,  and  the  world  had  seen 
temporal  princes,  consenting  to  act  as  exe- 
cutioners of  her  terrible  sentences,  contend  in 


defence  of  her  power  against  private  Chris- 
tians living  under  their  rule,  and  shed,  in 
her  cause,  the  blood  of  the  children  of  their 
people. 

No  infringement  of  this  vast  ecclesiastical 
polity  but  must  affect,  in  a  greater  or  less  de- 
gree, established  political  relations. 

Two  leading  desires  then  agitated  the  minds 
of  the  Germans.  On  one  hand,  the  people 
aspired  after  a  revival  of  the  faith ;  on  the 
other,  they  demanded  a  national  government 
wherein  the  German  states  might  be  repre- 
sented, and  which  should  serve  as  a  counter- 
poise to  the  Imperial  power.* 

The  Elector  Frederic  had  urged  this  de- 
mand at  the  time  of  the  election  of  Maximi- 

*  Robertson,  Charles  V.  vol.  iii.  p.  114. 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


297 


lian's  successor,  and  the  youthful  Charles  had 
consented.  A  national  government  had,  in 
consequence,  been  chosen,  consisting  of  the 
Imperial  chief  and  representatives  of  the  va- 
rious electors  and  circles. 

Thus  while  Luther  was  reforming"  the 
Church,  Frederic  was  engaged  in  reforming 
the  State. 

But  when,  simultaneously  with  a  change 
in  religion,  important  modifications  of  poli- 
tical relationships  were  introduced  by  the 
authorities,  it  was  to  be  apprehended  that  the 
commonalty  would  exhibit  a  disposition  to 
revolt, — thereby  bringing  into  jeopardy  the 
Reformation  both  of  Church  and  of  State. 

This  violent  and  fanatical  irruption  of  the 
people,  under  certain  chosen  leaders,  unavoid- 
able where  society  is  in  a  state  of  crisis,— 
did  not  fail  to  happen  in  the  times  we  are  re- 
cording. 

Other  circumstances  there  were  which 
tended  to  these  disorders. 

The  Emperor  and  the  Pope  had  combined 
against  the  Reformation,  and  it  might  appear 
to  be  doomed  to  fall  beneath  the  strokes  of 
such  powerful  enemies.  Policy — interest — 
ambition  obliged  Charles  V.  and  Leo  X.  to 
extirpate  it.  But  such  motives  are  feeble 
defences  against  the  power  of  Truth.  A  de- 
voted assertion  of  a  cause  deemed  sacred  can 
be  conquered  only  by  a  like  devotedness  op- 
posed to  it.  But  the  Romans,  quick  to  catch 
Leo's  enthusiasm  for  a  sonnet  or  a  musical 
composition,  had  no  pulse  to  beat  response  to 
the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ;  or,  if  at  times 
some  graver  thoughts  would  intervene,  instead 
of  their  being  such  as  might  purify  their 
hearts,  and  imbue  them  with  the  Christianity 
of  the  apostles,  they  turned  upon  alliances, 
or  conquests,  or  treaties  that  added  new  pro- 
vinces to  the  Papal  states ;  and  Rome,  with 
cold  disdain,  left  to  the  Reformation  to  awaken 
on  all  sides  a  religious  enthusiasm,  and  to  go 
forward  in  triumphant  progress  to  new  victo- 
ries. The  foe  that  she  had  sworn  to  crush, 
in  the  church  of  Worms,  was  before  her  in 
the  confidence  of  courage  and  strength.  The 
contest  must  be  sharp :  blood  must  flow. 

Nevertheless,  some  of  the  dangers  that 
threatened  the  Reformation  seemed,  just  then, 
to  be  less  pressing.  The  youthful  Charles, 
standing  one  day,  a  little  before  the  publica- 
tion of  the  edict  of  Worms,  in  a  window  of 
his  palace  in  conversation  with  his  confessor, 
had,  it  is  true,  said  with  emphasis,  laying  his 
hand  upon  his  heart,  "  I  swear  that  I  will 
hang  up  before  this  window  the  first  man 
who,  after  the  publication  of  my  edict,  shall 
declare  himself  a  Lutheran."1  But  it  was  not 
Jong  before  his  zeal  cooled.  His  plan  for  re- 
storing the  ancient  glory  of  the  empire,  or,  in 
other  words,  enlarging  his  own  dominions, 
was  coldly  received  ;2  and,  taking  umbrage 
with  his  German  subjects,  he  passed  the 
Rhine,  and  retired  to  the  Low  Countries, 
availing  himself  of  his  sojourn  there  to  afford 
the  friars  some  gratifications  that  he  found 
himself  unable  to  give  them  in  the  empire. 
At  Ghent,  Luther's  writings  were  burned  by 


the  public  executioner  with  the  utmost  so- 
lemnity. More  than  fifty  thousand  spectators 
attended  this  auto-da-fe,  and  the  presence  of 
the  emperor  himself  marked  his  approval  of 
the  proceedings.3 

Just  at  this  time  Francis  the  First,  who 
eagerly  sought  a  pretext  for  attacking  his 
rival,  had  thrown  down  the  gauntlet.  Under 
pretence  of  re-establishing  in  their  patrimony 
the  children  of  John  of  Albret,  king  of  Na- 
varre, he  had  commenced  a  bloody  contest, 
destined  to  last  all  his  life: — sending  an  army 
to  invade  that  kingdom,  under  command  of 
Lesparra,  who  rapidly  pushed  his  victorious 
advance  to  the  gates  of  Pampeluna. 

On  the  walls  of  this  fortress  was  to  be  en- 
kindled an  enthusiasm  which,  in  after  years, 
should  withstand  the  aggressive  enthusiasm 
of  the  Reformer,  and  breathe  through  the  Pa- 
pal system  a  new  energy  of  devotedness  and 
control.  Pampeluna  was  to  be  the  cradle  of 
a  rival  to  the  Wittemberg  monk. 

The  spirit  of  chivalry,  which  had  so  long 
reigned  in  the  Christian  word,  still  survived 
in  Spain.  The  wars  with  the  Moors,  recently 
terminated  in  that  Peninsula,  but  continually 
recurring  in  Africa — and  distant  and  adventu- 
rous expeditions  beyond  sea,  kept  alive  in  the 
Castilian  youth  the  enthusiastic  and  simple 
valour  of  which  Amadis  had  been  the  ideal 
exhibition. 

Among  the  garrison  of  Pampeluna  was  a 
young  n.an  named  Don  Inigo  Lopez  de  Re- 
calde,  the  youngest  of  a  family  of  thirteen. 
Recalde  had  been  brought  up  at  the  court  of 
Ferdinand  the  Catholic.  Remarkable  for  a 
fine  person,  and  expert  in  the  use  of  sword 
and  lance,  he  was  ardently  ambitious  of  chival- 
rous renown.4  Clothed  in  dazzling  armour, 
and  mounted  on  a  prancing  steed,  he  took  de- 
light in  exposing  himself  to  the  glittering  dan- 
gers of  the  tournament,5  engaging  in  hazardous 
enterprises,  taking  part  in  the  impassioned 
struggles  of  opposing  factions,6  and  manifest- 
ing as  much  devotion  to  St.  Peter  as  to  his 
lady-love.  Such  was  the  life  led  by  the  young 
knight. 

The  governor  of  Navarre,  having  gone  into 
Spain  to  obtain  succours,  had  left  to  Inigo  and 
a  few  nobles  the  charge  of  defending  Pampe- 
luna. These  latter,  learning  the  superior  num- 
bers of  the  French  troops,  decided  on  retiring. 
Inigo  entreated  them  to  stand  firm  and  resist 
Lesparra ;  but,  not  being  able  to  prevail  on 
them,  he  indignantly  reproached  them  with 
their  cowardice  and  perfidy,  and  then  threw 
himself  into  the  citadel,  resolved  to  defend  it 
at  the  sacrifice  of  his  life.7 

When  the  French,  who  had  been  received 
with  enthusiasm  in  Pampeluna,  proposed  to 
the  commandant  of  the  fortress  to  capitulate. 
"  Let  us  endure  every  thing,"8boldly  exclaim- 
ed Inigo,  "rather  than  surrender!"  On  this 
the  French  began  to  batter  the  walls  with  their 
formidable  artillery,  and  in  a  short  time  they 
attempted  to  storm  it.  The  bravery  and  ex- 
hortations of  Inigo  gave  fresh  courage  to  the 
Spaniards;  they  drove  back  the  assailants  by 
their  arrows,  swords,  or  halberds.  Inigo  led 


298 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


them  on.  Taking  his  stand  on  the  ramparts, 
with  eyes  flaming  with  rage,  the  young  knight 
brandished  his  sword,  and  felled  the  assailants 
to  the  earth.  Suddenly  a  ball  struck  the  wall, 
just  where  he  stood ;  a  stone  shivered  from 
the  ramparts,  wounded  the  knight  severely  in 
the  right  leg,  at  the  same  moment  as  the  ball, 
rebounding  from  the  violence  of  the  shock, 
broke  his  left.  Inigo  fell  senseless.9  The 
garrison  immediately  surrendered;  and  the 
French,  admiring  the  courage  of  their  youth- 
ful adversary,  bore  him  in  a  litter  to  his  rela- 
tives in  the  castle  of  Loyola.  In  this  lordly 
mansion,  from  which  his  name  was  afterwards 
derived,  Inigo  had  been  born  of  one  of  the 
most  illustrious  families  of  that  country,  eight 
years  after  the  birth  of  Luther. 

A  painful  operation  became  necessary.  In 
the  most  acute  suffering,  Inigo  firmly  clenched 
his  hands  but  uttered  no  complaint.10 

Constrained  to  a  repose  which  he  could  ill 
endure,  he  found  it  needful  to  employ,  in  some 
•way,  his  ardent  imagination.  In  the  absence 
of  the  romances  which  he  had  been  accustom- 
ed to  devour,  they  gave  him  the  Life  of  Christ, 
and  the  Flores  Sanctorum.  The  reading  of 
these  works,  in  his  state  of  solitude  and  sick- 
ness, produced  an  extraordinary  effect  upon 
his  mind.  The  stirring  life  of  tournaments 
and  battles,  which  had  occupied  his  youth,  to 
the  exclusion  of  every  thing  beside,  seemed  as 
if  receding  and  fading  from  view,  while  a 
career  of  brighter  glory  appeared  to  open  be- 
fore him.  The  humble  labours  of  the  saints, 
and  their  heroic  patience  were,  all  of  a  sudden, 
seen  to  be  far  more  worthy  of  praise  than  all 
the  high  deeds  of  chivalry.  Stretched  upon 
his  couch,  and  still  under  the  effects  of  fever, 
he  indulged  in  the  most  conflicting  thoughts. 
The  world  he  was  planning  to  renounce,  and 
that  life  of  holy  mortification  which  he  con- 
templated, both  appeared  before  him — the  one 
soliciting  by  its  pleasures,  the  other  by  its 
severities; — and  fearful  was  the  struggle  in 
his  conscience  between  these  two  opposing 
worlds.  "  What,"  thought  he,  "  if  I.  were  to 
act  like  St.  Francis  or  St.  Dominic  1"n  But 
the  recollection  of  the  lady  to  whom  he  had 
pledged  his  love  recurred  to  his  mind.  "  She 
is  neither  countess  nor  duchess,"  said  he  to 
himself,  with  a  kind  of  simple  vanity,  "  she  is 
much  more  than  either."12  But  thoughts  like 
these  were  sure  to  fill  him  with  distress  and 
impatience,  while  the  idea  of  imitating  the  ex- 
ample of  the  saints  caused  his  heart  to  over- 
flow with  peace  and  joy. 

From  this  period  his  resolution  was  taken. 
Scarcely  had  he  risen  from  his  sick-bed,  when 
he  decided  to  retire  from  the  world.  As  Lu- 
ther had  done,  he  once  more  invited  to  a  re- 
past his  companions  in  arms,  and  then,  with- 
out divulging  his  design,  set  out  unattended, 
for  the  lonefy  cells  excavated  by  the  Bene- 
dictine monks,  in  the  rocks  of  the  mountains 
of  Montserrat.13  Impelled,  not  by  the  sense  of 
his  sin,  or  of  his  need  of  the  grace  of  God,  but 
by  the  wish  to  become  "  knight  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,"  and  to  be  renowned  for  mortifications 
and  works,  after  the  example  of  the  army  of 


saints, — he  confessed  for  three  successive 
days,  gave  away  his  costly  attire  to  a  mendi- 
cant, clothed  himself  in  sackcloth,  and  girded 
himself  with  a  rope.14  Then,  calling  to  mind 
the  armed  vigil  of  Amadis  of  Gaul,  he  sus- 
pended his  sword  at  the  shrine  of  Mary,  pass- 
ed the  night  in  watching,  in  his  new  and 
strange  costume ;  and  sometimes  on  his  knees, 
and  then  standing,  but  ever  absorbed  in  pray- 
er, and  with  his  pilgrim's  staff  in  hand,  went 
through  all  the  devout  practices  of  which  the 
illustrious  Amadis  had  set  the  example. 
"Thus,"  remarks  the  Jesuit,  Maffei,  one  of 
the  biographers  of  the  saint,  "  while  Satan 
was  stirring  up  Martin  Luther  to  rebellion 
against  all  laws,  divine  and  human,  and  whilst 
that  heretic  stood  up  at  Worms,  declaring  im- 
pious war  against  the  Apostolic  See,  Christ, 
by  his  heavenly  providence,  called  forth  this 
new  champion,  and  binding  him  by  after  vows 
to  obedience  to  the  Roman  Pontiff,  opposed 
him  to  the  licentiousness  and  fury  of  heretical 
perversity."13 

Loyola,  who  was  still  lame  in  one  of  his 
legs,  journeyed  slowly  by  circuitous  and  se- 
cluded paths  till  he  arrived  at  Manresa.  There 
he  entered  a  convent  of  Dominicans,  resolving 
in  this  retired  spot  to  give  himself  up  to  the 
most  rigid  penances.  Like  Luther,  he  daily 
went  from  door  to  door  begging  his  bread.16 
Seven  hours  he  was  on  his  knees,  and  thrice 
every  day  did  he  flagellate  himself.  Again  at 
midnight  he  was  accustomed  to  rise  ancf  pray. 
He  allowed  his  hair  and  nails  to  grow  ;  and 
it  would  have  been  hard,  indeed,  to  recognise 
in  the  pale  and  lank  visage  of  the  monk  of 
Manresa,  the  young  and  brilliant  knight  of 
Pampeluna. 

Yet  the  moment  had  arrived  when  the  ideas 
of  religion,  which  hitherto  had  been  to  Inigo 
little  more  than  a  form  of  chivalric  devotion, 
were  to  reveal  themselves  to  him  as  having  an 
importance,  and  exercising  a  power  of  which, 
till  then,  he  had  been  entirely  unconscious. 
Suddenly,  without  any  thing  that  might  give 
intimation  of  an  approaching  change  of  feel- 
ing, the  joy  he  had  experienced  left  him.17  In 
vain  did  he  have  recourse  to  prayer  and  chant- 
ing psalms  ;  he  could  not  rest.18  His  imagina- 
tion ceased  to  present  nothing  but  pleasing 
illusions, — he  was  alone  with  his  conscience. 
He  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  a  state  of 
feeling  so  new  to  him  ;  and  he  shuddered  as 
he  asked  whether  God  could  still  be  against 
him,  after  all  the  sacrifices  he  had  made. 
Day  and  night,  gloomy  terrors  disturbed  him, 
— bitter  were  the  tears  he  shed,  and  urgent 
was  his  cry  for  that  peace  which  he  had  lost 
— but  all  in  vain.  He  again  ran  over  the  long 
confession  he  had  made  at  Montserrat.19  "Pos- 
sibly," thought  he,  *'  I  may  have  forgotten 
something."  But  that  confession  did  but  ag- 
gravate his  distress  of  heart,  for  it  revived  the 
thought  of  former  transgressions.  He  wan- 
dered about,  melancholy  and  dejected,  his  con- 
science accusing  him  of  having,  all  his  life, 
done  naught  but  heap  sin  upon  sin,  and  the 
wretched  man — a  prey  to  overwhelming  terrors 
— filled  the  cloisters  with  the  sound  of  his  sighs. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


299 


Strange  thoughts,  at  this  crisis,  found  ac- 
cess to  his  heart.  Obtaining  no  relief  in  the 
confessional,  and  the  various  ordinances  of 
the  church,  he  began,  as  Luther  had  done,  to 
doubt  their  efficacy.20  But,  instead  of  turning 
from  man's  works,  and  seeking  to  the  finished 
work  of  Christ, — he  considered  whether  he 
should  not  once  more  plunge  into  the  vanities 
of  the  age.  His  soul  panted  eagerly  for  that 
world  that  he  had  solemnly  renounced;21  but 
instantly  he  recoiled,  awe-struck. 

And  was  there,  at  this  moment,  any  differ- 
ence between  the  monk  of  Manresa  and  the 
monk  of  Erfurth?  Doubtless,  in  secondary 
points ;  but  their  condition  of  soul  was  alike. 
Both  were  deeply  sensible  of  their  sins;  both 
sought  peace  with  God,  and  desired  to  have 
the  assurance  of  it  in  their  hearts.  If  another 
Staupitz,  with  the  Bible  in  his  hand,  had 
presented  himself  at  the  convent  of  Manresa, 
perhaps  Inigo  might  have  been  known  to  us 
as  the  Luther  of  the  Peninsula.  These  two 
remarkable  men  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
founders  of  two  opposing  spiritual  empires, 
which,  for  three  centuries,  have  warred  one 
against  the  other,  were,  at  this  period, 
brothers;  and,  perhaps,  if  they  had  been 
thrown  together,  Luther  and  Loyola  would 
have  rushed  into  each  other's  embrace,  and 
mingled  their  tears  and  their  prayers. 

But,  from  this  moment,  the  two  monks 
were  to  take  opposite  courses. 

Inigo,  instead  of  regarding  his  remorse  as 
sent  to  urge  him  to  the  foot  of  the  cross,  de- 
luded himself  with  the  belief  that  his  inward 
compunctions  were  not  from  God,  but  the 
mere  suggestions  of  the  devil ;  and  he  re- 
solved not  to  think  any  longer  of  his  sins,  but 
to  obliterate  them  forever  from  his  memory  ! 
Luther  looked  to  Christ22— Loyola  did  but  turn 
inward  on  himself. 

It  was  not  long  before  visionary  attestations 
came  in  confirmation  of  Inigo's  self-imposed 
convictions.  His  own  resolutions  had  been 
to  him  in  place  of  the  Lord's  grace,  and  he 
had  suffered  the  imaginations  of  his  own 
heart  to  take  the  place  of  God's  word.  He 
had  counted  the  voice  of  God,  speaking  to  him 
in  his  conscience,  as  the  voice  of  the  devil ; 
and  hence,  we  see  him,  in  the  remainder  of 
his  history,  the  dupe  of  delusions  of  the 
power  of  darkness. 

One  day,  Loyola  chanced  to  meet  an  old 
woman ;  as  Luther,  when  his  soul  wras  under 
trial  and  exercise,  had  received  a  visit  from 
an  old  man.  But  the  Spanish  crone,  instead 
of  testifying  of  remission  of  sins  to  the 
penitent  of  Manresa,  predicted  certain  ap- 
pearances of  Jesus.  This  was  the  sort  of 
Christianity  to  which  Loyola,  like  the  pro- 
phets of  Zwickau,  had  recourse.  Inigo  did 
not  seek  truth  from  the  Holy  Scriptures,  but 
invented  in  their  place  certain  direct  commu- 
nications from  the  world  of  spirits.  He  soon 
passed  his  whole  time  absorbed  in  ecstasy  and 
abstraction. 

Once,  when  on  his  way  to  the  church  of 
St.  Paul,  outside  the  city,  he  followed,  lost  in 
thought,  the  course  of  the  Llobreo-at,  and 
39 


stopped,  for  a  moment,  to  seat  himself  on  its 
bank.  He  fixed  his  eyes  on  the  river  which 
rolled  its  deep  waters  in  silence  before  him. 
He  soon  lost  all  consciousness  of  surround- 
ing objects.  Of  a  sudden,  he  fell  into  an  ec- 
stasy. Things  were  revealed  to  his  sight, 
such  as  ordinary  men  comprehend  only  after 
much  reading  and  long  watching,  and  study.23 
j  He  rose  from  his  seat.  As  he  stood  by  the 
j  bank  of  the  river,  he  seemed  to  himself  a  new 
man.  He  proceeded  to  throw  himself  on  his 
knees  before  a  crucifix,  erected  near  the  spot, 
decided  to  devote  his  life  in  service  to  that 
cause,  the  mysteries  of  which  had  just  been 
revealed  to  his  soul. 

From  this  time,  his  visions  were  more  fre- 
quent. Sitting  one  day  on  the  steps  of  St. 
Dominic,  at  Manresa,  singing  hymns  to  the 
Virgin,  his  thoughts  were  all  of  a  sudden  ar- 
rested, and,  wrrapt  in  ecstasy  of  motionless 
abstraction,  while  the  mystery  of  the  Holy 
Trinity  was  revealed  before  his  vision,  under 
symbols  of  glory  and  magnificence.24  His 
tears  flowed — his  bosom  heaved  with  sobs  of 
emotion,  and  all  that  day  he  never  ceased 
speaking  of  that  ineffable  vision. 

Such  repeated  apparitions  had  overcome 
and  dissipated  all  his  doubts.  He  believed, 
not  as  Luther,  because  the  things  of  Faith 
were  written  in  the  Word  of  God, — but  be- 
cause of  the  visions  he  himself  had  had. 
"Even  though  no  Bible  had  existed,"25  say 
his  apologists,  "  even  though  those  mysteries 
should  never  have  been  revealed  in  Scripture, 
he  would  have  believed  them,  for  God  had 
disclosed  Himself  to  him."26  Luther,  become 
a  doctor  of  divinity,  had  pledged  his  oath  to 
the  sacred  Scriptures — and  the  alone  infalli- 
ble rule  of  God's  word  was  become  the  funda- 
mental principle  of  the  Reformation.  Loyola, 
at  the  time  we  are  recording,  bound  himself 
to  dreams,  and  apparitions — and  visionary 
delusions  became  the  moving  principles  of 
his  life,  and  the  grounds  of  his  confidence. 

Luther's  sojourn  in  the  convent  of  Erfurth, 
and  that  of  Loyola  at  Manresa  explain  to  us 
the  principle  of  the  Reformation,  and  the 
character  of  modem  Popery.  We  will  not 
follow, — in  his  journey  to  Jerusalem,  whither 
he  repaired  on  leaving  the  convent, — the 
monk  who  was  to  be  a  means  of  re-animat- 
ing the  expiring  powrer  of  Rome.  We  shall 
meet  with  him  again  in  the  further  progress 
of  this  history. 

Whilst-' these  things  were  passing  in  Spain, 
Rome  herself  appeared  to  wear  a  graver  aspect. 
The  great  patron  of  music,  hunting,  and  feast- 
ing was  removed  from  the  throne  of  the  Pontiff, 
and  succeeded  by  a  pious  and  grave  monk. 

Leo  X.  had  been  greatly  pleased  by  the 
intelligence  of  the  edict  of  Worms,  and  of  Lu- 
ther's captivity ;  and  in  sign  of  his  triumph 
had  caused  the  Reformer  to  be  publicly  burnt 
in  effigy,  together  with  his  writings.27  It  was 
the  second  or  third  time  that  the  Papacy  had 

,  indulged  itself  in  this  harmless  satisfaction. 
At  the  same  time,  Leo,  to  show  his  gratitude 

i  to  the  emperor,  united  his  army  with  the  Im- 
2  c2 


300 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


perial  forces.  The  French  were  compelled 
to  evacuate  Parma,  Placentia,  and  Milan; 
and  Cardinal  Giulio  de  Medici,  cousin  to  the 
Pope,  made  a  public  entry  into  the  latter  city. 
The  Pope  appeared  on  the  point  of  attaining 
the  summit  of  human  greatness. 

The  winter  of  the  year  1521  was  just  com- 
mencing. It  was  customary  with'  Leo  X.  to 
spend  the  autumn  in  the  country.  At  that 
season  he  would  leave  Rome  without  surplice, 
and  also,  what,  remarks  his  master  of  the 
ceremonies,  was  a  yet  greater  impropriety, 
wearing  boots !  At  Viterbo,  he  would  amuse 
himself  with  hawking;  at  Corneto,  he 
hunted ;  the  lake  of  Bolsena  afforded  him  the 
pleasures  of  fishing.  Leaving  these,  he 
would  pass  some  time  at  his  favourite  resi- 
dence, Malliana,  in  a  round  of  festivities. 
Musicians,  improvisatori,  and  other  Roman 
artists,  whose  talents  might  add  to  the  charms 
of  this  delightful  villa,  there  gathered  round 
the  sovereign  pontiff.  He  was  residing  there, 
when  news  was  brought  him  of  the  taking 
of  Milan.  A  tumult  of  joy  ensued  in  the 
town.  The  courtiers  and  officers  could  not 
contain  their  exultation:  the  Swiss  dis- 
charged their  carbines,  and  Leo  incautiously 
passed  the  night  in  walking  backward  and 
forward  in  his  chamber,  and  looking  out  of 
the  window  at  the  rejoicings  of  the  people. 
He  returned  to  Rome,  exhausted  in  body,  and 
in  the  intoxication  of  success.  Scarcely  had 
he  re-entered  the  Vatican,  when  he  was  sud- 
denly taken  ill.  "  Pray  for  me,"  said  he  to 
his  attendants.  He  had  not  even  time  to  re- 
ceive the  last  sacraments,  and  died,  in  the 
prime  of  life,  at  the  age  of  forty-seven — in  a 
moment  of  victory,  and  amid  the  sounds  of 
public  joy. 

The  crowd  that  followed  the  hearse  of  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff  gave  utterance  to  curses. 
They  could  not  pardon  his  having  died  with- 
out the  sacraments, — leaving  behind  him  the 
debts  incurred  by  his  vast  expenditure.  "  Thou 
didst  win  the  pontificate  like  a  fox — heldst  it 
like  a  lion — and  hast  left  it  like  a  dog,"  said 
the  Romans. 

Such  was  the  mourning  with  which  Rome 
honoured  the  Pope  who  excommunicated  the 
Reformation ;  and  one  whose  name  yet  serves 
to  designate  a  remarkable  period  in  history. 

Meanwhile  a  feeble  reaction  against  the 
temper  of  Leo  and  of  Rome  was  already  be- 
ginning in  Rome  itself.  A  few  men  of  piety 
had  opened  a  place  of  prayer  in  order  to  mu- 
tual edification, — not  far  from  the-  spot  in 
which  tradition  reports  the  first  Christians  of 
Rome  to  have  held  their  meetings.  Contari- 
ni,  who  had  been  present  on  Luther's  appear- 
ance at  Worms,  took  the  lead  in  these  little 
meetings.28  Thus,  almost  at  the  same  time  as 
at  Wittemberg,  a  kind  of  movement  toward  a 
reformation  manifested  itself  at  Rome.  Truly 
has  it  been  remarked,  that  wherever  there  are 
the  seeds  of  'love  to  God,'  there  are  also  the 
germs  of  reformation.  But  these  well-meant 
efforts  were  soon  to  come  to  nothing. 

In  other  times,  the  choice  of  a  successor  to 
Leo  X.  would  surely  have  fallen  upon  a  Grego- 


ry VII.  or  an  Innocent  III.,  if  men  like  them  had 
been  to  be  found ;  but  now  the  Imperial  inter- 
est was  stronger  than  that  of  the  Church,  and 
Charles  V.  required  a  Pope  who  should  be 
devoted  to  his  interests. 

The  Cardinal  de  Medici,  afterwards  Cle- 
ment VII.,  seeing  that  he  had  no  chance  of 
obtaining  the  tiara,  exclaimed  aloud — "Choose 
the  Cardinal  Tortosa,  an  old  man  whom  every 
one  regards  as  a  saint."  The  result  was,  that 
this  prelate,  who  was  a  native  of  Utrecht,  and 
of  humble  birth,  was  actually  chosen,  and 
reigned  under  the  name  of  Adrian  VI.  He  had 
been  professor  at  Louvain,  and  afterwards  tutor 
to  Charles.  In  1517,  through  the  Emperor's  in- 
fluence, he  had  been  invested  with  the  Roman 
purple.  Cardinal  de  Vio  supported  his  nomi- 
nation. "  Adrian,"  said  he, "  was  very  useful  in 
persuading  the  doctors  of  Louvain  to  put  forth 
their  condemnation  of  Luther."29The  conclave, 
tired  out  and  taken  by  surprise,  nominated  the 
ultramontane  Cardinal.  "  But  soon  coming 
to  their  senses,"  observes  an  old  chronicler, 
4i  they  were  ready  to  die  with  fear  of  the  con- 
sequences." The  thought  that  the  native  of 
the  Netherlands  might  not  accept  of  the  tiara, 
brought  them  temporary  relief;  but  it  was  soon 
dissipated.  Pasquin  represented  the  elect 
Pontiff  under  the  character  of  a  schoolmaster, 
and  the  Cardinals  as  boys  under  the  discipline 
of  the  rod.  The  irritation  of  the  populace 
was  such  that  the  members  of  the  conclave 
thought  themselves  fortunate  to  escape  being 
thrown  into  the  river.30  In  Holland,  it  was  a 
subject  of  general  rejoicing  that  they  had  given 
a  head  to  the  Church.  Inscribed  on  banners, 
suspended  from  the  houses,  were  the  words, 
"Utrecht  plan  ted — Lou  vain  watered — the  Em- 
peror gave  the  increase."  One  added  under- 
neath, the  words, — »*  and  God  had  nothing  to 
do  with  it !" 

Notwithstanding  the  dissatisfaction  which 
was  at  first  manifested  by  the  inhabitants  of 
Rome,  Adrian  VI.  repaired  thither  in  August, 
1522,  and  was  well  received.  It  was  whis- 
pered from  one  to  another  that  he  had  five 
thousand  benefices  in  his  gift,  and  each  reck- 
oned on  some  advantage  to  himself.  For  a 
long  time,  the  Papal  chair  had  not  been  filled 
by  such  a  man.  He  was  upright,  industrious, 
learned,  pious,  sincere,  irreproachable  in  mo- 
rals, and  neither  misled  by  favouritism  nor 
blinded  by  passion.  He  brought  with  him  to 
the  Vatican,  his  old  house-keeper  whom  he 
charged  to  continue  to  provide  frugally  for  his 
daily  wants  in  that  palace  which  Leo  had  filled 
with  luxury  and  dissipation.  He  was  a 
stranger  to  the  tastes  of  his  predecessor.  When 
they  showed  him  the  noble  group  of  Laocoon, 
discovered  only  a  few  years  before,  and  pur- 
chased by  Julius  II.  at  an  enormous  cost — he 
turned  away,  coolly  observing,  "  They  are  the 
idols  of  the  heathens :"  and  in  one  of  his  let- 
ters, he  wrote,  "  I  would  far  rather  serve  God 
in  my  priory  at  Louvain  than  be  pope  at 
Rome." 

Adrian,  alarmed  by  the  danger  to  which  the 
religion,  which  had  come  down  to  them 
through  the  middle  ages,  was  exposed  from 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


301 


the  spread  of  th.e  Reformation ;  and  not,  like 
the  Italians,  fearing  the  discredit  into  which 
Rome  and  her  hierarchy  were  brought  by  it, — 
earnestly  desired  to  oppose  and  arrest  its  pro- 
gress ;  and  he  judged  that  the  best  means  to 
that  end  was  to  be  found  in  a  reformation  of 
the  Church  by  herself.  "The  Church,"  said 
he,  "  stands  in  need  of  a  reformation  ;  but  we 
must  take  one  step  at  a  time."  "  The  Pope," 
said  Luther,  "  advises  that  a  few  centuries 
should  be  permitted  to  intervene  between  the 
first  and  the  second  step."  In  truth,  the 
Church  had  forages  tended  toward  a  reforma- 
tion. It  was  now  no  time  for  temporizing.  It 
was  necessary  to  act ! 

Adhering  to  his  plan,  Adrian  set  about 
banishing  from  the  city  the  profane,  the  perju- 
rers, and  the  usurers.  It  was  no  easy  task, 
for  they  composed  a  considerable  proportion 
of  the  population. 

At  first  the  Romans  derided  him,  but  ere 
long  they  hated  him.  Priestly  rule  and  the 
vast  gains  it  brought,  the  power  and  influence 
of  Rome,  its  games  and  its  festivals,  the  luxu- 
ry that  everywhere  reigned  in  it,  all  would  be 
irretrievably  lost,  if  there  were  a  return  to  apos- 
tolic simplicity. 

The  restoration  of  discipline  everywhere 
encountered  strong  opposition.  "To  produce 
the  desired  effect,"  said  the  chief  Cardinal 
Penitentiaria,  "it  would  be  necessary  to  be- 
gin by  reviving  the  '  first  love'  of  Christians : 
the  remedy  is  more  than  the  patient  can  bear ; 
it  will  be  death  to  him.  Take  care,  lest  in 
your  desire  to  preserve  Germany  you  should 
lose  Italy."31  And,  indeed,  it  was  not  long  be- 
fore Adrian  had  even  more  to  fear  from  Ro- 
manism than  Lutheranism  itself. 

Those  about  him  attempted  to  lead  him 
back  to  the  path  he  had  abandoned.  The  old 
and  practised  Cardinal  Soderinus  of  Volterra, 
the  intimate  friend  of  Alexander  VI.,  of  Julius 
II.,  andofLeoX.,32  would  often  drop  expressions 
well  suited  to  prepare  him  for  that  part,  to 
him  so  strange,  which  he  was  reserved  to  act. 
"  Heretics,"  observed  he,  "  have  in  all  ages, 
declaimed  against  the  morals  of  the  Roman 
Court :  and  yet  the  Popes  have  never  changed 
them.  It  has  never  been  by  reforms  that  he- 
resies have  been  extinguished,  but  by  cru- 
sades." "  Oh,  how  wretched  is  the  position 
of  the  Popes,"  replied  the  Pontiff,  sighing 
deeply,  "  since  they  have  not  even  liberty  to 
do  right."33 

On  the  23d  of  March,  1522,  and  before 
Adrian's  entry  into  Rome,  the  Diet  assembled 
at  Nuremberg.  Already  the  bishops  of  Mers- 
burg  and  Misnia  had  petitioned  the  Elector  of 
Saxony  to  allow  a  visitation  of  the  convents 
and  churches  in  his  states.  Frederic,  think- 
ing that  truth  had  nothing  to  fear,  had  con- 
sented, and  the  visitation  took  place.  The 
bishops  and  doctors  preached  vehemently 
against  the  new  opinions,  exhorting,  alarm- 
ing and  entreating,  but  their  arguments  seemed 
to  have  no  effect;  and  when  looking  about 
them  for  more  effectual  methods,  they  request- 
ed the  secular  authorities  to  carry  their  direc- 
tions into  execution,  the  Elector's  council  re- 


turned for  answer,  that  the  question  was  one 
that  required  to  be  examined  by  the  Word  of 
God,  and  that  the  Elector,  at  his  advanced 
age,  could  not  engage  in  theological  investi- 
gation. These  expedients  of  the  bishops  did 
not  reclaim  a  single  soul  to  the  fold  of  Rome  ; 
and  Luther,  who  passed  over  the  same  ground, 
shortly  afterwards,  preaching  from  place  to 
place,  dispelled,  by  his  powerful  exhortation, 
the  slight  impression  that  had  here  and  there 
been  produced. 

It  was  to  be  feared  that  the  Archduke  Fer- 
dinand, brother  to  the  Emperor,  would  do 
what  Frederic  had  declined  doing.  That 
young  prince,  who  presided  at  several  sittings 
of  the  Diet,  gradually  acquiring  decision  of 
purpose,  might,  in  his  zeal,  boldly  unsheathe 
the  sword  that  his  more  prudent  and  politic 
brother  wisely  left  in  the  scabbard.  In  fact, 
Ferdinand,  in  his  hereditary  states  of  Austria, 
had  already  commenced  a  cruel  persecution 
against  those  who  were  favourable  to  the  Re- 
formation. But  God,  on  various  occasions, 
made  instrumental,  in  the  deliverance  of  re- 
viving Christianity,  the  very  same  agency 
that  had  been  employed  for  the  destruction  of 
corrupt  Christianity.  The  Crescent  suddenly 
appeared  in  the  panic-struck  provinces  of 
Hungary.  On  the  9th  of  August,  after  a 
siege  of  six  weeks,  Belgrade,  the  advanced 
post  of  that  kingdom,  and  of  the  empire,  was 
taken  by  assault  by  Soliman.  The  followers 
of  Mahomet,  after  retiring  from  Spain,  seemed 
intent  on  re-entering  Europe  from  the  East. 
The  Diet  of  Nuremberg  turned  its  attention 
from  the  Monk  of  Worms  to  the  Sultan  of 
Constantinople.  But  Charles  V.  kept  both 
antagonists  in  view.  In  writing  to  the  Pope 
from  Valladolid,  on  the  31st  October,  he  said, 
"  We  must  arrest  the  progress  of  the  Turks, 
and  punish  by  the  sword  all  who  favour  the 
pestilent  doctrines  of  Luther."34 

It  was  not  long  before  the  thunder  clouds, 
which  had  seemed  to  pass  by  and  roll  east- 
ward, again  gathered  over  the  Reformer.  His 
reappearance  and  activity  at  Wlttemberg  had 
revived  the  bygone  hatred.  "Now  that  wo 
know  where  to  lay  hands  on  him,"  said  Duke 
George,  "  why  not  carry  into  effect  the  sen- 
tence of  Worms'?"  It  was  confidently  af- 
firmed in  Germany,  that  Charles  V.  and 
Adrian  had  in  a  meeting  at  Nuremberg  con- 
certed the  measures  to  be  adopted.35  "  Satan 
feels  the  wound  that  has  been  inflicted  on 
him,"  said  Luther,  "and  thence  his  rage. 
But  Christ  has  already  put  forth  his  power, 
and  will  ere  long  trample  him  under  foot,  in 
spite  of  the  gates  of  hell."36 

In  the  month  of  December,  1522,  the  Diet 
again  assembled  at  Nuremberg.  Everything 
announced  that,  as  Soliman  had  been  the  great 
enemy  that  had  fixed  attention  in  the  spring 
session,  Luther  would  be  its  principal  object 
during  the  winter  sittings.  Adrian  VI.,  by 
birth  a  German,  hoped  to  find  that  favour  from 
his  own  nation  which  a  Pope  of  Italian  ori- 
gin could  not  expect.37  He,  in  consequence, 
commissioned  Chieregati,  whom  he  had 
known  in  Spain,  to  repair  to  Nuremberg.  At 


302 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


the  opening  of  the  Diet,  several  of  the  princes 
spoke  strongly  against  Luther.  The  Cardi- 
nal Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  who  was  high 
in  the  confidence  of  the  Emperor,  urged  the 
adoption  of  prompt  and  vigorous  measures, 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony. 
The  Elector  Joachim  of  Brandenburg,  in- 
flexible in  his  purpose,  and  the  Chancellor  of 
Troves,  jointly  insisted  that  the  edict  of 
Worms  should  be  carried  into  effect.  The 
rest  of  the  princes  were  in  great  part  unde- 
cided, and  divided  in  opinion.  The  dilemma 
in  which  the  church  was  placed,  filled  its 
faithful  adherents  with  anguish.  "  I  would 
give  one  of  my  fingers,"  exclaimed  the  Bish- 
op of  Strasburg,  in  an  open  assembly  of  the 
Diet,  "I  would  give  one  of  my  finders  to  be 
no  priest."38 

Chieregati,  supported  by  the  Cardinal  of 
Salzburg,  insisted  that  Luther  should  be  put 
to  death.  "  It  is  necessary,"  said  he,  speak- 
ing in  the  Pope's  name,  and  holding  the 
Pope's  brief  in  his  hand,  "  It  is  indispensable 
that  we  should  sever  from  the  body  that  gan- 
greened  member.39  Your  forefathers  punished 
with  death  John  Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague, 
at  Constance,  but  both  these  are  now  risen 
up  in  Luther.  Follow  the  glorious  example 
of  your  ancestors,  and  by  the  help  of  God, 
and  of  St.  Peter,  gain  a  signal  victory  over 
this  serpent  of  hell." 

On  hearing  the  brief  of  the  pious  and  mild 
Adrian  read  in  the  assembly,  the  majority  of 
the  princes  were  not  a  little  alarmed.40  Many 
began  to  see  more  in  Luther's  arguments ; 
and  they  had  hoped  better  things  from  the 
Pope.  Thus  then  Rome,  though  under  the 
presidency  of  Adrian,  cannot  be  brought  to 
acknowledge  her  delinquency,  but  still  hurls 
her  thunderbolts,  and  the  fields  of  Germany 
are  again  about  to  be  deluged  with  blood. 
Whilst  the  princes  maintained  a  gloomy  si- 
lence, the  prelates,  and  such  members  of  the 
Diet  as  were  in  the  interest  of  Rome,  tumult- 
uously  urged  the  adoption  of  a  decision.  "  Let 
him  be  put  to  death,"41  cried  they, — as  we 
learn  from  the  Saxony  envoy  who  was  present 
at  this  sitting. 

Very  different  were  the  sounds  heard  in 
the  churches  of  Nuremberg.  The  chapel  of 
the  hospital,  and  the  churches  of  the  Augus- 
tines,  St.  Sebald  and  St.  Lorenzo,  were 
crowded  with  multitudes  flocking  to  hear  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel.  Andrew  Osiander 
preached  powerfully  at  St.  Lorenzo's.  Many 
princes  attended,  especially  Albert,  Margrave 
of  Brandenburg  who,  in  his  quality  of  Grand 
Master  of  the  Teutonic  order,  took  rank  im- 
mediately next  to  the  archbishops.  Monks, 
abandoning  the  religious  houses  in  the  city, 
applied  themselves  to  learn  various  trades,  in 
order  to  gain  their  livelihood  by  their  labour. 

Chieregati  could  not  endure  such  daring 
disobedience.  He  insisted  that  the  priests 
and  refractory  monks  should  be  imprisoned.  '' 
The  Diet,  notwithstanding  the  remonstrances 
of  the  ambassadors  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony 
and  the  Margrave  Casimir,  decided  to  seize 
the  persons  of  the  monks,  but  consented  to 


communicate  previously  to  Osiander  and  his 
colleagues  the  Nuncio's  complaint.  A  com- 
mittee, under  the  direction  of  the  fanatical 
Cardinal  of  Salzburg,  was  charged  with  the 
matter.  The  danger  was  imminent — the  con- 
flict was  on  the  point  of  commencing,  and  it 
was  the  great  Council  of  the  nation  that  pro- 
voked it. 

Yet  the  people  interposed.  Whilst  the 
Diet  was  engaged  in  deliberating  what  should 
be  done  with  these  ministers,  the  town  coun- 
cil was  considering  what  steps  should  be 
taken  in  regard  to  the  decision  of  the  Diet. 
The  council  came  to  a  resolution  which  did 
not  overstep  the  limits  assigned  to  it  by  the- 
laws, — that  if  force  were  employed  to  deprive 
them  of  their  preachers,  recourse  should  be 
had  to  force  to  set  them  at  liberty.  Such  a 
resolution  was  full  of  significance.  The  as- 
tonished Diet  returned  an  answer  to  the  Nuncio 
that  it  was  not  lawful  to  arrest  the  preachers 
of  the  free  city  of  Nuremberg  without  previ- 
ously convicting  them  of  heresy. 

Chieregati  was  strangely  disconcerted  by 
this  fresh  insult  to  the  supreme  authority  of 
the  Papacy.  "  Very  well,"  said  he,  haughtily 
addressing  himself  to  Ferdinand,  "do  you 
then  do  nothing, — leave  me  to  act, — I  will 
seize  the  preachers  in  the  Pope's  name."42 
When  the  Cardinal  Archbishop  Albert,  of 
Mentz,  and  the  Margrave  Casimir  were  ap- 
prized of  this  startling  determination,  they 
came  in  haste  to  the  Legate,  imploring  him 
to  abandon  his  intention.  The  latter  was,  at 
first,  inflexible,  affirming  that,  in  the  bosom 
of  Christendom,  obedience  to  the  Pope  could 
not  be  dispensed  with.  The  two  princes  re- 
tired ; — "If  you  persist  in  your  intention," 
said  they,  "  we  require  you  to  send  us  notice, 
for  we  will  quit  the  city  before  you  venture  to 
lay  hands  on  the  preachers."43  The  Legate 
abandoned  his  project. 

Despairing  of  success  by  authoritative  mea- 
sures, he  now  decided  to  have  recourse  to  ex- 
pedients of  another  kind,  and,  with  this  pur- 
pose, communicated  to  the  Diet  the  Pontiff's 
intentions  and  orders,  which  he  had  hitherto 
kept  private. 

But  the  well-intentioned  Adrian,  little  used 
to  the  ways  of  the  world,  did  injury  even  by 
his  candour  to  the  cause  he  had  at  heart. 
"  We  are  well  aware,"  said  he,  in  the  'reso- 
lutions' forwarded  to  his  Legate,  "that  for 
many  years  past,  the  holy  city  has  been  a 
scene  of  many  corruptions  and  abominations.44 
The  infection  has  spread  from  the  head 
through  the  members,  and  has  descended 
from  the  Popes  to  the  rest  of  the  clergy.  It 
is  our  desire  to  reform  that  court  of  Rome, 
whence  so  many  evils  are  seen  to  flow, — the 
whole  world  desires  it,  and  it  is  in  order  that 
we  may  do  this,  that  we  consented  to  ascend 
the  throne  of  the  pontiffs." 

The  supporters  of  Rome  blushed  to  hear 
these  unlooked-for  words.  "  They  thought," 
as  Pallavicini  says,  "  that  such  admissions 
were  too  sincere."45  The  friends  of  the  Re- 
formation, on  the  contrary,  rejoiced  to  hear 
Rome  herself  proclaiming  her  corruption. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


303 


Who  could  doubt  that  Luther  had  truth  on 
his  side,  now  that  the  Pope  declared  it ! 

The  answer  of  the  Diet  showed  how  greatly 
the  authority  of  the  chief  Pontiff  had  lost 
gi-ound  in  the  Empire.  Luther's  spirit 
seemed  to  have  taken  possession  of  the  hearts 
of  the  nation's  representatives.  The  moment 
was  auspicious. — Adrian's  ear  seemed  open, 
— the  Emperor  was  at  a  distance ; — the  Diet 
resolved  to  enumerate  in  one  document  the 
various  wrongs  that  Germany  had  for  centu- 
ries endured  from  Rome,  and  to  address  their 
memorial  to  the  Pope. 

The  Legate  was  alarmed  at  this  determina- 
tion. He  used  threats  and  entreaties,  but 
both  were  unavailing.  The  secular  states 
adhered  to  their  purpose,  and  the  ecclesiastical 
did  not  venture  to  offer  opposition.  Eighty 
grievances  were  therefore  set  forth.  The  cor- 
ruption and  arts  of  the  Popes  and  of  the  court 
of  Rome,  in  order  to  squeeze  revenue  from 
Germany, — the  scandals  and  profanations  of 
the  clerical  orders,— the  disorders  and  simony 
of  the  ecclesiastical  courts, — the  encroach- 
ments on  the  civil  power  to  the  restriction  of 
liberty  of  conscience,  were  detailed  with 
equal  freedom  and  force.  The  states  dis- 
tinctly intimated  that  traditions  of  men  were 
the  source  of  all  this  abuse,  and  they  ended 
by  saying, — "  If  these  grievances  are  not 
redressed  within  a  limited  time,  we  will  con- 
sult together,  and  seek  some  other  means  of 
deliverance  from  our  sufferings  and  our 
wrongs."46  Chieregati,  having  a  presenti- 
ment that  the  report  the  Diet  would  prepare 
would  be  couched  in  strong  language,  hastily 
took  his  departure  from  Nuremberg,  thus 
avoiding  being  himself  the  bearer  of  so  disap- 
pointing and  insolent  a  communication. 

After  all,  was  it  not  still  to  be  feared  that 
the  Diet  would  endeavour  to  make  some 
amends  for  this  bold  measure,  by  the  sacrifice 
of  Luther  himself?  At  first,  there  were  some 
apprehensions  of  such  a  policy, — but  a  spirit 
of  justice  and  sincerity  had  been  breathed  on 
the  assembly.  Following  the  example  of 
Luther,  it  demanded  the  convocation  of  a  free 
Council  in  the  Empire,  and  decreed  that  until 
such  Council  should  assemble,  nothing 
should  be  preached  but  the  simple  Gospef, 
and  nothing  put  forth  in  print,  without  the 
sanction  of  a  certain  number  of  men  of  cha- 
racter and  learning.47  These  resolutions  afford 
us  some  means  of  estimating  the  vast  advance 
the  Reformation  had  made  since  the  Diet  of 
Worms, — and  yet  the  Saxon  envoy,  the 
knight  Frelitsch,  recorded  a  formal  protest 
against  the  censorship  prescribed  by  the  Diet, 
moderate  as  that  censorship  might  seem. 
The  decree  of  the  Diet  was  a  first  victory 
gained  by  the  Reformation,  which  was  the 
presage  of  future  triumphs.  Even  the  Swiss, 
in  the  depths  of  their  mountains,  shared  in 
the  general  exultation.  "The  Roman  Pon- 
tiff has  been  defeated  in  Germany !"  said 
Zwingle;  "All  that  remains  to  be  done  is  to 
deprive  him  of  his  armour.  It  is  for  this  that 
we  must  now  fight,  and  the  battle  will  be 
fiercer  than  before.  But  we  have  Christ  pre- 


sent with  us  in  the  conflict."48  Luther  loudly 
affirmed  that  the  edict  the  Princes  had  put 
forth  was  by  inspiration  of  God  himself.49 

Great  was  the  indignation  at  the  Vatican 
among  the  Pope's  council.  "  What !  it  is 
not  enough  to  have  to  bear  with  a  Pope  who 
disappoints  the  expectation  of  the  Romans,  in 
whose  palace  no  sound  of  song  or  amusement 
is  ever  heard,  but,  in  addition  to  this,  secular 
princes  are  to  be  suffered  to  hold  a  language 
that  Rome  abhors,  and  refuse  to  deliver  up  the 
monk  of  Wittemberg  to  the  executioner  ?" 

Adrian  himself  was  indignant  at  the  events 
in  Germany,  and  it  was  on  the  head  of  the 
Elector  of  Saxony  that  he  now  poured  out  his 
anger.  Never  had  the  Roman  Pontiffs 
uttered  a  cry  of  alarm  more  energetic,  more 
sincere,  or  more  affecting. 

"  We  have  waited  long — perhaps  too  long," 
said  the  pious  Adrian,  in  his  brief  addressed 
to  the  Elector:  "It  was  our  desire  to  see 
whether  God  would  visit  thy  soul,  so  that 
thou  mightest  at  the  last  be  delivered  from 
the  snares  of  the  devil.  But  where  we  had 
hoped  to  gather  grapes  there  have  we  found 
nothing  but  wild  grapes.  The  Spirit's 
promptings  have  been  despised ;  thy  wicked- 
ness has  not  been  subdued.  Open  thine  eyes 
to  behold  the  greatness  of  thy  fall ! 

"  If  the  unity  of  the  Church  is  gone — if  the 
simple  have  been  turned  out  of  the  way  of 
that  faith  which  they  had  sucked  from  their 
mothers'  breasts — if  the  churches  are  deserted 
— if  the  people  are  without  priests,  and  the 
priests  have  not  the  honour  due  to  them, — if 
Christians  are  without  Christ,  to  whom  is  it 
owing  but  to  thee  ?50  ....  If  Christian 
peace  has  forsaken  the  earth — if,  on  every 
side,  discord,  rebellion,  pillage,  violence,  and 
midnight  conflagrations  prevail — if  the  cry  of 
war  is  heard  from  east  to  west — if  universal 
conflict  is  at  hand, — it  is  thou  thyself  who 
art  the  author  of  all  these. 

"Seest  thou  not  that  sacrilegious  man, 
(Luther,)  how  he  rends  with  wicked  hands, 
and  profanely  tramples  under  foot,  the  pic- 
tures of  the  saints,  and  even  the  holy  cross 
of  Jesus  ?  .  .  .  .  Seest  thou  not  how,  in 
his  infamous  rage,  he  incites  the  laity  to  shed 
the  blood  of  the  priests,  and  overturn  the 
temples  of  the  Lord. 

"  And  what,  if  the  priests  he  assails  are 
disorderly  in  conduct  ?  Has  not  the  Lord 
said,  '  Wfiatsoever  they  bid  you,  that  observe 
and  do,  but  do  not  after  their  works1 — thus 
instructing  us  in  the  honour  that  belongs  to 
them,  even  though  their  lives  should  be  dis- 
orderly.51 

"Rebellious  apostate!  he  does  not  blush 
to  defile  vessels  dedicated  to  God ;  he  forces 
from  the  sanctuaries  virgins  consecrated  to 
Christ,  delivering  them  over  to  the  devil ;  he 
getteth  into  his  power  the  priests  of  the 
Lord,  and  gives  them  to  abandoned  women. 
Awful  profanation !  which  even  the  heathen 
would  have  reprobated  in  the  priests  of  their 
idol  worship. 

"  What  punishment,  what  infliction,  dost 
thou  think  we  judge  thee  to  deserve  1  Have 


304 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


pity  on  thyself, — have  pity  on  thy  poor 
ISaxons ;  for  surely,  if  thou  dost  not  turn  from 
the  evil  of  thy  way,  God  will  bring  down  his 
vengeance  upon  thee. 

"  Jn  the  name  of  the  Almighty  God  and 
our  Saviour  Jesus  Christ,  of  whom  I  am 
vicegerent  on  earth,  I  warn  thee  that  thou 
wilt  be  judged  in  this  world,  and  be  cast  into 
the  lake  of  everlasting  fire  in  that  which  is  to 
come.  Repent  and  be  converted.  Both 
swords  are  impending  over  thy  head, — the 
sword  of  the  Empire,  and  that  of  the  Papal 
authority." 

The  pious  Frederic  shuddered  as  he  read 
this  menacing  brief.  A  little  before  he  had 
written  to  the  Emperor  to  say  that  his  age 
and  bodily  indisposition  incapacitated  him 
for  attending  to  such  matters ;  and  the  answer 
returned  was  one  of  the  most  insolent  letters 
a  reigning  prince  had  ever  received.  Infirm 
and  aged  as  he  was,  his  eyes  rested  upon  the 
sword  he  had  received  at  the  holy  sepulchre 
in  the  days  of  youthful  vigour.  A  thought 
crossed  his  mind  that  it  might  be  necessary 
to  unsheathe  it  in  defence  of  the  conscience 
of  his  subjects,  and  that,  near  as  his  life  was 
to  its  close,  he  should  not  descend  to  the 
grave  in  peace.  He  forthwith  wrote  to  Wit- 
temberg  to  have  the  judgment  of  the  fathers 
of  the  Reformation  as  to  what  should  be  done. 

There,  also,  forebodings  of  commotion  and 
persecution  were  rife.  "  What  can  I  say," 
exclaimed  the  mild  Melancthon,  "whither 
can  I  turn  f52  Hatred  presses  us  to  the  earth 
— the  world  is  up  in  arms  against  us."  Lu- 
ther, Link,  Melancthon,  Bugenhagen  and 
Amsdorff,  held  a  consultation  on  the  answer 
to  be  returned  to  the  Elector.  They  drew  up 
a  reply,  each  in  terms  nearly  identical,  and 
the  advice  they  gave  is  not  a  little  remarkable. 

"  No  prince,"  said  they,  "  can  undertake  a 
war  without  the  consent  of  the  people  from 
whose  hands  he  has  received  his  authority.53 
But  the  people  have  no  heart  to  fight  for  the 
Gospel,  for  they  do  not  believe.  Therefore, 
let  not  princes  take  up  arms ;  they  are  rulers 
of  the  nations,  that  is  to  say,  of  unbelievers." 
Here  we  find  the  impetuous  Luther  soliciting 
the  discreet  Frederic  to  restore  his  sword  to 
its  scabbard.  No  better  answer  could  be  given 
to  the  Pope's  charge  that  he  stirred  up  the 
laity  to  embrue  their  hands  in  the  blood  of  the 
priests.  Few  characters  have  been  more  mis- 
understood than  his.  The  advice  was  dated 
the  8th  February,  1523.  Frederic  submitted 
in  silence. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  effects  of  the 
Pope's  anger  began  to  be  seen.  The  princes 
who  had  recapitulated  their  grievances,  now 
dreading  the  consequences,  sought  to  make 
amends  by  compliances.  Some,  there  were, 
who  reflected  that  victory  would  probably  de- 
clare for  the  Pontiff,  seeing  that  he,  to  all  ap- 
pearance, was  the  stronger  of  the  two.  "  In 
our  days,"  observed  Luther,  "  princes  are  con- 
tent to  say  three  times  three  make  nine,  or 
twice  seven  makes  fourteen, — right,  the  coun 
sel  shall  stand.  Then  the  Lord  our  God  arises 
and  speaks:  'What  then  do  you  allow  for 


My  power!'  ....  It  may  be  naught  .  .  . 
And  immediately  He  confuses  the  figures,  and 
their  calculations  are  proved  false."54 

The  stream  of  fire  poured  forth  by  the  hum- 
ble and  gentle  Adrian  kindled  a  conflagration, 
and  the  rising  flame  spread  far  and  wide  in 
Christendom  a  deep  agitation.  Persecution, 
which  had  slackened  for  a  while,  was  now  re- 
newed. Luther  trembled  for  Germany,  and 
sought  to  allay  the  tempest.  "  If  the  princes 
make  war  against  the  truth,"  said  he,  "there 
will  be  such  confusion  as  will  be  the  ruin  of 
princes,  magistrates,  clergy  and  people.  I 
tremble  at  the  thought  that  all  Germany  may, 
in  a  little  while,  be  deluged  with  blood.55  Let 
us  stand  as  a  rampart  for  our  country  against 
the  wrath  of  our  God.  Nations  are  not  now 
as  formerly.56  The  sword  of  civil  war  is  im- 
pending over  kings  : — they  are  bent  on  destroy- 
ing Luther — but  Luther  is  bent  on  saving 
them ;  Christ  lives  and  reigns,  and  I  shall  reign 
with  him."31 

These  words  were  spoken  to  the  winds. 
Rome  was  pressing  forward  to  scaffolds  and  the 
shedding  of  blood.  The  Reformation  in  this  re- 
sembled''^^ Christ, — that  it  came  not  to  send 
peace  on  the  earth,  but  a  sword.  Persecution 
was  necessary  in  the  counsels  of  God.  As  cer- 
tain substances  are  hardened  in  the  fire  that 
they  may  be  less  liable  to  be  affected  by  atmo- 
spheric changes,  so  the  fiery  trial  was  design- 
ed to  arm  and  defend  the  truth  of  the  Gospel 
from  the  influence  of  the  world.  But  that  fiery 
trial  did  yet  more ; — it  served,  as  in  the  early 
days  of  Christianity,  to  kindle  in  men's  hearts 
a  universal  enthusiasm  for  a  cause  against 
which  such  rage  was  let  loose.  There  is  in 
man,  when  first  introduced  to  the  knowledge 
of  the  truth,  a  holy  indignation  against  violence 
and  injustice.  An  instinct  received  from  God 
impels  him  to  range  himself  on  the  side  of  the 
oppressed  ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  faith  of 
the  martyrs  exalts,  controls,  and  leads  him  to 
that  saving  truth  which  gifts  its  followers 
with  so  much  courage  and  tranquillity. 

Duke  George  openly  took  the  lead  in  the 
persecution.  But  he  was  not  content  to  carry 
it  on  among  his  own  subjects;  he  desired, 
above  all,  to  see  it  extend  itself  to  electoral 
Saxony,  the  focus  of  heresy,  and  he  laboured 
hard  to  move  the  Elector  Frederic  and  Duke 
John.  In  writing  to  them  from  Nuremberg, 
he  observed,  "  Certain  merchants,  recently 
from  Saxony,  bring  reports  from  thence  of 
strange  things,  and  such  as  are  most  opposed 
to  the  honour  of  God,  and  the  saints.  It 
seems,  they  take  the  holy  sacrament  in  their 
hands — consecrate  the  bread  and  wine  in  the 
common  speech  of  the  people — pour  the  blood 
of  Christ  into  a  common  cup.  It  is  said  that 
at  Eulenberg,  a  man,  who  sought  occasion  to 
insult  the  officiating  priest,  rode  into  the  church 
mounted  on  an  ass.  And  what  do  we  hear  to 
be  the  consequence  1  The  mines,  with  which 
God  had  enriched  Saxony,  are  become  less 
productive  ever  since  this  preaching  of  Lu- 
ther's innovations.  Would  to  God  that  those 
who  boast  that  they  have  restored  the  Gospel 
in  the  electorate  had  employed  themselves  in 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


305 


Tarrying  tr.e  testimony  of  it  to  Constantino- 
ple. Luther's  speech  is  gentle  and  specious, 
but  it  draws  after  it  a  sting  which  is  sharper 
than  a  scorpion's.  Let  us  make  ready  our 
hands  to  fight.  Let  us  cast  these  apostate 
monks  and  ungodly  priests  into  prison ;  let  us 
do  so  at  once ;  for  the  hairs  of  our  heads  are 
turning  as  gray  as  our  beards,  and  admonish 
us  that  we  have  not  long  to  live."58 

So  wrote  Duke  George  to  the  Elector.  The 
latter  answered  decidedly,  yet  mildly,  that 
whoever  should  commit  any  crime  within  his 
state  should  not  go  unpunished  ;  but  that,  as 
to  matters  of  conscience,  they  must  be  left  to 
the  judgment  of  God.59 

Failing  in  his  endeavour  to  persuade  Frede- 
ric, George  pressed  his  severities  against  such 
as  lay  within  his  reach.  He  imprisoned  the 
monks  and  priests  who  were  known  to  ad- 
here to  Luther's  doctrines, — recalled  to  their 
families  the  students  who  had  gone  from  his 
states  to  pursue  their  studies  in  the  universi- 
ties to  which  the  Reformation  had  extended, 
and  required  his  subjects  to  deliver  up  to  the 
magistrates  all  copies  of  the  New  Testament 
in  the  vernacular  tongue.  Similar  measures 
were  put  in  force  in  Austria,  Wurtemberg, 
and  the  Duchy  of  Brunswick. 

But  it  was  in  the  Low  Countries,  under  the 
immediate  rule  of  Charles  V.,  that  the  perse- 
cution broke  out  with  most  violence.  The 
convent  of  the  Augustines,  at  Antwerp,  con- 
tained within  it  monks  who  had  hailed  with 
joy  the  truths  of  the  Gospel.  Several  of  the 
brothers  had  passed  some  time  at  Wittem- 
berg,  and -ever  since  1519,  Salvation  by 
Grace  had  been  preached  in  their  church  with 
unusual  power.  Toward  the  close  of  the  year 
1521,  James  Probst,  the  prior,  a  man  of  ar- 
dent temperament,  and  Melchior  Mirisch,  who 
was  remarkable  for  the  opposite  qualities  of 
experience  and  prudence,  were  arrested  and 
carried  to  Brussels.  They  were  there  brought 
before  Aleander,  Glapio,  and  several  other 
prelates.  Taken  unawares,  disconcerted,  and 
dreading  consequences,  Probst  recanted.  Mel- 
chior Mirisch  found  means  to  appease  his 
judges ;  and,  while  he  avoided  a  recantation, 
escaped  condemnation. 

These  proceedings  no  way  overawed  the 
monks  who  remained  in  the  convent  of 
Antwerp.  They  continued  to  preach  the  gos- 
pel with  earnestness.  The  people  crowded  to 
hear,  and  the  church  of  the  Augustines  at 
Antwerp  was  unable  to  contain  the  hearers, 
as  had  been  the  case  at  Wittemberg.  In  Oc- 
tober, 1522,  the  storm  which  had  been  ga- 
thering over  their  heads  suddenly  burst  forth. 
The  convent  was  closed,  and  the  monks  im- 
prisoned and  sentenced  to  die.60  A  few  effected 
their  escape.  Some  women,  roused  into  for- 
getfulness  of  the  natural  timidity  of  their  sex, 
rescued  one  of  them,  by  name  Henry  Zuphten, 
from  the  hands  of  the  executioners.61  Three 
of  the  younger  monks,  Henry  Voe,  John 
Eesch,  and  Lambert  Thorn,  evaded  for  a  time 
the  search  of  the  inquisitors.  The  sacred 
vessels  of  the  convent  were  publicly  sold,  the 
entrance  to  the  church  barricaded,  the  holy 


sacrament  was  carried  forth  as  if  from  a  place 
of  pollution,  and  Margaret,  who  then  govern- 
ed the  Low  Countries,  solemnly  received  it 
into  the  church  of  the  Holy  Virgin.62  An  order 
was  given  that  not  one  stone  should  be  left 
upon  another  of  that  heretical  monastery ;  and 
several  private  citizens  and  women  who  had 
joyfully  received  the  Gospel  were  thrown  into 
prison.63 

Luther  was  deeply  grieved  on  receiving  in- 
telligence of  these  events.  "  The  cause  we 
have  in  hand,"  said  he,  "  is  no  longer  a  mere 
trial  of  strength ;  it  demands  the  sacrifice  of 
our  lives,  and  must  be  cemented  by  our 
blood."64 

Mirisch  and  Probst  were  reserved  for  a  very 
different  fate.  The  politic  Mirisch  soon  be- 
came the  docile  slave  of  Rome,  and  was  em- 
ployed in  carrying  into  execution  the  Impe- 
rial orders  against  the  favourers  of  the  Re- 
formation.65 Probst,  on  the  contrary,  escaping 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  inquisitors,  wept  bit- 
terly over  his  failure,  retraced  his  recantation, 
and  boldly  preached  at  Bruges  in  Flanders 
the  doctrine  he  had  abjured.  Being  again 
arrested  and  cast  into  prison  at  Brussels, 
death  seemed  inevitable.63  A  Franciscan  took 
pity  upon  him,  assisted  him  in  his  flight,  and 
Probst,  "saved  by  a  miracle  of  God,"  says 
Luther,  reached  Wittemberg,  where  all  hearts 
were  filled  with  joy  at  his  second  deli- 
verance.* 

On  every  side  the  priests  of  Rome  were 
under  arms.  The  town  of  Miltenberg  on  the 
Maine,  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Elector 
Archbishop  of  Mentz,  had,  of  all  the  towns 
of  Germany,  received  the  Word  of  God  with 
most  joy.  The  inhabitants  were  much  at- 
tached to  their  pastor,  John  Draco,  one  of  the 
most  enlightened  men  of  his  time.  He  was 
compelled  to  leave  the  city;  but  the  Roman 
clergy  withdrew  at  the  same  time,  dreading 
the  vengeance  of  the  people.  An  evangelical 
deacon  remained  behind,  and  comforted  their 
hearts.  At  the  same  time  the  soldiery  of 
Mentz  were  introduced  and  dispersed  through 
the  city,  vomiting  blasphemies,  brandishing 
their  swords,  and  giving  themselves  up  to 
debauchery.67 

Some  of  the  evangelical  Christians  fell 
victims  to  their  violence,^  others  were  seized 
and  thrown  into  dungeons,  the  rites  of  Romish 
worship  was  restored,  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures  prohibited,  and  the  inhabitants  for- 


*  Jacobus,  Dei  miraculo  liberatus  qui  nunc  agit 
nobiscum.  (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  182.)  This  letter,  which 
is  found  in  M.  De  Wette's  collection,  under  the 
date  of  April  14,  must  be  subsequent  to  the  month 
of  June,  since,  on  the  26th  of  June,  we  find  Lu- 
ther saying  that  Probst  has  been  again  taken,  and 
was  expected  to  be  burnt.  The  supposition  that 
would  solve  the  difficulty,  by  supposing  Probst  to 
have  been  at  Wittemberg  between  these  two  cap- 
tures, is  not  admissible,  for  Luther  would  not  have 
£aid  of  a  Christian  who  had  been  saved  from  death 
by  his  recantation,  that  he  had  been  delivered  by  a 
miracle  of  God.  Perhaps  we  should  read  the  date, 
&c.,  of  this  letter,  instead  of  '  in  die  S.  Tiburlii' — 
'  in  die  Turiafi,' — which  would  place  it  in  July 
13 — the  probable  date,  in  my  opinion. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


bidden  to  speak  of  the  Gospel,  even  in  their 
family  meetings.  The  deacon  had  taken 
refuge  with  a  poor  widow,  on  the  entrance  of 
the  troops.  Information  was  given  to  the 
commanding  officer,  and  a  soldier  despatched 
to  take  him.  The  humble  deacon,  hearing 
the  steps  of  the  soldier  who  sought  his  life, 
advancing,  quietly  waited  for  him,  and  just 
as  the  door  of  the  chamber  was  abruptly 
pushed  open,  he  came  forward,  and,  embrac- 
ing him,  said,  "  I  bid  you  welcome,  brother. 
Here  I  am :  plunge  your  sword  in  my  bo- 
som."69 The  stern  soldier,  in  astonishment, 
dropt  his  weapon,  and  contrived  to  save  the 
pious  evangelist  from  further  molestation. 

Meanwhile,  the  inquisitors  of  the  Low 
Countries,  thirsting  for  blood,  scoured  the 
neighbouring  country,  searching  everywhere 
for  the  young  Augustines,  who  had  escaped 
from  the  Antwerp  persecution.  Esch,  Voes, 
and  Lambert,  were  at  last  discovered,  put  in 
chains,  and  conducted  to  Brussels.  Egmon- 
danus,  Hochstraten,  and  several  other  inqui- 
sitors, summoned  them  to  their  presence. 
"Do  you  retract  your  opinion,"  inquired 
Hochstraten,  "  that  the  priest  has  no  power 
to  forgive  sins,  but  that  that  power  belongs  to 
God  alone!" — and  then  he  went  on  to  enu- 
merate the  other  Gospel  truths  which  he  re- 
quired them  to  abjure.  "  No :  we  will  retract 
nothing,"  exclaimed  Esch  and  Voes  firmly  ; 
"  we  will  not  disown  God's  Word  ;  we  will 
rather  die  for  the  faith!" 

THE  INQUISITORS. — "  Confess  that  you 
have  been  deceived  by  Luther." 

THE  YOUNG  AUGUSTINES — "As  the  apos- 
tles were  deceived  by  Jesus  Christ." 

THE  INQUISITORS. — "  We  declare  you  to  be 
heretics,  worthy  of  being  burnt  alive;  and 
we  deliver  you  over  to  the  secular  arm." 

Lambert  was  silent.  The  prospect  of  death 
terrified  him :  distress  and  uncertainty  agi- 
tated his  heart.  "  I  request  four  days'  respite," 
said  he,  in  stifled  emotion.  He  was  taken 
back  to  prison.  As  soon  as  this  respite  was 
expired,  Esch  and  Voes  were  degraded  from 
their  priestly  office,  and  handed  over  to  the 
council  of  the  reigning  governess  of  the  Low 
Countries.  The  council  delivered  them, 
bound,  to  the  executioner.  Hochstraten  and 
three  other  inquisitors  accompanied  them  to 
the  place  of  execution.70 

Arriving  at  the  scaffold,  the  young  martyrs 
contemplated  it  with  calmness.  Their  con- 
stancy, their  piety,  and  their  youth  drew 
tears  from  the  inquisitors  themselves.  When 
they  were  bound  to  the  stake,71  the  confessors 
drew  near,  "  Once  more  we  ask  you  if  you 
will  receive  the  Christian  faith  ?" 

THE  MARTYRS. — "  We  believe  in  the 
Christian  Church,  but  not  in  your  Church." 

Half  an  hour  elapsed.  It  was  a  pause  of 
hesitation.  A  hope  had  been  cherished  that 
the  near  prospect  of  such  a  death  would  in- 
timidate these  youths.  But  alone  tranquil  of 
all  the  crowd  that  thronged  the  square,  they 
began  to  sing  psalms,  stopping  from  time  to 
time  to  declare  that  they  were  resolved  to  die 
for  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ. 


"  Be  converted — be  converted,"  cried  the 
inquisitors,  "  or  you  will  die  in  the  name  of 
the  devil."  "  No,"  answered  the  martyrs ; 
"  we  will  die  like  Christians,  and  for  the  truth 
of  the  Gospel." 

The  pile  was  then  lighted.  Whilst  the 
flame  slowly  ascended,  a  heavenly  peace  di- 
lated their  hearts ;  and  one  of  them  could 
even  say,  "I  seem  to  be  on  a  bedof roses."72 
— The  solemn  hour  was  come — death  was  at 
hand.  The  two  martyrs  cried  with  a  loud 
voice,  "  O  Lord  Jesus,  Son  of  David,  have 
mercy  upon  us  !"  and  then  they  began  to  re- 
cite their  creed.73  At  last  the  flames  reached 
them;  but  the  fire  consumed  the  cords  which 
fastened  them  to  the  stake  before  their  breath 
was  gone.  One  of  them,  feeling  his  liberty, 
dropped  upon  his  knees  in  the  midst  of  the 
flames,  and  then,  in  worship  to  his  Lord,  ex- 
claimed, clasping  his  hands,  "Lord  Jesus, 
Son  of  David,  have  mercy  on  us  !"74 

Their  bodies  were  quickly  wrapped  inflame; 
they  shouted  "  Te  Deum  laudamus."  Soon 
their  voices  were  stifled, — and  their  ashes 
alone  remained. 

This  execution  had  lasted  four  hours.  It 
was  on  the  first  of  July,  1523,  that  the  first 
martyrs  of  the  Reformation  laid  down  their 
lives  for  the  gospel. 

All  good  men  shuddered  when  they  heard 
of  these  events.  The  future  was  big  with 
fearful  anticipations.  "The  executions  have 
begun,"  said  Erasmus.75  "At  length,"  ex- 
claimed Luther,  "Christ  is  gathering  some 
fruits  of  our  preaching,  and  preparing  new 
martyrs." 

But  the  joy  of  Luther  in  the  constancy  of 
these  young  Christians  was  disturbed  by  the 
thoughts  of  Lambert.  Of  the  three,  Lambert 
possessed  the  most  learning;  he  had  been 
chosen  to  fill  the  place  of  Probst,  as  preacher 
at  Antwerp.  Finding  no  peace  in  his  dun- 
geon, he  was  terrified  at  the  prospect  of  death ; 
but  still  more  by  conscience,  which  reproach- 
ed him  with  his  cowardice,  and  urged  him  to 
confess  the  Gospel.  Delivered,  ere  long,  from 
his  fears,  he  boldly  proclaimed  the  truth,  and 
died  like  his  brethren.76 

A  noble  harvest  sprung  up  from  the  blood 
of  these  martyrs.  Brussels  manifested  a  will- 
ingness to  receive  the  Gospel.77  "  Wherever 
Aleander  lights  a  pile,"  remarked  Erasmus, 
"there  it  seems  as  if  he  had  sowed  heretics."7* 

"  I  am  bound  with  your  bonds,"  exclaimed 
Luther:  "your  dungeons  and  your  burnings 
my  soul  takes  part  in.79  All  of  us  are  with  you 
in  spirit;  and  the  Lord  is  above  it  all !" 

He  proceeded  to  compose  a  hymn*  comme- 
morative of  the  death  of  the  young  monks ; 


*  Die  Asche  will  nicht  lassen  ab, 
Sie  staubt  in  alien  Landen, 
Hie  hilft  kein  Bach,  Loch,  noch  Grab. 

(L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  484.) 

Obligingly  rendered  by  John  Alex.  Messenger 
to  whose  friendly  pen  the  publisher  is  indebted 
for  the  touching  hymns  of  Zwingle,  (see  p.  234, 
235 ;)  as  well  as  for  the  translation  of  a  portion  of 
the  Volume,  besides  other  assistance  and  many 
valuable  suggestions. 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


307 


and  soon,  in  every  direction,  throughout  Ger- 
many and  the  Low  Countries,  in  towns  and 
in  villages,  were  heard  accents  of  song  which 
communicated  an  enthusiasm  for  the  faith  of 
*he  martyrs. 

Flung  to  the  heedless  winds, 
Or  on  the  waters  cast, 

Their  ashes  shall  be  watched, 
And  gathered  at  the  last. 

And  from  that  scattered  dust, 
Around  us  and  abroad, 

Shall  spring  a  plenteous  seed 
Of  witnesses  for  God. 

Jesus  hath  now  received 
Their  latest  living  breath, — 

Yet  vain  is  Satan's  boast 
Of  victory  in  their  death. 

Still — still — though  dead,  they  speak, 
And,  trumpet-tongued,  proclaim 

To  many  a  wakening  land, 
The  one  availing  Name. 
Doubtless  Adrian  would  have  persisted  in 
these  violent  measures; — the  failure  of  his 
ofTorts  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  Reforma- 
tion— his  own  orthodoxy — his  zeal — his  in- 
flexibility— even  his  conscientiousness  would 
have  made  him  an  unrelenting  persecutor. 
Providence  ordained  otherwise.  He  expired 
on  the  14th  of  September,  1523 ;  and  the  Ro- 
mans, overjoyed  at  being  rid  of  the  stern 
foreigner,  suspended  a  crown  of  flowers  at 
the  door  of  his  physician,  with  an  inscrip- 
tion— "  to  the  saviour  of  his  country." 

Julio  de  Medicis,  cousin  to  Leo  X.,  suc- 
ceeded Adrian,  under  the  name  of  Clement 
VII.  From  the  day  of  his  election,  all  ideas 
of  religious  reformation  were  at  an  end.  The 
new  Pope,  like  many  of  his  predecessors, 
thought  only  of  maintaining  the  privileges  of 
the  Papacy,  and  employing  its  resources  for 
his  own  aggrandizement. 

Anxious  to  repair  the  indiscretions  of  Adrian, 
Clement  despatched  a  legate  of  a  character 
resembling  his  own,  Cardinal  Campeggio, 
the  ablest  prelate  of  his  court,  and  a  man  of 
large  experience,  well  acquainted  with  most 
of  the  German  Princes.  After  a  pompous  re- 
ception in  his  passage  through  the  Italian  ci- 
ties, the  Legate  soon  noticed  the  change  that 
had  taken  place  in  the  Empire.  On  entering 
Augsburg,  he  proposed,  according  to  custom, 
to  give  his  benediction  to  the  people;  but 
those  to  whom  he  spoke  met  the  proposal  by 
a  smile.  The  hint  was  enough ;  and  he  en- 
tered Nuremberg  incognito,  without  repairing 
to  St.  Sebalde's  church,  where  the  clergy 
were  waiting  for  him.  No  priests  in  sacer- 
dotal vestments  were  seen  advancing  to  greet 
him  ; — no  cross  was  borne  in  solemn  state  be- 
fore him;  but  one  might  have  thought  a  pri- 
vate individual  was  taking  his  journey  through 
thecity.80  Every  thing  indicated  that  the  reign 
of  the  Papacy  was  drawing  to  its  close. 

The  Diet  had  met  again  in  session,  at  Nu- 
remberg, in  January,  1525.  A  storm  was  im- 
pending over  the  government  of  the  nation, 
owing  to  the  firmness  of  Frederic.  The  Sua- 
bian  league,  comprising  the  richest  cities  of 
the  empire,  and,  above  all,  Charles  the  Fifth, 
had  combined  for  his  destruction.  He  was 
charged  with  favouring  the  newly-broached 
40 


heresy.  Accordingly,  it  was  decided  that  the 
executive  powers  should  be  so  entirely  changed 
as  not  to  retain  one  of  the  old  members.  Fre- 
deric, overwhelmed  with  grief,  instantly  took 
his  departure  from  Nuremberg. 

Easter  drew  nigh.  Osiander  and  the  gos- 
pel preachers  redoubled  their  activity.  The 
former  preached  publicly  to  the  effect,  that 
Antichrist  entered  Rome  the  very  day  that 
Constantine  had  quitted  it  to  fix  his  residence 
at  Constantinople.  The  ceremony  of  Palm 
Sunday  and  others  were  omitted  ;  four  thou- 
sand persons  partook  of  the  supper  under  both 
kinds ;  and  the  Queen  of  Denmark,  sister  to 
the  Emperor,  publicly  received  it  in  like  man- 
ner at  the  Castle.  "  Oh,"  exclaimed  the 
Archduke  Ferdinand,  losing  all  self-command, 
"  would  that  you  were  not  my  sister." — "  The 
same  mother  bore  us,"  replied  the  Queen ; 
"  and  1  would  give  up  every  thing  but  God's 
truth  to  serve  you."81 

Campeggio  trembled  at  witnessing  such 
audacity ;  nevertheless  affecting  to  despise  the 
jeers  of  the  people,  and  the  harangues  of  the 
preachers, — and  relying  on  the  authority  of 
the  Emperor  and  of  the  Pope,  he  referred  the 
Diet  to  the  edict  of  Worms,  and  demanded 
that  the  Reformation  should  be  put  down  by 
force.  On  hearing  this,  some  of  the  princes, 
and  deputies  gave  vent  to  their  indignation. 
"  And  pray,"  asked  they,  addressing  Cam- 
peggio, "what  has  become  of  the  memorial  of 
grievances  presented  to  the  Pope  by  the  peo- 

Kle  of  Germany  ]"  The  Legate,  acting  upon 
is  instructions,  assumed  an  air  of  bland  sur- 
prise :  "  Three  versions  of  that  memorial  have 
been  received  in  Rome,"  said  he;  "  but  it  has 
never  been  officially  communicated ;  and  I 
could  never  believe  that  so  unseemly  a  paper 
could  have  emanated  from  your  Highnesses." 

The  Diet  was  stung  by  this  reply.  If  this 
be  the  spirit  in  which  the  Pope  receives  their 
representations,  they  also  know  what  recep- 
tion to  give  to  such  as  he  should  address  to 
them.  Several  deputies  remarked  that  such 
was  the  eagerness  of  the  people  for  the  Word 
of  God,  that  the  attempt  to  deprive  them  of 
it  would  occasion  torrents  of  bloodshed. 

The  Diet  straightway  set  about  preparing 
an  answer  to  the  Pope.  As  it  was  not  possi- 
ble to  get  rid  of  the  edict  of  Worms,  a  clause 
was  added  to  it,  which  had  the  effect  of  ren- 
dering it  null.  "We  require,"  said  they, 
"  that  all  should  conform  to  it — so  far  as  ispos- 
sz'6/e."82  But  several  of  the  states  had  declared 
that  it  was  impossible  to  enforce  it.  At  the  same 
time  calling  to  mind  the  unwelcome  remem- 
brance of  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  of 
Bale,  the  Diet  demanded  the  convocation  in 
Germany  of  a  General  Council  of  Christen- 
dom. 

The  friends  of  the  Reformation  did  not 
stop  here.  What  could  they  look  for  from  a 
Council  which  might  perhaps  never  be  called 
together,  and  which,  in  any  case,  would  be 
sure  to  be  composed  of  bishops  of  all  nations? 
Will  Germany  humble  her  anti-Roman  incli- 
nations in  deference  to  prelates  assembled 
from  Spain,  France,  England,  and  Italy  1 
2  D 


308 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


The  government  of  the  nation  has  been  already 
set  aside.  It  is  necessary  that  in  its  place 
should  be  a  "  national  assembly"  charged  with 
the  defence  of  the  popular  interest. 

Vainly  did  Hannart,  the  Spanish  envoy  of 
Charles,  supported  by  the  adherents  of  Rome 
and  of  the  Emperor,  oppose  the  suggestion ; 
the  majority  of  the  Diet  were  unshaken.  It 
was  arranged  that  a  diet  or  secular  assembly 
should  meet  in  November  at  Spires,  to  regu- 
late all  questions  of  religion,  and  that  the 
States  should  invite  their  divines  to  prepare  a 
list  of  controverted  points  to  be  laid  before 
that  august  assembly. 

No  time  was  lost.  Each  province  pre- 
pared its  memorial,  and  never  had  Rome  rea- 
son to  apprehend  so  great  an  explosion. 
Franconia,  Brandenburg,  Henneberg,  Wind- 
sheim,  Wertheim,  Nuremberg,  declared  for 
the  truth  of  the  Gospel  as  opposed  to  the  seven 
sacraments,  the  corruptions  of  the  mass,  the 
worship  of  the  saints,  and  the  Pope's  supre- 
macy. "  There  is  coin  for  you  of  the  genuine 
stamp,"  said  Luther.  Not  one  of  the  ques- 
tions which  engaged  the  popular  mind  seemed 
likely  to  be  passed  over  in  silence,  in  that 
council  of  the  nation.  The  majority  would 
make  a  stand  for  general  measures.  The 
unity  of  Germany,  its  independence,  and  its 
reformation,  would  yet  be  safe  ! 

When  news  of  what  was  passing  reached 
the  Pope,  he  could  not  restrain  his  anger. 
What !  do  any  presume  to  set  up  a  secular 
tribunal  to  decide  questions  of  religion  in  con- 
tempt of  his  authority  ?83  If  this  unprecedented 
step  be  taken,  doubtless  Germany  will  be 
saved, —but  Rome  is  ruined  !  A  consistory 
was  nastily  called  together,  and  one  who 
watched  the  dismay  of  the  senators  might 
have  thought  the  Germans  were  in  full  march 
upon  the  Capitol.  "  As  to  the  Elector  Fre- 
deric," exclaimed  Aleander,  "  we  must  take 
off  his  head ;"  and  another  Cardinal  gave 
counsel  that  the  kings  of  England  and  of  Spain 
should  overawe  the  free  cities  by  threatening 
to  break  off  all  commercial  intercourse  with 
them.  In  conclusion,  the  consistory  came  to 
the  decision  that  the  only  way  of  safety  lay 
in  moving  heaven  and  earth  to  prevent  the 
proposed  assembly  at  Spires. 

The  Pope  wrote  directly  to  the  Emperor : 
— "  If  I  am  called  to  be  foremost  in  making 
head  against  the  storm,  it  is  not  because  I  am 
the  only  one  threatened  by  the  tempest,  but 
because  I  am  at  the  helm.  The  Imperial 
authority  is  yet  more  invaded  than  even  the 
dignity  of  the  court  of  Rome." 

Whilst  the  Pope  was  sending  this  letter  to 
Castile,  he  was  seeking  to  strengthen  him- 
self by  alliances  in  Germany.  It  was  not 
long  before  he  gained  over  one  of  the  most 
powerful  reigning  families  of  the  Empire,  the 
Dukes  of  Bavaria.  The  edict  of  Worms  had 
been  as  much  a  dead  letter  there  as  elsewhere ; 
and  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel  had  made  its 
way  extensively.  But  subsequent  to  the  close 
of  1521,  the  princes  of  the  country,  urged  on 
by  Doctor  Eck,  who  was  chancellor  in  their 
university  of  Ingolstadt,  had  again  made  ad- 


vances towards  Rome,  and  passed  a  law 
enjoining  their  subjects  to  adhere  faithful  to 
the  religion  of  their  forefathers.84 

The  Bavarian  bishops  showed  some  signa 
of  alarm  at  this  intervention  of  the  secular 
authority.  Eck  set  out  immediately  for  Rome 
to  solicit  from  the  Pope  an  extension  of  the 
authority  lodged  in  the  princes.  The  Pope 
granted  all  their  desires,  and  even  went  so  far 
as  to  make  over  to  them  a  fifth  of  the  revenues 
of  the  church  in  their  country. 

Here  we  see  Roman  Catholicism,  at  a  time 
when  the  Reformation  had  no  regular  settle- 
ment, resorting  to  established  institutions  for 
support,  and  Catholic  princes,  aided  by  the 
Pope,  seizing  the  revenues  of  the  Church 
long  before  the  Reformation  had  ventured  to 
touch  them.  WThat  then  must  be  thought  of 
the  oft-repeated  charges  of  Catholics  on  this 
head! 

Clement  VII.  was  secure  of  the  assistance 
of  Bavaria  in  quelling  the  dreaded  assembly 
of  Spires.  It  was  not  long  before  the  Arch- 
duke Ferdinand,  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg, 
and  others  of  the  princes  were  likewise  gain- 
ed over. 

But  Campeggio  was  bent  on  something 
more.  His  aim  was  to  divide  Germany  into 
two  hostile  camps; — Germans  were  to  be 
opposed  to  Germans. 

During  a  previous  residence  at  Stutgard, 
the  Legate  had  concerted  with  Ferdinand  the 
project  of  a  league  against  the  Reformation. 
"  There  is  no  telling  what  may  be  the  result 
of  an  assembly  in  which  the  voice  of  the  peo- 
ple will  be  heard,"  observed  he:  "The  Diet 
of  Spires  may  be  the  ruin  of  Rome  and  the 
salvation  of  Wittemberg.  Let  us  close  our 
ranks  and  be  prepared  for  the  onset."85  It  was 
settled  that  Ratisbon  should  be  the  point  of 
rendezvous. 

Prevailing  over  the  jealousies  that  estranged 
the  reigning  houses  of  Bavaria  and  Austria, 
Campeggio  contrived  to  assemble  in  that  city, 
toward  the  end  of  1524,  the  Duke  of  Bavaria 
and  the  Archduke  Ferdinand.  The  Arch- 
bishop of  Salzburg  and  the  Bishops  of  Trent 
and  of  Ratisbon  joined  them.  The  Bishops 
of  Spires,  Bamberg,  Augsburg,  Strasburg, 
Bale,  Constance,  Freesingen,  Passau,  and 
Brixen,  sent  deputies  to  the  assembly. 

The  Legate  opened  the  subject  of  the  meet- 
ng,  depicting  in  moving  language  the  dan- 
gers resulting  from  the  Reformation  both  to 
)rinces  and  the  clergy,  and  concluded  by  call- 
ng  upon  them  to  extirpate  heresy  and  rescue 
he  Church. 

For  fifteen  days  the  conferences  were  con- 
inued  in  the  town-hall  of  Ratisbon.  At  the 
ixpiration  of  that  time,  a  ball,  which  con- 
inued  till  daybreak,  served  as  a  relaxation  to 
he  first  Catholic  assembly  convened  by  the 
3apacy  to  resist  the  infant  Reformation,86 — 
ind,  after  this,  measures  were  agreed  upon  for 
he  destruction  of  the  heretics. 

The  Princes  and  Bishops  bound  themselves 
o  enforce  the  edicts  of  Worms  and  Nurem- 
>erg — to  allow  of  no  innovations  in  public 
worship — to  tolerate  no  married  priest — to  re- 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


309 


call  the  students  of  their  states  who  might  be 
resident  in  Wittemberg,  and  to  employ  ail  the 
means  in  their  power  for  the  extirpation  of 
heresy.  They  enjoined  the  preachers  to  take 
for  their  guides,  in  interpreting  difficult  scrip- 
tures, the  Latin  Fathers,  Ambrose,  Jerome, 
Augustine,  and  Gregory.  Not  daring,  in  the 
face  of  the  Reformation,  to  invoke  again  the 
authority  of  the  Schools,  they  contented  them- 
selves with  laying  the  foundations  of  Roman 
orthodoxy. 

But,  not  able  to  close  their  eyes  against  the 
scandals  and  profligate  morals  of  the  clergy,87 
they  agreed  on  a  programme  of  reform,  in 
which  they  studiously  selected  such  grie- 
vances of  the  Germans  as  least  involved  or 
affected  the  court  of  Rome.  They  prohibited 
priests  from  dealings  in  the  way  of  barter, 
from  frequenting  taverns,  being  present  "at 
dances,"  and  disputing  over  their  bottle  about 
points  of  faith ! 

This  was  the  issue  of  the  confederation  of 
Ratisbon.88  In  the  very  act  of  taking  up  arms 
against  the  Reformation,  Rome  yet  conceded 
a  something ; — and  we  discern  in  these  regu- 
lations the  earliest  influence  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, i«  inducing  an  interior  renovation  in 
Catholicism  itself.  Wherever  the  Gospel 
developes  its  resources,  its  enemies  are  sure  to 
have  their  counterfeits  at  hand.  Emser  had 
produced  a  translation  of  the  Bible  to  coun- 
teract that  by  Luther.  Eck,  in  like  manner, 
put  forth  his  Loci  Communes  in  opposition  to 
Melancthon's,89--and  then  it  was  that  Rome 
began  to  oppose  to  the  Reformation  those  par- 
tial changes  which  have  given  to  Roman  Ca- 
tholicism its  present  aspect.  But,  in  truth, 
these  expedients  were  but  subtle  devices  to 
escape  impending  dangers.  Branches,  pluck- 
ed indeed  from  the  tree  of  the  Reformation, 
but  set  in  a  soil  which  doomed  them  to  decay : 
the  principle  of  life,  was  wanting,  and  thus  it 
will  ever  be  with  all  similar  attempts. 

Another  fact  is  here  presented  to  us.  The 
Romanist  party,  by  the  league  which  they 
formed  at  Ratisbon,  were  the  first  to  violate 
the  unity  of  Germany.  It  was  in  the  Pope's 
camp  that  the  signal  of  battle  was  given. 
Ratisbon  was  the  birthplace  of  that  schism 
and  political  rending  of  their  country  which 
so  many  of  the  Germans  to  this  hour  deplore. 
The  national  assembly  of  Spires  was  called 
to  ensure  the  unity  of  the  Empire  by  sanc- 
tioning and  extending  the  Reformation  of  the 
Church.  The  conventicle  of  separatists  that 
met  at  Ratisbon  forever  divided  the  nation  in 
two  parties.90  Yet  the  schemes  of  Campeggio 
were  not  at  first  attended  with  the  results  an- 
ticipated. But  few  of  the  chiefs  responded 
to  the  call.  The  most  decided  opponents  of 
Luther,  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  the  elector 
Joachim  of  Brandenburg,  the  ecclesiastical 
Electors,  and  the  imperial  cities,  declined 
taking  any  part.  An  opinion  prevailed  that 
the  Pope's  legate  was  forming  a  Romanist 
faction  opposed  to  the  national  mind.  The 
popular  sympathies  counterbalanced  the  anti- 
pathies of  religion ;  and  it  was  not  long  before 
the  Ratisbon  Reformation  was  an  object  of 


public  ridicule.  But  a  first  step  had  been 
taken, — an  example  had  been  set.  It  was 
expected  that,  with  a  little  pains,  it  would  be 
easy  eventually  to  confirm  and  enlarge  this 
Roman  league.  Those  who  then  hesitated 
would  be  decided  by  the  course  of  events. 
To  the  legate,  Campeggio,  is  ascribed  the 
glory  of  having  laid  the  train  which  was  to 
bring  little  less  than  destruction  upon  the 
liberties  of  Germany,  and  the  safety  of  the 
Empire,  and  the  Reformation.  From  that 
hour  the  cause  of  Luther  was  no  longer  of  a 
nature  purely  religious  ;  and  the  contest  with 
the  Wittemberg  monk  ranked  among  the  po- 
litical events  of  Europe.  Luther,  in  this  new 
sphere,  would  pass  under  eclipse,  and  Charles 
V.,  the  Pope,  and  the  reigning  Princes, 
would  be  the  chief  actors  on  the  stage  where 
the  grand  drama  of  the  sixteenth  century  was 
to  be  performed. 

But  the  prospect  of  the  assembly  at  Spires 
was  continually  present  to  the  minds  of  the 
people.  Its  measures  might  remedy  the  mis- 
chiefs that  Campeggio  had  occasioned  at 
Ratisbon.  Accordingly,  Rome  strained  every 
nerve  to  prevent  its  assembling.  "  What !" 
exclaimed  the  Pope's  deputies  to  Charles  V., 
as  also  to  his  ally,  Henry  VIII.,  and  other 
princes,  "will  these  presumptuous  Germans 
pretend  to  decide  points  of  faith  in  a  national 
assembly !  They  seem  to  expect  that  kings, 
the  Imperial  authority,  all  Christendom,  and 
the  whole  world,  are  to  bend  to  their  deci- 
sions." 

The  moment  was  not  ill  chosen  for  influ- 
encing the  Emperor.  The  war  between  that 
prince  and  Francis  the  First  was  at  its  height. 
Pescara  and  the  Constable  of  Bourbon  had 
left  Italy,  and  entering  France  in  the  month 
of  May,  laid  siege  to  Marseilles.  The  Pope, 
who  looked  with  an  evil  eye  on  this  attack, 
might  effect  a  powerful  diversion  in  the  rear 
of  the  Imperial  forces.  Charles,  who,  under 
these  circumstances,  must  have  feared  to  give 
umbrage  to  his  Holiness,  did  not  hesitate  to 
sacrifice  the  independence  of  the  Empire, 
that  he  might  purchase  the  favour  of  Rome, 
and  humble  his  rival  the  king  of  France. 

On  the  15th  July,  Charles  issued  an  edict, 
dated  at  Burgos  in  Castile,  "in  which  he 
haughtily  and  angrily  declared  that  to  the 
Pope  alone  belonged  the  right  to  convoke  a 
Council,  and  to  the  Emperor  that  of  demand-  V 

"ng  one:  that  the  meeting  appointed  to  be 
held  at  Spires  neither  ought  to  be,  nor  could  / 
be  allowed :  that  it  was  strange  that  the 
German  people  should  undertake  to  do  that, 
which  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  with  the 
Pope  at  their  head,  could  not  lawfully  do : 
and  that  it  was  necessary,  without  delay,  to 
carry  into  effect  the  decree  of  Worms  against 
the  Modern  Mahomet." 

Thus  it  was  from  Spain  and  Italy  the  blow 
was  struck  which  arrested  the  development 
of  the  Gospel  among  the  people  of  Germany. 
Charles  was  not  satisfied  with  this.  In  1519 
tie  had  offered  to  duke  John,  the  Elector's 
brother,  to  give  his  sister,  the  Archduchess 
Catharine,  in  marriage  to  his  son,  John  Fre- 


310 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


deric,  heir  to  the  electorate.     But  was  not !  Lord's  name.     "  Blood  follows  blood,"  cried 


that  reigning  house  of  Saxony  the  grand  sup- 
port of  those  principles  of  religious  and  poli- 
tical independence  which  Charles  detested1? 
He  decided  to  break  off  all  intercourse  with 
the  troublesome  and  guilty  champion  of  Gos- 
pel principles  and  the  nation's  wishes, — and 
accordingly  gave  his  sister  in  marriage  to 
John  III.  King  of  Portugal.  Frederic,  who 
in  1519  had  manifested  some  indifference  to 
the  overtures  of  the  king  of  Spain,  was 
enabled,  in  1524,  to  suppress  his  indignati 
at  this  conduct  of  the  Emperor.  But  Duke 
John  haughtily  intimated  his  feeling  of  the 
affront  put  upon  him. 

Thus,  an  observer  might  have  distinguish- 
ed, as  they  fell  slowly  into  the  line,  the  rival 
hosts  by  whose  struggle  for  mastery  the 
Empire  was  to  be  so  long  convulsed. 

The  Romanists  went  a  step  further.  The 
compact  of  Ratisbon  was  to  be  no  empty 
form;  it  was  necessary  that  it  should  be 
sealed  with  blood.  Ferdinand  and  Cam- 
peggio  descended  the  Danube  from  Ratisbon 
to  Vienna,  and,  during  their  journey,  mutually 
pledged  themselves  to  cruel  measures.  In- 
stantly a  persecution  was  set  on  foot  in  the 
Austrian  provinces. 

A  citizen  of  Vienna,  by  name  Gaspard 
Tauber,  had  circulated  Luther's  writings, 
and  had  himself  written  against  the  invoca- 
tion of  saints,  purgatory,  and  transubstantia- 
tion.91  Being  thrown  into  prison,  he  was 
required  by  his  judges,  both  divines  and 
jurisconsuls,  to  retract  his  errors.  It  was 
believed  that  he  had  given  way,  and  every 
preparation  was  made  in  Vienna  to  gratify 
the  populace  with  the  solemn  spectacle  of  his 
recantation.  On  St.  Mary's  day,  two  pulpits 
were  erected  over  the  cemetery  of  St.  Ste- 
phen's, the  one  for  the  leader  of  the  choir, 
whose  office  was  to  chant  the  heretic's  re- 
pentance, the  other  for  Tauber  himself.  The 
formula  of  his  recantation  was  put  into  his 
hands.92  The  people,  the  choristers,  and  the 
priests  were  in  silent  expectation.  Whether 
it  was  that  Tauber  had  given  no  promise  to 
recant,  or  whether,  in  the  appointed  moment 
of  abjuration,  he  suddenly  received  fresh 
energy  of  faith, — he  exclaimed  aloud,  "lam 
not  convinced,  and  I  appeal  to  the  holy  Ro- 
man Empire."  Ecclesiastics,  choristers,  and 
bystanders,  were  struck  with  astonishment 
and  dismay.  But  Tauber  continued  calling 
for  death  rather  than  that  he  should  deny  the 
Gospel.  He  was  beheaded, — his  body 
burned:93 — and  his  firmness  left  an  indelible 
impression  on  the  memory  of  the  citizens  of 
Vienna. 

At  Buda,  in  Hungary,  a  bookseller,  named 
John,  who  had  received  the  truth  in  the  love 
of  it,  had  distributed  copies  of  the  New  Tes- 


Luther,  when  he  heard  of  this  martyrdom.94 
"  but  that  innocent  blood  that  Rome  delights 
to  shed,  will  one  day  choke  the  Pope,  with 
his  kings  and  their  kingdoms."95 

The  zeal  of  the  fanatics  burnt  every  day 
more  fiercely.  Gospel  preachers  were  ex- 
pelled, magistrates  banished,  and  sometimes 
the  most  horrible  torments  were  inflicted.  In 
Wurtemberg  an  inquisitor,  named  Reichler, 
caused  the  Lutherans,  especially  their 
preachers,  to  be  hanged  upon  the  trees. 
Monsters  were  found,  who  deliberately  msiled 
by  their  tongues  to  the  stake  the  ministers  of 
God's  word, — so  that  the  sufferers,  tearing 
themselves  in  their  agony  from  the  wood  to 
which  they  were  fastened,  endured  a  frightful 
mutilation  in  their  efforts  to  liberate  them- 
selves,— and  were  thus  deprived  of  that  gift 
of  speech  which  they  had  long  used  in  the 
preaching  of  the  Gospel.96 

The  same  persecutions  were  set  on  foot  in 
the  other  states  of  the  Catholic  League.  In 
the  neighbourhood  of  Salzburg,  a  minister 
of  the  Gospel,  who  had  been  sentenced  to 
imprisonment  for  life,  was  on  his  way  to 
the  prison;  whilst  the  constables  wJio  had 
charge  of  him  were  stopping  to  drink  at 
a  house  by  the  wayside,  two  country  youths, 
moved  with  compassion,  contrived,  by 
eluding  their  vigilance,  to  favour  the  escape 
of  the  pastor.  The  rage  of  the  Archbishop 
broke  forth  against  these  poor  people,  and 


without    so    much 
he    commanded    that 


any    form    of  trial, 
they   should    be    be- 


headed. They  were  secretly  taken  outside 
the  town  at  an  early  hour.  Coming  to  the 
plain  where  they  were  to  die,  the  execution- 
er's heart  failed  him :  "  For,"  said  he,  "  they 
have  not  beeft  condemned."  "  Do  your  duty," 
said  the  Archbishop's  emissary,  sternly, "  and 
leave  to  the  Prince  to  answer  for  it:"  and  the 
heads  of  the  youths  were  immediately  struekoff.97 
The  persecution  raged  with  most  violence 
in  the  states  of  the  Duke  of  Bavaria.  Priests 
were  degraded;  nobles  expelled  from  their 
castles ;  spies  traversed  the  country ;  and 
suspicion  and  terror  filled  the  hearts  of  all. 
Bernard  Fichtel,  a  magistrate,  was  on  his 
way  to  Nuremberg,  called  thither  by  the 
Duke's  affairs;  on  the  road,  he  was  joined 
by  Francis  Bourkard,  a  professor,  from  Ingol- 
stadt,  and  a  friend  of  Eck.  Bourkard  accosted 
him,  and  they  travelled  in  company.  After 
supping  together,  the  professor  began  to  speak 
on  matters  of  religion.  Fichtel  having  some 
knowledge  of  his  company,  reminded  him 
that  the  recent  edict  prohibited  such  topics 
of  conversation.  "  Between  us,"  answered 
Bourkard,  "there  is  nothing  to  fear."  On 
this  Fichtel  remarked,  "I  don't  think  the 
edict  can  be  enforced;"  and  he  went  on  to 


tament,  and  also  some  of  Luther's  writings,  express  himself  in  a  tone  of  doubt  respecting 
The  persecutors  bound  him  to  a  stake,  and  '  purgatory,  observing,  "  that  it  was  a  dreadful 
then  forming  a  pile  of  his  books,  so  as  to  thing  to  visit  religious  differences  with  death." 
enclose  him  within  them,  set  fire  to  the  At  hearing  this,  Bourkard  could  not  control 
whole.  The  poor  man  manifested  an  un-  himself.  "What  more  just,"  exclaimed  he, 
shaken  courage,  rejoicing,  amidst  the  flames,  |  "than  to  strike  off  the  heads  of  all  those 
lhat  he  was  counted  worthy  to  suffer  for  his  .'  scoundrel  Lutherans?"  He  soon  took  a  kind 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


311 


eave  of  Fichtel ; — but  hastened  to  lodge  in- 
brmation  against  him.  Fichtel  was  thrown 
nto  prison,  and  the  unhappy  man,  who  had 
10  desire  of  the  martyr's  crown — his  religious 
convictions  not  being  at  all  deep — escaped 
leath  only  by  a  shameful  recantation.  Con- 
idence  was  at  an  end ;  and  no  one  was  safe. 

But  that  death  which  Fichtel  avoided, 
Dthers  met.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  Gospel 
was  now  only  privately  preached.98  The  Duke 
urged  on  its  pursuers,  following  it  even  in  the 
darkness,  in  secret  places,  in  private  dwell- 
ings, and  mountain  recesses. 

"The  cross  and  persecution  are  in  full 
career  in  Bavaria,"  said  Luther  :  "  those 
wild  beasts  are  carrying  all  before  them."99 

Even  the  north  'of  Germany  was  not  ex- 
empted from  these  atrocities.  Bogislas,  Duke 
of  Pomerania,  dying,  his  son,  who  had  been 
brought  up  in  the  court  of  Duke  George,  set 
on  foot  a  persecution  of  the  Gospel.  Suaven 
and  Knipstrow  were  compelled  to  seek  refuge 
in  flight. 

But  it  was  in  Holstein  that  one  of  the 
most  memorable  instances  of  fanaticism  oc- 
curred. 

Henry  Zuphten,  who,  as  has  been  seen, 
had  escaped  from  the  convent  at  Antwerp, 
was  engaged  in  preaching  the  Gospel  at  Bre- 
men. Nicholas  Boye,  pastor  a^Mehldorf,  in 
the  country  of  the  Dittmarches,  and  several 
devout  persons  of  the  neighbouring  districts, 
having  invited  him  to  come  over  and  declare 
Jesus  Christ,  he  complied.  Immediately,  the 
prior  of  the  Dominicans  and  the  vicar  of  the 
official  of  Hamburg  concerted  measures.  "  If 
he  is  allowed  to  preach,  and  the  people  give 
ear,"  said  they,  "  we  are  undone."  The  prior 
passed  a  disturbed  night;  and,  rising  early 
in  the  morning,  repaired  to  the  wild  and  bar- 
ren heath  on  which  the  forty-eight  regents 
of  the  country  are  accustomed  to  hold  their 
meetings.  "  The  monk  from  Bremen  is  come 
amongst  us,"  said  he,  addressing  them,  "  and 
will  bring  ruin  on  the  Dittmarches."  Those 
forty-eight  simple-minded  and  unlearned  men, 
deceived  into  the  belief  that  they  would  earn 
imperishable  renown  by  delivering  the  world 
from  the  heretical  monk,  decided  on  putting 
him  to  death  without  so  much  as  giving  him 
a  hearing. 

It  was  Saturday — and  the  prior  was  bent 
on  preventing  Henry's  preaching  on  the  fol- 
lowing Sunday.  In  the  middle  of  the  night 
he  knocked  at  the  door  of  the  pastor  Boye, 
armed  with  the  mandate  of  the  forty-eight 
regents.  "If  it  be  the  will  of  God  that  I 
should  die  among  the  Dittmarches,"  said 
Henry  Zuphten,  "  Heaven  is  as  easily  reach- 
ed from  thence  as  from  anywhere  else.100  I 
will  preach." 

He  ascended  the  pulpit  and  spoke  with 
earnestness.  His  hearers,  moved  and  roused 
by  his  Christian  eloquence,  had  scarcely  quit- 
ted the  church,  when  the  prior  delivered  to 
them  the  mandate  of  the  forty-eigrht  regents 
forbidding  the  monk  to  preach.  They  imme- 
diately sent  a  deputation  to  the  heath,  and 
the  Dittmarches,  after  long  discussion,  agreed 


that,  considering  their  total  ignorance,  further 
measures  should  be  deferred  till  Easter.  But 
the  prior,  irritated  at  this,  approached  certain 
of  the  regents,  and  stirred  up  their  zeal  afresh. 
"  We  will  write  to  him,"  said  they.  "  Have 
nothing  to  do  with  him,"  replied  the  prior; 
"  if  he  begins  to  speak,  we  shall  not  be  able 
to  withstand  him.  We  must  seize  him  during 
the  night,  and  burn  him  without  giving  him 
time  to  open  his  lips." 

Every  thing  wras  arranged  accordingly. 
The  day  after  Conception  day,  at  night! all, 
Jlvt  Maria  was  rung.  At  the  signal,  all  the 
peasants  of  the  adjacent  villages  assembled, 
to  the  number  of  live  hundred,  and  their 
leaders  having  broached  three  butts  of  Ham- 
burg beer,  by  this  means  stimulated  their 
resolution.  The  hour  of  midnight  struck  as 
the  party  entered  Mehldorf;  the  peasants 
were  under  arms ;  the  monks  carried  torches ; 
all  went  forward  in  disorder,  exchanging 
shouts  of  fury.  Arrived  at  the  village,  there 
was  a  deep  silence,  lest  Henry,  receiving  in- 
timation of  danger,  should  effect  his  escape. 

Of  a  sudden,  the  gates  of  the  parsonage 
were  burst  open ;  the  drunken  peasantry 
rushed  within,  striking  every  thing  in  their 
way,  tossing  pell-mell,  dishes,  kettles,  cups, 
and  articles  of  apparel.  They  seized  any  mo- 
ney that  they  could  find,  and  then  rushing  on 
the  poor  pastor,  they  struck  him  down,  slfout- 
ing,  "  Kill  him !  kill  him !"  and  then  threw 
him  into  the  mud.  But  Henry  was  their 
chief  object  in  the  attack.  They  pulled  him 
out  of  bed,  tied  his  hands  behind  him,  and 
dragged  him  after  them,  naked  as  he  was,  in 
the  piercing  cold.  "  What  are  you  come  here 
for"?"  cried  they;  and  as  Henry  answered 
meekly,  they  exclaimed,  "  Down  with  him ! 
down  with  him !  if  we  listen  to  him  we  shall 
become  heretics  like  himself."  They  had 
dragged  him  naked  over  ice  and  snow,  his 
feet  were  bleeding  profusely,  and  he  begged 
to  be  set  on  horseback.  "  A  fine  thing  truly," 
said  they,  "  for  us  to  furnish  horses  for  here- 
tics !  On,  on !" — and  they  continued  dragging 
him  behind  them  till  they  arrived  at  the  heath. 
A  woman,  who  stood  at  the  door  of  the  house 
just  as  the  servant  of  God  was  passing,  burst 
into  tears.  "  My  good  woman,"  said  Henry, 
"  weep  not  for  me."  The  bailiff  pronounced 
his  sentence.  Then  one  of  his  ferocious  es- 
cort, with  a  sword,  smote  the  preacher  of 
Jesus  Christ  on  the  head.  Another  struck 
him  with  a  club.  A  monk  was  ordered  to 
approach,  and  receive  his  confession.  "  My 
brother,"  said  Henry,  "  have  I  done  you  any 
wrong1?"  "None,"  replied  the  monk.  "Then," 
returned  Henry,  "  I  have  nothing  to  confess 
to  you,  and  you  have  nothing  to  forgive." 
The  monk  retired  in  confusion.  Many  at- 
tempts were  made  to  set  fire  to  the  pile ;  but 
the  wood  would  not  catch.  For  two  hours 
the  martyr  stood  thus  in  presence  of  the  infu- 
riated peasantry — calm,  and  lifting  his  eyes 
to  heaven.  While  they  were  binding  him, 
that  they  might  cast  him  into  the  flame,  he 
began  to  confess  his  faith.  "First  burn," 
said  a  countryman,  dealino-  him  a  blow  with 
2  D2 


312 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


his  fist  on  the  mouth;  "burn,  and  after  that 
speak."  They  threw  him  on  the  pile,  but  he 
rolled  down  on  one  side.  John  Holme,  seiz- 
ing a  club,  struck  him  upon  the  breast,  and 
laid  him  dead  upon  the  burning  coals.  "  Such 
is  the  true  story  of  the  sufferings  of  that  holy 
martyr,  Henry  Zuphten."101 

Whilst  the  Romanists  were,  on  all  sides,  un- 
sheathing the  sword  against  the  Reformation, 
the  work  itself  was  passing  through  new 
stages  of  development.  Not  to  Zurich — no 
Geneva,  but  to  Wittemberg,  the  focus  of  Lu 
ther's  revival,  must  we  go  to  find  the  begin 
nings  of  that  Reformed  Church,  of  which  Cal 
vin  ranks  as  the  most  distinguished  doctor 
There  was  a  time  when  these  two  great  fami 
lies  of  believers  slept  in  the  same  cradle.  Con 
cord  ought  to  have  crowned  their  maturec 
age ;  but  when  once  the  question  of  the  Sup 
per  was  raised,  Luther  threw  away  the  proper 
element  of  the  Reformation,  and  took  his  stanc 
for  himself  and  his  church  in  an  exclusive 
Lutheranism.  The  mortification  he  experi- 
enced from  this  rival  teaching  was  shown  in 
his  loss  of  much  of  that  kindness  of  manner 
which  was  so  natural  to  him,  and  communi- 
cated in  its  stead  a  mistrust,  an  habitual  dis- 
satisfaction, and  an  irritability  which  he  had 
never  before  manifested. 

It  was  between  the  two  early  friends — the 
two  champions  who,  at  Leipsic,  had  fought 
side  by  side  against  Rome, — between  Carl 
stadt  and  Luther  that  the  controversy  broke 
forth.  Their  attachment  to  contrary  views 
was  the  result,  with  each  of  them,  of  a  turn 
of  mind  that  has  its  value.  Indeed,  there  are 
two  extremes  in  religious  views ;  the  one  tends 
to  materialize  all  things ;  the  other  to  spirit- 
ualize every  thing.  The  former  characterized 
Rome ;  the  latter  is  seen  in  the  Mystics.  Re- 
ligion resembles  man  himself  in  this — namely, 
that  it  consists  of  a  body  and  a  soul ;  pure 
idealists,  equally  with  materialists  in  questions 
of  religion,  as  of  philosophy — both  err. 

This  was  the  great  question  which  lay  hid 
in  the  dispute  concerning  the  supper.  Whilst 
a  superficial  observer  sees  in  it  nothing  but  a 
paltry  strife  about  words,  a  deeper  observation 


discerns  in  it  one  of  the  most  important  con- 
troversies that  can  engage  the  mind  of  man. 

Here  the  Reformers  diverge,  and  form  two 
camps ;  but  each  camp  carries  away  a  por- 
tion of  the  truth.  Luther,  with  his  adherents, 
think  they  are  resisting  an  exaggerated  spirit- 
ualism. Carlstadt,  and  those  of  the  reformed 
opinion,  believe  they  are  opposing  a  detesta- 
ble materialism.  Each  turns  against  the  er- 
ror which,  to  his  mind,  seems  most  noxious, 
and  in  assailing  it,  goes — it  may  be — beyond 
the  truth.  But  this  being  admitted,  it  is  still 
true  that  both  are  right  in  the  prevailing  turn 
of  their  thoughts,  and  though  ranking  in  differ- 
ent hosts,  the  two  great  teachers  are  neverthe- 
less found  under  the  same  standard — that  of 
Jesus  Christ,  who  alone  is  TRUTH  in  the  full 
import  of  that  word. 

Carlstadt  was  of  opinion  that  nothing  could 
be  more  prejudicial  to  genuine  piety  than  to 


lean  upon  outward  observances,  and  a  sort  of 
mysterious  efficacy  in  the  sacraments.  "  The 
outward  participation  in  the  Supper  brings 
Salvation,"  had  been  the  language  of  Rome; 
and  that  doctrine  had  sufficed  to  materialize 
religion.  Carlstadt  saw  no  better  course  for 
again  exalting  its  spiritual  character  than  to 
deny  all  presence  of  Christ's  body;  and  he 
taught  that  the  Supper  was  simply  a  pledge 
to  believers  of  their  redemption. 

As  to  Luther,  he  now  took  an  exactly  oppo- 
site direction.  He  had  at  first  contended  for 
the  sense  we  have  endeavoured  to  open.  In 
his  tract  on  the  Mass,  published  in  1520,  he 
thus  expressed  himself: — "I  can  every  day 
enjoy  the  advantages  of  the  Sacraments,  if  1 
do  but  call  to  mind  the  word  and  promise  of 
Christ,  and  with  them  feed  and  strengthen 
my  faith."  Neither  Carlstadt,  nor  Zwingle, 
nor  Calvin  have  said  any  thing  more  strong 
than  this.  It  appears,  indeed,  that  at  that 
period  the  thought  would  often  occur  to  him, 
that  a  symbolical  explanation  of  the  Supper 
would  be  the  mightiest  engine  to  overturn  the 
Papal  system;  for,  in  1525,  we  find  him  say- 
ing that  five  years  before,  he  had  gone  through 
much  trial  of  mind  on  accountof  thisdoctrine;1*2 
and  that  any  one  who  could  then  have  proved 
to  him  that  there  is  only  the  bread  and  wine 
in  the  Supper  ^would  have  done  him  the  great- 
est service. 

But  new  circumstances  arose,  and  threw 
lim  into  a  position  in  which  he  was  led  to  op- 
pose, and  sometimes  with  much  heat,  opinions 
o  which  he  had  made  so  near  an  approach. 
The  fanaticism  of  the  Anabaptists  may  account 
br  the  turn  which  Luther  then  took.     These 
enthusiasts  were  not  content  with  disparaging 
what  they  termed  the  outward  Word — that  is, 
he  Bible,  and  setting  up  a  claim  to  special 
communications  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  they  went 
so  far  as  to  despise  the  Sacrament  of  the  Sup- 
>er  as  an  external  act,  and  to  speak  of  the  in- 
ward as  the  only  true  communion.     From  that 
ime,  in  every  attempt  to  exhibit  the  symboli-  \ 
al  import  of  the  Supper,  Luther  saw  only 
he  danger  of  weakening  the  authority  of  the 
Scriptures,  and  of  admitting,  instead  of  their 
rue  meaning,  mere  arbitrary  allegories  spirit- 


ualizing all  religion,  and  making  it  consist, 
not  in  the  gifts  of  God,  but  in  man's  impres- 
sions ;  and  by  this  means,  substituting,  in 
place  of  genuine  Christianity,  a  mystic  doc- 
trine, or  theosophy,  or  fanaticism  which  would 
be  sure  to  be  its  grave.  It  must  be  confessed, 
that,  but  for  the  energetic  resistance  of  Luther, 
this  tendency  to  mysticism  (enthusiastic  and 
subjective  in  its  character)  might  have  rapidly 
extended  itself,  and  turned  back  the  tide  of 
blessings  which  the  Reformation  was  to  pour 
upon  the  world. 

Carlstadt,  impatient  at  finding  himself  hin- 
dered from  opening  his  views  without  reserve 
in  Wittemberg;  and  having  no  rest  in  his 
spirit,  from  his  desire  to  combat  a  system 
which,  in  his  view,  "lowered  the  value  of 
Christ's  death,  and  set  aside  his  righteous- 
ness," resolved  "to  give  a  public  testimony 
for  the  advantage  of  poor  deluded  Christians." 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


313 


lie  left  Wittemberg,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1524,  without  previous  intimation  of  his 
intention  to  the  university  or  the  chapter,  and 
repaired  to  the  small  town  of  Orlamund,  the 
church  of  which  was  placed  under  his  super- 
intendance.  Dismissing;  the  vicar,  he  pro- 
cured himself  to  be  appointed  its  pastor,  and 
in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  the  chapter  of 
the  university,  and  of  the  Elector,  established 
himself  in  his  new  office. 

He  soon  began  to  disseminate  his  doctrines : 
"  It  is  not  possible,"  said  he,  "  to  name  any 
advantage  derived  from  the  real  presence,  which 
does  not  already  flow  from  faith — it  is,  there- 
fore, useless."  To  explain  Christ's  words  in 
the  institution  of  the  Supper,  he  resorted  to 
an  interpretation  which  is  not  received  in  the 
Reformed  churches.  Luther,  during  the  dis- 
cussion at  Leipsic,  had  explained  the  words 
"  Thou  art  Peter,  and  on  this  rock  I  will  build 
my  church" — separating  the  two  propositions, 
and  applying  the  latter  to  the  person  of  the 
Saviour.  "Just  so,"  said  Carlstadt,  "  '  take 
eaf  was  spoken  in  reference  to  the  bread  ;  but 
'this  is  my  body'  is  to  be  understood  of  Jesus 
Christ,  who  then  pointed  to  himself, — and 
intimated  by  the  symbol  of  the  broken  bread, 
that  that  body  was  about  to  be  broken." 

Carlstadt  did  not  stop  there.  Scarce  had 
he  emancipated  himself  from  Luther's  over- 
sight, when  he  felt  his  zeal  revive  against  the 
use  of  images.  His  bold  addresses  and  en- 
thusiastic appeals  were  but  too  likely  to  madden 
the  minds  of  men  in  these  agitated  times.  The 
people,  thinking  they  heard  a  second  Elijah, 
proceeded  to  throw  down  the  idols  of  Baal. 
The  excitement  soon  spread  to  the  neighbour- 
ing villages.  The  Elector  interfered ;  but  the 
peasants  answered  that  it  was  right  to  obey 
God  rather  than  men.  On  this,  the  Prince 
decided  to  despatch  Luther  to  Orlamund,  to 
restore  tranquillity.  Luther  looked  upon  Carl- 
stadt as  a  man  urged  on  by  a  love  of  notoriety ; 
a  fanatic  who  would  even  go  the  length  of 
raising  war  against  Christ  himself.103  Perhaps 
Frederic  might  have  made  a  wiser  choice. 
Luther,  however,  set  forth ;  and  Carlstadt  saw 
his  troublesome  rival  once  more  appear  in 
order  to  baffle  his  projects  of  reform  and  arrest 
his  impetuosity. 

Jena  lay  in  the  road  to  Orlamund.  Arriv- 
ing in  that  town,  on  the  23d  August,  Luther 
ascended  the  pulpit  on  the  24th,  at  seven  in 
the  morning.  He  preached  an  hour  and  a 
half  to  a  numerous  auditory  against  fanatics, 
rebels,  the  breakers  of  images,  and  the  de- 
spisers  of  the  real  presence,  protesting  with 
vehemence  against  the  innovations  at  Orla- 
mund. He  did  not  refer  to  Carlstadt  byname, 
but  every  one  understood  whom  he  had  in  his 
eye. 

Either  by  accident  or  design,  Carlstadt  was 
then  at  Jena,  and  among  the  crowd  of  Lu- 
ther's hearers.  He  lost  no  time  in  calling  the 
preacher  to  account.  Luther  was  at  dinner 
with  the  prior  of  Wittemberg,  the  burgomas- 
ter, the  secretary,  the  pastor  of  Jena,  and  se- 
veral officers  in  the  service  of  the  Emperor , 


and  of  the  Margrave,  when  a  letter  was 
handed  to  him  from  Carlstadt,  requesting  an 
interview.  He  passed  it  to  those  near  him, 
and  returned  a  message  by  the  bearer :  "  If 
Doctor  Carlstadt  wishes  to  see  me,  let  him 
come  in ; — if  not,  I  have  no  wish  to  see  him." 
Carlstadt  entered.  His  appearance  produced 
a  lively  sensation  in  the  whole  assembly. 
The  majority,  eager  to  see  the  two  lions  en- 
counter one  another,  suspended  their  repast, 
and  were  all  eyes,  while  the  more  timid  turned 
pale  with  apprehension. 

Carlstadt,  at  Luther's  invitation,  t«ok  a 
seat  opposite  to  him,  and  then  said,  "Doctor, 
you  have  in  your  sermon  of  this  day  classed 
me  with  those  who  inculcate  revolt  and  as- 
sassination. I  declare  that  such  a  charge  is 
false." 

LUTHER. — "  I  did  not  name  you ;  but  since 
the  cap  fits,  you  may  wear  it." 

A  momentary  pause  ensued. — Carlstadt  re- 
sumed :  "  I  am  prepared  to  show  that  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  sacrament  you  have  contra- 
dicted yourself,  and  that  from  the  days  of  the 
apostles  no  one  has  preached  that  doctrine  so 
purely  as  I  have  done." 

LUTHER. — "Write  then — establish  your 
point. ' 

CARLSTADT. — "I  offer  you  a  public  discus- 
sion at  Wittemberg  or  at  Erfurth,  if  you  pro- 
mise ine  a  safe-conduct." 

LUTHER. — "  Never  fear,  Doctor  !" 

CARLSTADT. — "  You  bind  me  hand  and  foot, 
and  when  you  have  deprived  me  of  the  power 
to  defend  myself  you  strike."104 

Silence  ensued. — Luther  resumed  : 

"  Write  against  me — but  openly — and  not 
in  secret." 

CARLSTADT. — "  If  I  were  but  assured  you 
were  in  earnest  in  what  you  say,  I  would 
so  do." 

LUTHER. — "  Set  about  it; — here — take  this 
florin." 

CARLSTADT. — "Where  is  it"?  I  accept  the 
challenge." 

At  these  words,  Luther  thrust  his  hands  in 
his  pocket,  and  producing  a  gold  florin,  said, 
as  he  gave  it  to  Carlstadt,  "  Take  it,  and  at- 
tack me  like  a  man." 

Carlstadt,  holding  the  gold  florin  in  his 

hand,   and   turning    to   the    assembly,   said, 

Dear  brethren,  this  is  to  me  arabo,  a  pledge 

that  I  have  authority  to  write  against  Luther; 

I  call  you  all  to  witness  this." 

Then  bending  the  florin,  that  he  might  know 
t  again,  he  put  it  into  his  purse,  and  held  out 
his  hand  to  Luther.  The  latter  pledged  him. 
Darlstadt  returned  his  civility.  "The  more 
vigorous  your  attacks,  the  better  I  shall  like 
hem,"  resumed  Luther. 

"If  I  fail,"  answered  Carlstadt,  "the  fault 
will  be  mine." 

They  once  more  shook  each  other  by  the 
land,  and  Carlstadt  returned  to  his  lodg- 
"ng. 

Thus,  says  an  historian,  as  from  a  single 
spark  a  fire  often  originates  which  consumes 
n  its  progress  the  vast  forest,  so,  from  this 


314 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


small  beginning,  a  great  division  in  the 
Church  took  its  rise.* 

Luther  set  forward  for  Orlamund,  and  ar- 
rived there  but  indifferently  prepared  by  the 
scene  at  Jena.  He  assembled  the  council 
and  the  Church,  and  said,  "  Neither  the  Elec- 
tor nor  the  University  will  acknowledge 
Carlstadt  as  your  pastor." — "  If  Carlstadt  is 
not  our  pastor,"  replied  the  treasurer  of  the 
town-council,  "why  then,  St.  Paul  is  a  false 
teacher,  and  your  writings  are  mere  false- 
hood,— for  we  have  chosen  him."f 

As%e  said  this,  Carlstadt  entered  the  room. 
Some  of  those  who  happened  to  be  next  to 
Luther,  made  signs  to  him  to  be  seated,  but 
Carlstadt,  going  straight  up  to  Luther,  said, 
"  Dear  Doctor,  if  you  will  allow  me,  I  will 
give  you  induction." 

LUTHER. — "You  are  my  antagonist.  I 
have  fixed  you  by  the  pledge  of  a  florin." 

CARLSTADT. — "I  will  be  your  antagonist 
so  long  as  you  are  opposed  to  God  and  his 
truth." 

LUTHER. — "  Leave  the  room ;  I  cannot  al- 
low of  your  being  present." 


*  Sicut  una  scintilla  saepe  totam  sylvam  com- 
burit.  (M.  Adam,  Vit.  Carlst.  p.  83.)  Our  ac- 
count is  chiefly  derived  from  the  Acts  ofReinhard, 
pastor  of  Jena,  an  eye-witness, — but  a  friend  of 
Carlstadt, — and  taxed  with  inaccuracy  by  Luther. 

t  How  remarkable  is  this  incident !  On  this 
passage  the  translator  had  made  a  note  which  he 
will  here  insert  for  the  confirmation  of  those  who, 
though  only  "two  or  three"  in  any  one  place,  are 
acting  in  confidence  in  the  sufficiency  of  "  God 
and  the  word  of  his  grace,"  to  "build  them  up." 

If  the  conference  had  been  really  carried  on  in 
the  reverential  sense  of  the  presence  of  the  Spirit, 
(Acts  i.  24,  Eph.  ii.  22,)  it  might  have  been  asked, 
and  so  have  come  down  to  us,  on  what  passage  in 
St.  Paul  these  persons  grounded  their  choosing 
of  their  pastor. 

But  would  not  the  recognition  of  His  presence 
have  led  to  the  acknowledgment  of  His  "divid- 
ing" gifts  to  the  mutually  dependent  members, 
(1  Cor.  xii.  25 ;  xiv.  31,)  "according  to  His  own 
•will  ?"  (1  Cor.  xii.  11,)  and  so  have  prevented  the 
assertion  of  a  right  on  their  part  to  elect, — much 
less  to  elect  to  exclusive  pastorship  ? 

Luther  was  a  brother,  and  one  not  meanly 
gifted  for  service  to  the  body  ; — might  it  not  have 
been  expected  that  Carlstadt,  calling  to  mind 
Romans  xii.  and  1  Cor.  xiv.  3,  31,  would  have 
welcomed  the  word  of  Luther  in  the  little  church 
of  Orlamund, — and  that  that  word  would  have 
been  just  the  very  corrective,  or  rather  comple- 
ment, needed  by  the  peculiarity  of  Carlstadt's 
teaching, — for  as  M.  D'Aubigne  has  observed, 
the  turn  of  mind  of  each  had  its  value. 

Instead  of  this,  we  find  the  Great  Reformer 
saying,  "  The  Elector  and  the  University  will  not 
acknowledge  Carlstadt  as  your  pastor;"  and  the 
church  of  Orlamund  replying,  "  We  have  chosen 
him  ;" — the  two  forms  of  disobedient  limiting  of 
the  teaching  of  the  Spirit,  with  which  Christians 
have  become  so  familiar, — and  which,  in  their 
want  of  faith,  almost  all  are  helping  to  perpe- 
tuate. 

See  the  reflections  at  the  opening  of  the  Xlth 
Book  of  this  history.  The  heart  that  is  exercised 
by  these  things  should  consider  John  xiv.  16,  26 ; 
xvi.  7;  xvii.  21;  Acts  v.  3  ;  Rom.  viii.  9  ;  1  Cor. 
xi.  2;  xiv.  37;  Eph.  iv.  16  ;  1  Th.  iv.  18;  v.  11 ; 
Heb.  iii.  13. 


CARLSTADT. — "This  is  an  open  meeting,— 
if  your  cause  is  good,  why  fear  me!" 

LUTHER,  to  his  attendant: — "Go,  put  the 
horses  to :  I  have  nothing  to  say  here  to 
Carlstadt ;  and  since  he  will  not  leave,  I 
shall  go."105  Luther  rose  from  his  seat,  upon 
which  Carlstadt  withdrew. 

After  a  moment's  silence,  Luther  resumed  : 
"  Only  prove  from  the  Scripture  that  it  is  our 
duty  to  destroy  images." 

ONE  OF  THE  TOWN  ^COUNCIL. — "Doctor, 
you  will  allow,  I  suppose,  that  Moses  was 
acquainted  with  God's  commandments." 
This  said,  he  opened  his  Bible.  "Well, 
here  are  his  words, — *  Thou  shall  not  make 
to  ihyself  any  graven  image,  nor  any  like 
ness,' "  &c. 

LUTHER. — "The  passage  refers  only  t( 
images  for  idolatrous  worship.  If  I  hang  up, 
in  my  chamber,  a  crucifix,  and  do  not  worship 
it;  what  harm  can  it  do  me!" 

A  SHOEMAKER. — "I  have  often  touched  my 
hat  before  an  image  which  was  in  my  room, 
or  on  my  mantelpiece.  It  is  an  act  of  idola- 
try which  robs  God  of  the  glory  due  to  Him 
alone." 

LUTHER. — "  Would  you  think  it  necessary, 
then,  because  they  are  abused,  to  put  your 
women  to  death,  and  pour  your  wine  into  the 
gutter?"106 

ANOTHER  MEMBER  OF  THE  CHURCH.— 
"  No :  they  are  God's  creatures,  which  we  are 
not  commanded  to  destroy." 

The  conference  had  lasted  some  time.  Lu- 
ther and  his  attendant  returned  to  their  car- 
riage, astonished  at  the  scene  they  had  wit- 
nessed, and  having  failed  to  convince  the 
inhabitants,  who  claimed  for  themselves  the 
right  of  interpreting  and  freely  expounding 
the  Scripture.  Agitation  reigned  in  Orla- 
mund. The  people  insulted  Luther;  and 
some  even  called  after  him, — "Begone!  in 
the  name  of  all  the  devils;  and  may  you 
break  your  neck  before  you  are  out  of  our 
town."*  Never  had  the  Reformer  had  to  un- 
dergo such  contemptuous  treatment. 

He  repaired  thence  to  Kale,  the  pastor  of 
which  place  had  also  embraced  the  views  of 
Carlstadt.  He  resolved  to  preach  a  sermon 
there ;  but  on  entering  the  pulpit,  he  found 
the  broken  fragments  of  a  crucifix.  At  first, 
his  emotion  overcame  him;  but  recovering 
himself,  he  gathered  up  the  pieces  into  one 
corner  of  the  pulpit,  and  delivered  a  discourse 
in  which  he  made  no  allusion  to  the  circum- 
stance. "  I  determined,"  said  he,  speaking 
of  it  in  after  life,  "  to  revenge  myself  on  the 
devil  by  this  contempt  for  him" 

The  nearer  the  Elector's  life  drew  to  a 
close,  the  more  did  he  appear  to  dread  lest 
men  should  go  too  far  in  the  work  of  Reform- 
ation. He  issued  orders  to  deprive  Carlstadt 
of  his  appointments,  and  banished  him,  not 


*  Two  of  the  most  distinguished  living  histori- 
ans of  Germany  add,  that  Luther  was  pelted  by 
the  inhabitants ;  but  Luther  tells  us  the  contrary : 
— "  Dass  ich  nit  mit  Steinen  und  Dreck  ausge- 
worffen  ward."  (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  579.) 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


315 


only  from  Orlamund,  but  from  the  states  of  the 
Electorate.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  church 
of  Orlamund  interceded  in  his  behalf, — in 
vain  did  they  petition  that  he  might  be  per- 
mitted to  reside  among  them  as  a  private  citi- 
zen, with  leave  occasionally  to  preach, — in 
vain  did  they  represent  that  the  word  of  God 
was  dearer  to  them  than  the  whole  world,  or 
even  a  thousand  worlds.107  Frederic  was  deaf 
to  their  entreaties,  and  he  even  went  the 
length  of  refusing. the  unhappy  Carlstadt  the 
funds  necessarily  required  for  his  journey. 
Luther  had  nothing  to  do  with  this  sternness 
on  the  part  of  the  prince :  it  was  foreign 
to  his  disposition, — and  this  he  afterwards 
proved.  But  Carlstadt  looked  at  him  as  the 
author  of  his  disgrace,  and  filled  Germany 
with  his  complaints  and  lamentations.  He 
wrote  a  farewell  letter  to  his  friends  at  Orla- 
mund. The  bells  were  tolled,  and  the  letter 
read  in  presence  of  the  sorrowing  church.108  It 
was  signed — "Andrew  Bodenstein,  expelled 
by  Luther,  unconvicted,  and  without  even  a 
hearing." 

It  is  impossible  not  to  feel  a  pain  at  con- 
templating these  two  men,  once  friends,  and 
both  worthy  of  our  esteem,  thus  angrily  op- 
posed. Sadness  took  possession  of  the  souls 
of  the  disciples  of  the  Reformation.  What 
•would  be  the  end  of  it,  when  thus  its  bravest 
defenders  turned  one  against  another1?  Lu- 
ther could  discern  these  fears,  and  endea- 
voured to  allay  them.  "  Let  us  contend," 
said  he,  "  as  those  who  fight  for  another.  It 
is  God's  cause:109  the  care  of  it  belongs  to 
God, — the  work,  the  victory,  and  the  glory, 
ell  are  His.  He  will  fight  for  it,  and  prevail, 
though  we  should  stand  still.  Whatever  He 
decrees  should  fall,  let  it  fall, — whatever  He 
wills  should  stand,  let  that  stand.  It  is  no 
cause  of  our  own  that  is  at  stake ;  and  we 
seek  not  our  own  glory." 

Carlstadt  sought  refuge  at  Strasburg, 
where  he  published  several  writings.  "  He 
was  well  acquainted,"  says  Doctor  Scheur, 
"with  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew;"  and  Lu- 
ther acknowledged  him  to  be  his  superior  in 
learning.  Endowed  with  great  powers  of 
mind,  he  sacrificed  to  his  convictions  fame, 
station,  country,  and  even  his  bread.  At  a 
later  period  of  his  life  he  visited  Switzerland. 
There,  it  might  seem,  he  ought  to  have  com- 
menced his  teaching.  The  independence  of 
his  spirit  needed  the  free  air  breathed  by  the 
(Ecolampadiuses  and  Zwingles/  His  instruc- 
tions soon  attracted  an  attention  nearly  equal 
to  that  which  had  been  excited  by  the  earliest 
theses  put  forth  by  Luther.  Switzerland 
seemed  almost  gained  over  to  his  doctrine. 
Bucer  and  Capito  also  appeared  to  adopt  his 
views. 

Then  it  was  that  Luther's  indignation  rose 
to  its  height;  and  he  put  forth  one  of  the 
most  powerful  but  also  most  outrageous 
of  his  controversial  writings,  —  his  book 
"Against  the  Celestial  Prophets." 

Thus  the  Reformation,  hunted  down  by  the 
Pope,  the  Emperor,  and  the  Princes,  began 
to  tear  its  own  vitals.  It  seemed  to  be  sink- 
41 


ing  under  accumulated  evils ;  and  surely  it 
would  have  been  lost  if  it  had  been  a  work 
of  man.  But  soon,  from  the  very  brink  of 
ruin  it  rose  again  in  renewed  energy. 

The  Catholic  League  of  Ratisbon,  and  the 
persecutions  that  followed  close  upon  it,  cre- 
ated a  powerful  popular  re-action.  The  Ger- 
mans wrere  not  disposed  to  surrender  that 
word  of  God  of  which  they  had  recovered 
possession ;  and  when  orders  to  that  eifect 
came  to  them  from  Charles  V.,  though 
backed  by  papal  bulls  and  the  fagots  of 
Ferdinand,  and  other  Catholic  princes,  they 
returned  for  an  answer, — "We  will  not  give 
it  up." 

No  sooner  had  the  members  of  the  League 
taken  their  departure  from  Ratisbon,  when 
the  deputies  of  the  towns  whose  bishops  had 
taken  part  in  that  alliance,  surprised  and 
indignant,  assembled  at  Spires,  and  passed  a 
law,  that,  notwithstanding  the  episcopal  pro- 
hibitions, their  preachers  should  confine  them- 
selves to  the  proclamation  of  the  gospel,  and 
the  Gospel  only,  according  to  the  doctrine  of 
the  apostles  and  prophets.  They  proceeded 
to  prepare  a  report,  couched  in  firm  and  con- 
sistent terms,  to  be  presented  to  the  assembly 
of  their  nation. 

The  Emperor's  letter,  dated  from  Burgos, 
came  unseasonably  to  disturb  their  plans. 
Nevertheless,  toward  the  close  of  that  year, 
the  deputies  of  the  towns  and  many  nobles 
assembling  at  Ulm,  bound  themselves  by 
solemn  oath  to  assist  one  another,  in  case  of 
an  attack. 

Thus  the  free  cities  opposed  to  the  camp 
that  had  been  formed  by  Austria,  Bavaria, 
and  the  bishops,  another,  in  which  the  stand- 
ard of  the  Gospel  and  of  the  national  liberties 
was  unfurled. 

Whilst  the  cities  were  placing  themselves 
in  the  van  of  the  Reformation,  several  princes 
were,  about  the  same  time,  gained  over  to  its 
ranks.     In  the  beginning  of  June,  1524,  Me- 
lancthon  was  returning,  on  horseback,  from  a 
visit  to  his  mother,  in  company  with  Came- 
rarius   and  some  other    friends,  when,  ap- 
proaching   Frankfort,    he    met    a    brilliant 
!  retinue; — it  Was  Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse, 
I  who,  three  years  previously,  had  visited  Lu- 
ther at  Worms,  and  was  now  on  his  way  to 
I  the  games  of  Heidelberg,  where  most  of  the 
princes  of  Germany  were  expected  to   be 
present. 

Thus  did  Providence  bring  Philip  succes- 
sively in  contact  with  the  two  leading  Re- 
formers.    It  was  known  that  the  celebrated 
Doctor  was  gone  on  a  journey  to  his  birth- 
place.    One  of  the  horsemen  who  accom- 
panied  the    Landgrave    remarked, — "It    is 
|  Melancthon,    I    think."      Immediately    the 
|  young  Prince  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  and 
j  coming  up  with  the  Doctor,  inquired, — "Is 
your  name  Philip?"     "It  is,"  replied  he, 
I  drawing  back  timidly,  and  preparing  respect- 
fully to  alight.110 "  Keep  your  saddle,"  said 
the   Prince,   "turn  your  horse's  head,  and 
come  stay  one  night  with  me ;  there  are  some 
things  I  want  to  speak  with   you   about. 


316 


HISTaRY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Fear  nothing."  "What  can  I  fear  from  a 
prince  like  yourself!"  rejoined  the  Doctor. 
"Ah,  ah!"  said  the  Landgrave,  laughing, 
"if  I  were  only  to  carry  you  off,  and  hand 
you  over  to  Campeggio,  he  would  not  be  a 
little  pleased,  I  suspect."  The  two  Philips 
rode  onward,  side  by  side, — the  Prince  asking 
questions  and  the  Doctor  answering;  and  the 
Landgrave  delighted  with  the  clear  and  im- 
pressive views  that  were  opened  before  him. 
At  length,  Melancthon  entreating  him  to  per- 
mit him  to  continue  his  journey,  Philip  re- 
luctantly parted  with  him,  "On  one  condi- 
tion," said  he,  "and  that  is,  that,  on  your 
return  home,  you  should  treat  fully  the  ques- 
tions we  have  discussed,  and  send  me  your 
thoughts  in  writing."111  Melancthon  promised. 
"Go,  then,"  said  Philip,  "and  pass  freely 
through  my  states." 

Melancthon,  with  his  accustomed  talent, 
prepared  an  Abridgment  of  the  Reformed  Doc- 
trim  of  Christianity^  and  this  tract,  remarka- 
ble for  its  conciseness  and  force  of  argument, 
made  a  decided  impression  upon  the  mind  of 
the  Landgrave.  Shortly  after  his  return  from 
the  Heidelberg  games,  this  Prince  issued  an 
edict,  in  which,  without  connecting  himself 
with  the  free  towns,  he  opposed  the  League 
of  Ratisbon,  and  directed  that  the  Gospel 
should  be  preached  in  all  its  purity.  He 
embraced  it  himself,  with  the  energy  that 
marked  his  character.  "  Rather,"  exclaimed 
he,  "  would  I  sacrifice  my  body,  my  life,  my 
estates,  and  my  subjects,  than  the  word  of 
God !"  A  Franciscan  friar,  named  Ferber, 
perceiving  this  inclination  of  the  Prince  in 
favour  of  the  Reformation,  wrote  him  a  letter 
filled  with  reproaches  and  entreaties  to  con- 
tinue faithful  to  Rome.  "I  am  resolved," 
answered  Philip,  "to  be  faithful  to  the  an- 
cient doctrine, — but  as  I  find  it  set  forth  in 
the  Scriptures :"  and  he  proceeded  to  prove, 
with  much  clearness  of  statement,  that  man 
is  justified  by  faith  alone.  The  monk,  con- 
founded, made  no  reply. 113The  Landgrave 
was  commonly  spoken  of  as  "  the  disciple  of 
Melancthon."114 

Other  Princes  followed  the  same  course. 
The  Elector  Palatine  refused  to  countenance 
the  slightest  persecution  ;  the  Duke  of  Lune- 
burg,  nephew  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  began 
the  Reformation  in  his  dominions  ;  and  the 
King  of  Denmark  gave  orders  that,  throughout 
Sleswick  and  Hoi  stein,  every  one  should  beat, 
liberty  to  worship  God  according  as  his  con- 
science dictated. 

The  Reformation  gained  a  victory  yet  more 
important.  A  Prince,  whose  conversion  to 
Gospel  truth  involved  consequences  most  mo- 
mentous to  our  own  times,  now  evinced  a  dis- 
position to  withdraw  from  Rome.  One  day, 
towards  the  end  of  June,  shortly  after  the  re- 
turn of  Melancthon  to  Wittemberg,  Albert, 
Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  and  Grand  Master 
of  the  Teutonic  Order,  entered  Luther's  apart- 
ment. This  chief  of  the  monastic  knights 
of  Germany,  who  then  governed  Prussia, 
had  repaired  to  the  Diet  of  Nuremburg,  to 
invoke  the  aid  of  the  Empire  against  Po- 


land. He  returned  broken  in  spirit.  On  one 
hand,  Osiander's  preaching,  and  the  reading 
of  the  New  Testament,  had  convinced  him 
that  his  monk's  vow  was  contrary  to  the  word 
of  God  ;  on  the  other,  the  suppression  of  the 
national  government  in  Germany  had  deprived 
him  of  all  hope  of  obtaining  the  assistance 
which  he  had  come  to  solicit.  What  was  tc 
be  done  . .  .  .  !  The  Saxon  councillor,  De 
Planitz,  in  whose  company  he  had  left  Nu- 
remberg, proposed  to  him  to  seek  an  interview 
with  the  Reformer.  "  What  think  you,"  said 
the  anxious  and  agitated  Prince  to  Luther,  "of 
the  rule  of  our  order!"  Luther  did  not  hesi- 
tate; he  saw  that  a  course  of  conduct  in 
conformity  with  the  Gospel  was,  also,  the 
only  means  of  saving  Prussia.  "  Look  to  God 
for  assistance,"  said  he,  to  the  Grand  Mas 
ter,  "and  reject  the  senseless  and  inconsistent 
rule  of  your  order  ;  put  an  end  to  your  detesta- 
ble hermaphrodite  principality,  neither  reli- 
gious nor  secular;115  away  with  mere  pretended 
chastity,  and  seek  that  which  is  the  true. 
Take  a  wife — and  become  the  founder  of  a 
legitimate  empire,  in  the  place  of  that  anoma- 
lous monster."116Thesewords  set  clearly  before 
the  mind  of  the  Grand  Master  a  state  of  things 
which  he  had  as  yet  seen  but  indistinctly.  A 
smile  lighted  up  his  countenance  ;  but  he  was 
too  prudent  to  give  utterance  tohislhoughts.117 
Melancthon,  who  was  present,  spoke  to  the 
same  effect  as  Luther,  and  the  Prince  set  out 
to  return  to  his  dominions,  leaving  the  Reform- 
ers in  the  confident  hope  that  the  seed  which 
they  had  sown  would  sink  down  into  his  heart, 
and  one  day  bring  forth  fruit. 

Thus,  as  we  have  seen,  Charles  the  Fifth 
and  the  Pope  had  opposed  the  national  assem- 
bly at  Spires,  fearing  lest  the  Word  of  God 
should  win  over  all  present ;  but  the  Word  of 
God  was  not  bound.  It  was  denied  a  hearing 
in  a  hall  of  a  town  of  the  Lower  Palatinate. 
But  what  then] — it  burst  forth  and  spread 
throughout  the  provinces,  stirring  the  hearts 
of  the  people,  enlightening  the  Princes  and 
developing  that  Divine  power,  of  which  neither 
Bulls  nor  Ordinances  can  ever  divest  it. 

W7hilst  nations  and  their  rulers  were  thus 
coming  to  the  light,  the  Reformers  were  en- 
deavouring to  remould  every  thing  by  the  in- 
fusion of  the  true  principles  of  Christianity. 
Public  worship  first  engaged  their  attention. 
The  moment,  anticipated  by  the  Reformer, 
when  returning  from  the  Wartburg,  had  ar- 
rived :  "  Now,"  said  he,  "  that  hearts  have 
been  fortified  by  Divine  Grace,  we  must  put 
away  those  things  which  defile  the  Lord's 
kingdom,  and  attempt  to  do  something  in  the 
Name  of  Jesus."  He  required  that  the  com- 
munion should  be  taken  under  both  kinds ; 
that  the  Supper  should  be  cleared  of  every 
thing  which  gave  to  it  the  character  of  a  sa- 
crifice;118 thatChristians  should  never  assemble 
themselves  together  without  having  the  word 
of  God  preached  to  them;119thattheflock,  or  at 
least  the  priests  and  students,  should  meet 
every  morning  at  four  or  five  o'clock,  to  read 
the  Old  Testament,  and  every  evening  at  five 
or  six  o'clock,  to  read  the  New  Testament; 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


317 


that  on  Sundays  the  whole  church  should 
meet  together,  morning  and  afternoon,  and 
that  the  great  object  of  the  services  should  be 
to  sound  abroad  the  Word  of  God.120 

The  church  of  All  Saints,  at  Wittemberg, 
especially  called  forth  his  indignation.  In  it, 
(to  quote  the  words  of  Seckendorf,)  9,901 
masses  were  annually  celebrated,  and  35,570 
Ibs.  of  wax  annually  consumed.  Luther  called 
it  "  the  sacrilege  of  Tophet."  "  There  are," 
said  he,  "  only  three  or  four  lazy  monks  who 
still  worship  this  shameful  Mammon ;  and  if 
I  had  not  restrained  the  people,  this  abode  of 
all  Saints,  or  rather  of  all  Devils,  would  have 
been  brought  down  with  a  crash  such  as  the 
world  has  never  yet  heard." 

It  was  in  connection  with  this  church  that 
the  conflict  began.  It  resembled  those  ancient 
sanctuaries  of  heathen  worship  in  Egypt, 
Gaul,  and  Germany,  which  were  ordained  to 
fall,  that  Christianity  might  be  established  in 
their  place. 

Luther,  earnestly  desiring  that  the  mass 
shou Id  be  abolished  in  this  cathed  ral ,  ad  d  ressed 
to  the  chapter  on  the  1st  March,  1523,  a  re- 
quisition to  that  effect,  following  it  up  by  a 
second  letter  dated  the  llth  July.  121  The  canons 
having  pleaded  the  Elector's  orders, — "  What, 
in  this  case,  have  we  to  do  with  the  prince's 
orders  1"  remarked  Luther :  •*  he  is  but  a  se- 
cular prince ;  his  business  is  to  bear  the  sword, 
and  not  to  interfere  in  the  ministry  of  the  Gos- 
pel."122 Lutherhere  clearly  marks  the  distinction 
between  the  State  and  the  Church.  "There 
is,"  said  he  again,  "  but  one  sacrifice  to  put 
away  sins, — Christ,  who  has  offered  himself 
once  for  all ;  and  we  are  partakers  thereof,  not 
by  any  works  or  sacrifices  of  ours, — but  sole- 
ly through  belief  of  the  word  of  God." 

The  Elector,  feeling  his  end  approaching, 
was  averse  from  further  change. 

But  entreaties  from  other  quarters  came  in 
aid  of  those  of  Luther.  "  It  is  high  time  to 
act,"  wrote  the  cathedral  provost,  Jonas,  to  the 
Elector :  "  such  a  shining  forth  of  Gospel 
truth,  as  that  which  we  have  at  this  hour, 
does  not  ordinarily  last  longer  than  a  sunbeam. 
Let  us  then  lose  no  time."123 

This  letter  of  Jonas  not  having  changed  the 
Elector's  views,  Luther  became  impatient ; 
he  judged  that  the  time  had  come  to  strike  the 
final  blow,  and  he  addressed  a  letter  of  me- 
nace to  the  chapter.  "I  beg  of  you,  as  a 
friend ; — I  desire  and  seriously  urge  it  upon 
you  to  put  an  end  to  this  sectarian  worship. 
If  you  refuse  to  do  so,  you  shall,  God  help- 
ing, receive  the  punishment  which  you  will 
have  deserved.  I  say  this  for  your  guidance, 
and  1  request  an  immediate  reply — yes,  or  no 
—before  Sunday  next,  in  order  that  I  may 
consider  what  I  have  to  do.  God  give  you 
grace  to  follow  His  light.134 

MARTIN  LUTHER, 
"  Preacher  at  Wittemberg." 

"  Thursday,  Dec.  8tk,  1524." 

At  this  juncture  the  rector,  two  burgomas 
ters,  and  ten  councillors,  waited  upon  the 
Degin,  and  begged  him,  in  the  name  of  the 
university,  of  the  council,  and  of  the  commune 


of  Wittemberg,  "  to  abolish  the  great  and  hor- 
ible  impiety  committed  against  the  majesty 
if  God,  in  the  celebration  of  mass." 

The  chapter  found  it  necessary  to  give  way, 
md  declared  that,  enlightened  by  the  word  of 
God,  they  acknowledged  the  abuses  which 
had  been  denounced,  and  published  a  new 
order  of  service,  which  began  to  be  observed 
on  Christmas  Day,  1524.125 

Thus  fell  the  Mass,  in  this  renowned  sanc- 
tuary, where  it  had  so  long  held  out  against 
the  reiterated  attacks  of  the  Reformers.  The 
Elector  Frederic,  suffering  from  gout,  and 
drawing  near  his  end,  could  not,  by  any 
ffforts  of  his,  retard  this  great  triumph  of  the 
Reformation.  He  saw  in  it  the  will  of  God, 
and  submitted  to  it.  The  cessation  of  Ro- 
mish observances,  in  the  church  of  All  Saints, 
hastened  their  abolition  in  many  of  the 
churches  of  Christendom.  In  all  quarters 
there  was  similar  resistance,  but  also  the  like 
victory.  Vainly  did  priests,  and  even  princes, 
in  many  places,  try  to  interpose  obstacles; 
they  could  effect  nothing. 

It  was  not  alone  in  public  worship  that 
the  Reformation  was  ordained  to  work  a 
change.  Education  was  very  early  asso- 
ciated with  the  Reformed  Church,  and  these 
two  institutions,  in  their  power  to  regenerate 
mankind,  were  alike  invigorated  by  its  influ- 
ence. It  was  in  intimate  alliance  with 
letters  that  the  Reformation  had  made  its 
appearance  in  the  world ;  and,  in  the  hour  of 
its  triumph,  it  did  not  forget  its  ally. 

Christianity  is  not  a  mere  expansion  of 
Judaism ;  its  great  end  is  not  again  to  envelope 
man,  as  the  Papacy  seeks  to  do,  in  tho 
swaddling  bands  of  outward  ordinances  and 
man's  teaching.  Christianity  is  a  new  crea 
tion ;  it  takes  possession  of  the  inward  man, 
and  transforms  him  in  the  innermost  princi- 
ples of  his  nature ;  so  that  he  needeth  not 
human  teaching,  but,  by  God's  help,  is  able, 
of  himself,  and  by  himself,  to  discern  that 
which  is  true,  and  to  do  that  which  is  right." 
Heb.  viii.  11. 

To  bring  man  to  that  maturity  which 
Christ  has  purchased  for  him,  and  to  eman- 
cipate him  from  the  tutelage  in  wrhich  Rome 
had  so  long  held  him  bound,  the  Reformation 
must  needs  develope  the  whole  man;  and, 
while  by  the  Word  of  God  it  regenerated  his 
heart  and  will,  it  enlightened  his  understand- 
ing by  the  study  of  sacred  and  profane  litera- 
ture. 

Luther  understood  this ;  he  felt  that  to  conso- 
lidate the  Reformation,  he  must  work  on  the 
minds  of  the  rising  generation,  remodel  the 
schools,  and  propagate  throughout  Christen- 
dom the  knowledge  necessary  for  a  deep 
study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  This,  there- 
fore, was  one  of  the  objects  of  his  life.  He 
was  especially  impressed  with  this  convic- 
tion, at  this  period  of  his  history,  and,  accord- 
ingly, he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  councillors 
of  all  the  towns  in  Germany,  urging  them  to 
found  Christian  schools.  "  Dear  sirs,"  said 
he,  "so  much  money  is  annually  expended 
in  arquebuses,  making  roads,  and  construct- 


318 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


ing  dykes, — how  is  it  that  a  little  is  not  ex- 
pended in  paying  one  or  two  schoolmasters 
to  instruct  our  poor  children1?  God  stands 
at  the  door,  and  knocks ;  blessed  are  we  if 
we  open  to  Him !  Now-a-days,  there  is  no 
famine  of  God's  word.  My  dear  country- 
men, buy,  buy,  whilst  the  market  is  opened 
before  your  dwellings.  The  Word  of  God 
and  His  grace  resembles  a  shower  which 
falls  and  passes  on.  It  fell  among  the  Jews ; 
but  it  passed  away,  and  now  they  have  it  no 
longer.  Paul  bore  it  with  him  to  Greece; 
but  there  also  it  is  passed,  and  Mahometan- 
ism  prevails  in  its  place.  It  came  to  Rome 
and  the  Latin  territories ;  but  from  thence  it 
likewise  departed,  and  now  Rome  has  the 
Pope.1;Z60 !  Germans,  think  not  that  you  will 
never  have  that  Word  taken  away  from  you. 
The  little  value  you  put  upon  it  will  cause  it 
to  be  withdrawn.  Therefore,  he  who  would 
have  it,  must  lay  hold  upon  and  keep  it. 

"Let  our  youth  be  the  objects  of  your 
care,"  he  continued,  addressing  the  magis- 
trates, "  for  many  parents  are  like  the  ostrich, 
their  hearts  are  hardened  against  their  young, 
and,  satisfied  with  having  laid  the  egg,  they 
give  themselves  no  further  trouble  about  it. 
The  prosperity  of  a  town  does  not  consist  in 
amassing  wealth,  erecting  walls,  building 
mansions,  and  the  possession  of  arms.  If 
attacked  by  a  party  of  madmen,  its  ruin  and 
devastation  would  only  be  the  more  terrible. 
The  true  well-being  of  a  town,  its  security, 
its  strength,  is  to  number  within  it  many 
learned,  serious,  kind,  and  well-educated 
citizens.  And  who  is  to  blame  that  there 
are  found,  in  our  days,  so  few  of  this  stamp, 
but  you,  magistrates,  who  have  suffered  our 
youth  to  grow  up  like  the  neglected  growth 
of  the  forest?" 

Luther  especially  insisted  on  the  necessity 
for  the  study  of  literature  and  languages : 
" We  are  asked,"  says  he,  "what  is  the  use 
of  learning  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew,  when 
we  can  read  the  Bible  in  German  ]  But,  for 
languages,"  he  replied,  "we  should  never 
have  received  the  Gospel  .  .  Languages  are 
the  scabbard  in  which  the  sword  of  the  Spirit 
is  found;127  they  are  the  casket  which  holds 
the  jewels ;  they  are  the  vessels  which  con- 
tain the  new  wine ;  they  are  the  baskets  in 
which  are  kept  the  loaves  and  fishes  which 
are  to  feed  the  multitude.  If  we  cease  to 
study  languages,  we  shall  not  only  lose  the 
Gospel,  but,  eventually,  we  shall  be  unable 
either  to  speak  or  write  in  Latin  or  in  Ger- 
man. From  the  hour  we  throw  them  aside, 
Christianity  may  date  its  decline,  even  to 
falling  again  under  the  dominion  of  the  Pope. 
But  now  that  languages  are  once  more  held 
in  estimation,  they  diffuse  such  light  that  all 
mankind  are  astonished — and  that  every  one 
may  see  that  the  Gospel  we  preach  is  almost 
as  pure  as  that  of  the  Apostles  themselves. 
The  holy  Fathers  of  other  days,  made  many 
mistakes  by  reason  of  their  ignorance  of  lan- 
guages; in  our  tim«,  some,  like  the  Vaudois 
of  Piedmont,  do  not  attach  value  to  the  study 
of  them ;  but  though  their  doctrine  may  be 


sound,  they  often  fail  of  the  real  meaning  of 
the  Sacred  Text;  they  are  without  a  safe- 
guard against  error,  and  I  much  fear  that 
their  faith  will  not  continue  pure.128  If  a 
knowledge  of  languages  had  not  given  me 
tUe  certainty  of  the  true  sense  of  the  Word,  I 
might  nave  been  a  pious  monk,  quietly 
preaching  the  Truth  in  the  obscurity  of  the 
cloister;  but  I  should  have  left  Pope,  so- 
phists, and  their  anti-christian  power  in  the 
ascendant."129 

But  Luther's  attention  was  not  limited  to 
the  education  of  ecclesiastics ;  he  was  desi- 
rous that  learning  should  no  longer  be  con- 
fined to  the  Church  alone ;  and  proposed  to 
extend  it  to  the  laity,  who  had  hitherto  been 
debarred  from  it.  He  suggested  the  esta- 
blishment of  libraries,  not  limited  merely  to 
works  and  commentaries  of  scholastic  divines 
and  Fathers  of  the  Church,  but  furnished 
with  the  productions  of  orators  and  poets, 
even  though  heathens,  as  also  with  books  of 
literature,  law,  medicine,  and  history.  "  Such 
writings,"  said  he,  "are  of  use  to  make 
known  the  wonderful  works  of  God." 

This  effort  of  Luther  is  one  of  the  most 
important  the  Reformation  produced.  It 
wrested  learning  from  the  hands  of  the 
priests,  who  had  monopolized  it,  like  those 
of  Egypt  in  ancient  times, — and  rendered  it 
accessible  to  all.  From  this  impulse,  derived 
from  the  Reformation,  some  of  the  greatest 
developments  of  later  ages  have  proceeded. 
Literary  men,  and  scholars  of  the  laity,  who 
now-a-days  decry  the  Reformation,  forget 
that  they  are  themselves  its  offspring;  and 
that,  but  for  its  influence,  they  would  at  this 
hour  be  like  half-educated  children,  subject 
to  the  tyrannical  authority  of  the  clergy 
The  Reformation  recognised  the  intimate 
connection  of  all  branches  of  learning,  re- 
ceiving all  to  learn,  and  opening  all  the 
avenues  to  learning.  "They  who  despise 
general  literature,"  said  Melancthon,  "  make 
no  more  account  of  sacred  theology.  Their 
affected  contempt  is  but  a  pretext  to  conceal 
their  indolence."130 

The  Reformation  not  only  communicated  a 
mighty  impulse  to  literature,  but  served  to 
elevate  the  Arts,  although  Protestantism  has 
often  been  reproached  as  their  enemy.  Ma- 
ny Protestants  have  willingly  taken  up  and 
borne  this  reproach.  We  will  not  examine 
whether  or  not  the  Reformation  ought  to 
glory  in  it;  but  will  merely  remark,  that  im- 
partial history  does  not  confirm  the  premises 
on  which  the  clergy  rests.  Let  Roman  Ca- 
tholicism pride  itself  in  being  more  favourable 
than  Protestantism  to  the  arts.  Be  it  so: 
Paganism  was  even  more  so ;  while  Protes- 
tantism hath  somewhat  else  to  glory  in. 
There  are  some  religions  in  which  the  dispo- 
sition in  man  to  a  taste  for  the  fine  arts  has  a 
place  assigned  it  above  that  given  to  his 
moral  nature.  Christianity  is  distinguished 
from  these,  by  the  fact  that  the  moral  element 
is  its  essence.  Christian  principle  manifests 
itself,  not  in  productions  of  the  fine  arts,  but 
in  the  fruits  of  a  Christian  life.  Every  sect 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


319 


that  forgets  this  bearing  of  Christianity  upon 
morals,  forfeits  its  claim  to  the  name  of 
Christian.  Rome  has  not  entirely  renounced 
this  essential  characteristic,  but  Protestant- 
ism cherishes  it  in  far  greater  purity.  It 
takes  pleasure  in  deep  acquaintance  with 
morals,  discriminating  religious  actions  not 
by  their  outward  appearance  and  effect  upon 
the  imagination,  but  according  to  their  inhe- 
rent worth,  and  their  bearing  upon  the  con- 
science ;  so  that,  if  the  Papacy  is  strongly 
marked  as  an  esthetic  system,  as  has  been 
proved  by  an  able  writer,  Protestantism  is 
equally  characterized  as  a  moral  system.131 

Nevertheless,  the  Reformation,  while  pri- 
marily appealing  to  the  moral  sense,  addressed 
the  whole  man.  We  have  seen  how  it  spoke 
to  his  understanding,  and  what  it  did  for  lite- 
rature :  it  spoke  also  to  his  sensibility  and 
imagination,  and  thereby  contributed  to  the 
development  of  the  Arts.  The  Church  was 
no  longer  composed  exclusively  of  priests  and 
friars ;  it  was  the  assembly  of  the  faithful ; 
all  were  to  take  part  in  the  worship ;  and  con- 
gregational singing  was  to  take  the  place  of 
the  priests'  chanting.  Luther,  in  translating 
the  Psalms,  had  in  view  their  adaptation  to 
be  sung  in  the  churches.  Thus  a  taste  for 
Music  was  disseminated  throughout  the  nation. 

"  Next  to  theology,"  said  Luther,  "  it  is  to 
Music  that  I  give  the  highest  place  and  the 
greatest  honour.132  A  schoolmaster,"  he  added, 
"ought  to  know  how  to  sing;  without  this 
qualification  I  would  htve  nothing  to  do  with 
him." 

One  day,  when  some  fine  music  was  per- 
forming, he  exclaimed  in  transport,  "  If  our 
Lord  God  has  shed  forth  such  wondrous  gifts 
on  this  earth,  which  is  no  better  than  a  dark 
nook,  what  may  we  not  expect  in  that  eternal 
life  in  which  we  shall  be  perfected  1"  From 
the  days  of  Luther,  the  congregated  worship- 
pers have  taken  part  in  the  singing;  the  Bible 
has  been  the  great  theme  of  their  songs,  and 
the  impulse  communicated  at  that  period  of 
the  Reformation,  has  more  recently  produced 
those  noble  Oratorios,  which  have  carried  the 
art  to  its  highest  point  of  attainment. 

Poetry  participated  in  the  movement.  In 
singing  the  praises  of  God,  Christians  were 
not  willing  to  restrict  themselves  to  simple 
renderings  of  ancient  hymns.  The  souls  of 
Luther  and  his  contemporaries,  elevated  by 
faith  to  the  most  sublime  contemplations, 
roused  to  enthusiasm  by  the  dangers  and 
struggles  which  incessantly  threatened  the 
infant  Church,  inspired  by  the  poetry  of  the 
Old  and  the  hope  of  the  New  Testament, 
soon  began  to  pour  out  their  feelings  in  reli- 
gious songs,  in  which  poetry  and  music  joined, 
and  blended  their  most  heavenly  accents;  and 
thus  were  heard  reviving,  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  the  hymns  which,  in  the  first  century, 
soothed  the  sufferings  of  the  martyrs.  In 
1523,  Luther,  as  we  have  already  said,  conse- 
crated it  to  commemorate  the  martyrs  of  Brus- 
sels ;  others  of  the  children  of  the  Reforma- 
tion followed  his  example.  Many  were  the 
iposed.  and  rapidly  circulated 


among  the  people,  and  greatly  did  they  con- 
tribute to  arouse  their  slumbering  minds.  It 
was  in  this  same  year  Hans  Sach  composed 
the  "  Nightingale  of  Willemberg"  It  repre- 
sented the  teaching  that  had  been  current  in 
the  Church  for  four  centuries  as  a  moonlight 
time  of  wandering  in  the  deserts.  But  the 
nightingale  proclaimed  the  dawn,  and  soaring 
above  the  morning  mist,  sang  the  praise  of  day. 

Whilst  lyric  poesy  was  thus  deriving  from 
the  Reformation  its  loftiest  inspiration,  satiri- 
cal verses  and  dramas,  from  the  pen  of  Hut- 
ten,  Murner,  and  Manuel,  were  attacking  the 
most  flagrant  corruptions. 

It  is  to  the  Reformation  that  the  great  poets 
of  England,  Germany,  and  perhaps  of  France, 
are  indebted  for  the  highest  flights  of  their 
muse. 

Painting  was,  of  all  the  arts,  the  least  af- 
fected by  the  Reformation.  This,  neverthe- 
less, was  renovated,  and,  as  it  were,  hallowed 
by  that  universal  movement  which  was  then 
communicated  to  all  the  powers  of  man.  The 
great  master  of  that  age,  Lucas  Cranach,  set- 
tled at  Wittemberg,  and  became  the  painter 
of  the  Reformation.  We  have  seen  how  he 
represented  the  points  of  contrast  between 
Christ  and  Antichrist,  (the  Pope,)  and  was 
thus  among  the  most  influential  instruments 
in  that  change  by  which  the  nation  was  trans- 
formed. As  soon  as  he  had  received  new 
convictions,  he  devoted  his  chastened  pencil 
solely  to  paintings  in  harmony  with  the 
thoughts  of  a  Christian,  and  gave  to  groups 
of  children,  represented  as  blessed  by  the  Sa- 
viour, that  peculiar  grace  with  which  he  had 
previously  invested  legendary  saints. 

Albert  Durer  was  one  of  those  who  were 
attracted  by  the  Word  of  Truth,  and  from-  that 
time  a  new  impulse  was  given  to  his  genius. 
His  master-pieces  were  produced  subsequent- 
ly to  conversion.  It  might  have  been  dis- 
cerned, from  the  style  in  which  he  thencefor- 
ward depicted  the  Evangelists  and  Apostles, 
that  the  Bible  had  been  restored  to  the  people, 
and  that  the  painter  derived  thence  a  depth, 
power,  life,  and  dignity,  which  he  never  would 
have  found  within  himself.133 

It  must,  however,  be  admitted,  that,  of  all 
the  arts,  Painting  is  that  one  whose  influence 
upon  religion  is  most  open  to  well-founded  and 
strong  objection.  We  see  it  continually  con- 
nected with  grievous  immorality  or  pernicious 
error;  and  those  who  have  studied  history,  or 
visited  Italy,  will  look  for  nothing  in  this  art 
of  benefit  to  human-kind.  Our  general  re- 
mark holds  good,  however,  notwithstanding 
this  exception. 

Thus  every  thing  progressed,  arts,  litera- 
ture, purity  of  worship — and  the  minds  of 
prince  and  people.  But  this  glorious  harmo- 
ny, which  the  Gospel,  in  its  revival,  every- 
where produced,  was  on  the  eve  of  being  dis- 
turbed. The  melody  of  the  Wittemberg 
Nightingale  was  broken  in  upon  by  the  howl- 
ing of  the  tempest  and  the  roaring  of  lions. 
In  a  moment  a  cloud  overspread  Germany,  and 
a  brilliant  day  was  succeeded  by  a  night  of 
profound  darkness. 

2E 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


A  political  ferment,  very  different  from  that 
which  the  Gospel  brings  with  it,  had  long- 
been  secretly  working  in  the  Empire.  Sink- 
ing under  secular  and  ecclesiastical  oppression, 
and,  in  some  of  the  states,  forming  part  of  the 
seigneurial  property  and  liable  to  sale  with  it, 
the  people  began  to  threaten  to  rise  in  insur- 
rection, and  burst  their  fetters.  This  spirit  of 
resistance  had  shown  itself  long  before  the 
Reformation,  by  various  symptoms;  and  even 
at  that  time  a  feeling  of  religion  had  mingled 
with  the  political  elements  of  resistance.  It 
was  impossible,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  to 
keep  asunder  two  principles  so  intimately  as- 
sociated with  the  existence  of  nations.  In 
Holland,  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  centu- 
ry, the  peasantry  had  made  an  insurrection, 
representing  on  their  banners  a  loaf  of  bread 
and  a  cheese,  the  two  staple  articles  of  their 
poor  country.  The  "  alliance  of  the  shoes," 
showed  itself  first  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Spires,  in  1503;  and  in  1513,  being  encou- 
raged by  the  priests,  it  was  re-acted  at  Bris- 
gau.  In  1514,  Wurtemburg  was  the  scene  of 
"the  league  of  poor  Conrad,"  which  had  for 
its  Object  to  sustain,  by  the  revolt,  "  the  right 
of  God."  In  1515,  Carinthia  and  Hungary 
had  been  the  theatre  of  terrible  commotions. 
These  seditious  movements  had  been  arrested 
by  torrents  of  blood ;  but  no  relief  had  been 
afforded  to  the  people.  A  political  reform 
was,  therefore,  not  less  evidently  needed  than 
religious  reform.  In  this  the  people  were 
right ;  but  it  must  be  admitted,  that  they  were 
not  ripe  for  its  enjoyment. 

Since  the  commencement  of  the  Reforma- 
tion these  popular  ferments  had  not  been  re- 
peated ;  men's  minds  were  absorbed  with 
other  thoughts.  Luther,  whose  penetrating 
eye  had  discerned  the  condition  of  the  people's 
minds,  had,  from  his  tower  in  the  Wartburg, 
addressed  to  them  some  serious  exhortations, 
of  a  nature  to  pacify  their  agitated  feelings : — 

"  Rebellion,"  he  observed,  "never  obtains 
for  us  the  benefit  we  seek,  and  God  condemns 
it.  What  is  rebellion?  is  it  not  to  revenge 
oneself?  The  devil  tries  hard  to  stir  up  to 
rebellion  such  as  embrace  the  Gospel,  that  it 
may  be  covered  with  reproach  ;  but  they  who 
have  rightly  received  the  truths  I  ha*rc  preach- 
ed, will  not  be  found  in  rebellion."134 

The  aspect  of  things  gave  cause  to  fear  that 
the  popular  ferment  could  not  be  much  longer 
restrained.  The  government  which  Frederic 
of  Saxony  had  taken  pains  to  form,  and  which 
possessed  the  nation's  confidence,  was  broken 
up.  The  Emperor,  whose  energy  would  per- 
haps have  supplied  the  place  of  the  influence 
of  the  national  administration,  was  absent; 
the  princes,  whose  union  had  always  consti- 
tuted the  strength  of  Germany,  were  at  vari- 
ance ;  and  the  new  manifestos  of  Charles  the 
Fifth  against  Luther,  by  excluding  all  hope 
of  a  future  reconciliation,  deprived  the  Re- 
former of  much  of  the  moral  influence,  by 
which,  in  1522,  he  had  succeeded  in  calming 
the  tempest.  The  barrier,  which  had  hitherto 
withstood  the  torrent,  being  swept  away,  its 
fury  could  no  longer  be  restrained. 


The  religious  movement  did  not  give  birth 
to  the  political  agitation;  but  in  some  quar- 
ters it  was  drawn  into,  and  went  along  with 
its  swelling  tide.  We  might  perhaps,  go  far- 
ther, and  acknowledge  that  the  movement 
which  the  Reformation  communicated  to  the 
popular  mind,  added  strength  to  the  discon- 
tent which  was  everywhere  fermenting.  The 
vehemence  of  Luther's  writings,  his  bold 
words  and  actions,  and  the  stern  truth  he 
spake,  not  only  to  the  Pope  and  the  prelates, 
but  even  to  the  nobles,  must  needs  have  con- 
tributed to  inflame  minds  that  were  already 
in  a  state  of  considerable  excitement.  Thus 
Erasmus  failed  not  to  remind  him,  "  We  are 
now  gathering  the  fruits  of  your  teaching."1^ 
Moreover,  the  animating  truths  of  the  Gos- 
pel, now  fully  brought  to  light,  stirred  all 
bosoms,  and  filled  them  with  hopeful  antici- 
pations. But  there  were  many  unrenewed 
hearts  which  were  not  prepared  by  a  change 
of  thought  for  the  faith  and  liberty  of  a  Chris- 
tian. They  were  quite  willing  to  cast  off  the 
yoke  of  Rome,  but  they  had  no  desire  to  take 
upon  them  the  yoke  of  Christ.  Thus,  when 
the  Princes  who  espoused  the  cause  of  Rome 
endeavoured,  in  their  anger,  to  crush  the  Re- 
formation, those  who  were  really  Christians 
were  enabled  patiently  to  endure  those  cruel 
persecutions ;  while  the  majority  were  roused 
to  resistance,  and  broke  forth  in  tumults ;  and, 
finding  their  desires  opposed  in  one  directionr 
they  sought  vent  for  them  in  another.  "  Why 
is  it,"  said  they,  "  wfcen  the  Church  invites 
all  men  to  a  glorious  liberty,  that  servitude  is 
perpetuated  in  the  state  f  When  the  Gospel 
inculcates  nothing  but  gentleness,  why  should 
Governments  rule  only  by  force  ]"  Unhap- 
pily, at  the  very  period  when  a  reformation 
of  religion  was  hailed  with  joy,  alike  by 
nobles  and  people,  a  political  reformation,  on 
the  contrary,  encountered  the  opposition  of 
the  most  powerful  of  the  nation.  And  whilst 
the  former  had  the  Gospel  for  its  rule  and 
basis,  the  latter  had  ere  long  no  principles 
or  motives  but  violence  and  insubjection. 
Hence,  while  the  one  was  kept  within  the 
bounds  of  truth,  the  other  rapidly  overpassed 
all  bounds,  like  an  impetuous  torrent  bursting 
its  banks.  But  to  deny  that  the  Reformation 
exerted  an  indirect  influence  on  the  commo- 
tions which  then  disturbed  the  Empire,  would 
subject  the  historian  to  the  charge  of  partiality. 
A  fire  had  been  lighted  up  in  Germany  by  re- 
ligious discussions,  from  which  it  was  scarcely 
possible  but  that  some  sparks  should  escape 
which  were  likely  to  inflame  the  popular 
minds. 

The  pretensions  of  a  handful  of  fanatics 
to  Divine  inspiration  added  to  the  danger. 
Whilst  the  Reformation  constantly  appealed 
from  the  authority  claimed  by  the  Church  to 
the  real  authority  of  the  Sacred  Word,  those 
enthusiasts  rejected,  not  only  the  authority 
of  the  Church,  but  that  of  Scripture  also; 
they  began  to  speak  only  of  an  inward  Word, 
an  internal  revelation  from  God ;  and,  un- 
mindful of  the  natural  corruption  of  their 
hearts,  they  abandoned  themselves  to  the 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


321 


intoxication  of  spiritual  pride,  and  imagined 
themselves  to  be  saints. 

"The  Sacred  Writings,"  said  Luther, 
"were  treated  by  them  as  a  dead  letter,  and 
their  cry  was,  « The  Spirit !  the  Spirit !'  But 
assuredly,  I,  for  one,  will  not  follow  whither 
•  heir  spirit  is  leading  them!  May  God,  in 
His  mercy,  preserve  me  from  a  Church  in 
which  there  are  only  such  saints.136 1  wish  to 
he  in  fellowship  with  the  humble,  the  weak, 
the  sick,  who  know  and  feel  their  sin,  and 
sigh  and  cry  continually  to  God  from  the 
bottom  of  their  hearts  to  obtain  comfort  and 
deliverance."  These  words  of  Luther  have 
a  depth  of  meaning,  and  indicate  the  change 
which  his  views  were  undergoing  as  to  the 
nature  of  the  Church.  They  at  the  same 
time  show  how  opposed  the  religious  prin- 
ciples of  the  rebels  were  to  the  religious 
principles  of  the  Reformation. 

The  most  noted  of  these  enthusiasts  was 
Thomas  Miinzer :  he  was  not  without  talent, 
had  read  his  Bible,  was  of  a  zealous  tempera- 
ment, and  might  have  done  good  if  he  had 
been  able  to  gather  up  his  agitated  thoughts, 
and  attain  to  settled  peace  of  conscience. 
But  with  little  knowledge  of  his  own  heart, 
and  wanting  in  true  humility,  he  was  taken 
up  with  the  desire  of  reforming  the  world, 
and,  like  the  generality  of  enthusiasts,  forgot 
that  it  was  with  himself  he  should  begin. 
Certain  mystical  writings  which  he  had  read 
in  his  youth,  had  given  a  false  direction  to 
his  thoughts.  He  made  his  first  appearance 
in  public  at  Zwickau;  quitted  Wittemberg 
on  Luther's  return  thither,  not  satisfied  to 
hold  a  secondary  place  in  the  general  esteem, 
and  became  pastor  of  the  small  town  of  Al- 
stadt,  in  Thuringia.  Here  he  could  not  long 
remain  quiet,  but  publicly  charged  the  Re- 
formers with  establishing  by  their  adherence 
to  the  written  Word,  a  species  of  Popery,  and 
with  forming  churches  which  were  not  pure 
and  holy. 

"Luther,"  said  he,  "has  liberated  men's 
consciences  from  the  Papal  yoke ;  but  he  has 
left  them  in  a  carnal  liberty,  and  has  not  led 
them  forward  in  spirit  towards  God."137 

He  considered  himself  as  called  of  God  to 
remedy  this  great  evil.  The  revelations  of 
the  Spirit,  according  to  him,  were  the  means 
by  which  the  Reformation  he  was  charged 
with  should  be  effected.  "  He  who  hath  the 
Spirit,"  said  he,  "hath  true  faith,  although 
he  should  never  once  in  all  his  life  see  the 
Holy  Scriptures.  The  heathen  and  the  Turks 
are  better  prepared  to  receive  the  Spirit  than 
many  of  those  Christians  who  call  us  enthu- 
siasts." This  remark  was  directed  against 
Luther.  "In  order  to  receive  the  Spirit," 
continued  he,  "we  must  mortify  the  flesh; 
wear  sackcloth;  neglect  the  body;  be  of  a 
sad  countenance;  keep  silence;138 forsake  the 
haunts  of  men;  and  implore  God  to  vouch- 
safe to  us  an  assurance  of  his  favour.  Then 
it  is  that  God  will  come  unto  us,  and  talk 
with  us,  as  he  did  of  old  with  Abraham, 
Isaac,  and  Jacob.  If  He  were  not  to  do  so, 
41 


he  would  not  deserve  our  regard.*  I  have 
received  from  God  the  commission  to  gather 
together  His  elect  in  a  holy  and  eternal 
union." 

The  agitation  and  ferment  which  were 
working  in  men's  minds  were  not  a  little 
favourable  to  the  spread  of  these  enthusiastic 
ideas.  Men  love  the  marvellous  and  what- 
ever flatters  their  pride.  Miinzer,  having 
inoculated  with  his  own  views  a  portion  of 
his  flock,  abolished  the  practice  of  chanting 
and  all  the  other  ceremonies  annexed  to  pub- 
lic worship.  He  maintained  that  to  obey 
princes  "  devoid  of  understanding,"  was  to 
serve,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  God  and 
Belial ;  and  then  setting  off  at  the  head  of 
his  parishioners  to  a  chapel  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Alstadt,  to  which  pilgrims  were  ac- 
customed to  resort  from  all  quarters,  he  total- 
ly demolished  it.  After  this  exploit,  being 
obliged  to  leave  the  country,  he  wandered 
from  place  to  place  in  Germany,  and  came  as 
far  as  Switzerland,  everywhere  carrying  with 
him,  and  communicating  to  all  who  gave  ear 
to  him,  the  project  of  a  general  revolution. 
Wherever  he  went  he  found  men's  minds 
prepared.  His  words  were  like  gunpowder 
cast  upon  burning  coals,  and  a  violent  explo- 
sion quickly  ensued. 

Luther,  who  had  rejected  the  warlike  en- 
terprises of  Sickingen,f  could  not  be  led 
away  by  the  tumultuous  movements  of  the 
peasantry.  Happily  for  social  order,  the 
Gospel  kept  him  from  falling  into  this  error; 
for  what  would  have  been  the  consequences, 
had  he  cast  his  extensive  influence  into  the 
scale?  ...  He  resolutely  maintained  the 
distinction  between  spiritual  and  secular 
matters ;  constantly  affirming  that  it  was  to 
immortal  souls  that  Christ  gave  liberty  by 
His  word ;  and  while,  on  the  one  hand,  he  im- 
pugned the  authority  of  the  Church,  he,  on 
the  other,  with  equal  courage,  stood  up  for 
the  power  of  rulers.  "A  Christian,"  said  he, 
"ought  to  suffer  a  hundred  deaths  rather 
than  be  mixed  up  in  the  least  degree  with 
the  revolted  peasantry."  He  wrote  to  the 
Elector :  "  It  gives  me  indescribable  satisfac- 
tion that  these  enthusiasts  themselves  boast, 
to  all  who  will  give  ear  to  them,  that  they  do 
not  belong  to  us.  '  It  is,'  say  they,  *  the  Spi- 
rit which  impels  us ;'  to  which  I  reply,  '  that 
it  must  be  an  evil  spirit,  that  bears  no  other 
fruits  than  the  pillage  of  convents  and 
churches ;'  the  greatest  robbers  on  this  earth 
might  easily  do  as  much  as  that." 

At  the  same  time,  Luther,  who  desired  for 
others  the  liberty  that  he  claimed  for  himself, 
was  dissuading  the  Prince  from  resorting  to 
severe  measures.  "  Let  them  preach  what 
they  will,  and  against  whom  they  please," 
said  he,  "for  it  is  the  Word  of  God  alone 
which  must  go  forth  and  give  them  battle. 

*  The  expression  used  by  Miinzer  is  low  and 
irreverent :  Er  wollt  in  Gott  scheissen  wenn  er 
nicht  mit  ihm  redet,  wie  mil  Abraham.  (Hist,  of 
Miinzer,  by  Melancthon.) 

t  Book  I.  p.  35. 


322 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


If  the  spirit  in  them  be  the  true  Spirit,  any 
severities  of  ours  will  be  unavailing;  but  if 
our  Spirit  be  the  true,  He  will  not  fear  their 
violence !  Let  us  leave  the  Spirits  to  struggle 
and  contend.139  A  few,  perhaps,  may  be  se- 
duced. In  every  battle  there  are  some 
wounded ;  but  he  who  is  faithful  in  the  fight 
shall  receive  the  crown.  Nevertheless,  if 
they  have  recourse  to  the  sword,  let  your 
Highness  prohibit  it,  and  command  them  to 
quit  your  dominions." 

The  insurrection  commenced  in  the  districts 
of  the  Black  Forest,  near  the  sources  of  the 
Danube,  a  country  that  had  been  often  the 
theatre  of  popular  commotions.  On  the  19th 
July,  1524,  the  Thurgovian  peasantry  rose 
against  the  Abbot  of  Reichenau,  who  had  re- 
fused to  appoint  over  them  an  evangelical 
preacher.  Shortly  after  this,  several  thou- 
sand of  them  collected  round  the  small  town 
of  Tenger, — their  object  being  to  liberate  an 
ecclesiastic  who  was  there  imprisoned.  The 
insurrection  spread,  with  inconceivable  rapi- 
dity, from  Suabia  as  far  as  the  Rhenish  pro- 
vinces, Franconia,  Thuringia,  and  Saxony. 
In  January,  1525,  all  these  countries  were  in 
a  state  of  open  insurrection. 

Towards  the  close  of  that  month,  the  pea- 
santry put  forth  a  declaration  in  twelve 
articles,  wherein  they  claimed  the  liberty  of 
choosing  their  own  pastors,  the  abolition  of 
small  tithes,  servitude,  and  the  taxes  on  in- 
heritance ;  the  right  to  hunt,  fish,  cut  wood, 
&c.  Each  demand  was  backed  by  a  passage 
from  the  Bible :  and  they  concluded  with  the 
words, — "  If  we  are  wrong,  let  Luther  set  us 
right  by  the  Scriptures." 

They  requested  to  have  the  opinion  of  the 
divines  of  Wittemberg.  Melancthon  and 
Luther  each  gave  his  judgment  separately ; 
and  the  decision  of  each  reminds  us  of  the 
difference  that  marked  their  characters.  Me- 
lancthon, who  regarded  any  disturbance  as  a 
serious  crime,  overstepped  the  limits  of  his 
habitual  mildness,  and  seemed  to  labour  to 
express  the  strength  of  his  indignation.  Ac- 
cording to  him,  the  peasantry  were  public 
criminals,  on  whom  he  invoked  all  laws, — 
divine  and  human.  If  amicable  communica- 
tions should  fail  of  effect,  he  would  have  the 
magistrates  to  pursue  them,  as  they  would 
robbers  and  assassins.  "  Nevertheless,"  adds 
he, — (and  some  one  feature,  at  least,  we  need 
to  find,  that  shall  remind  us  of  Melancthon,) 
— "  think  of  the  orphans  before  you  have 
recourse  to  capital  punishment!" 

Luther  took  the  same  view  of  the  revolt  as 
Melancthon;  but  he  had  a  heart  which 
deeply  felt  for  the  miseries  of  the  people. 
He  manifested,  on  this  occasion,  a  noble  im- 
partiality, and  frankly  spoke  truth  to  both 
parties.  He  first  addressed  the  princes, — 
and  more  particularly  the  bishops  : — 

"  It  is  you,"  said  he,  "  who  have  caused 
the  revolt;  it  is  your  declamations  against 
the  Gospel,  it  is  your  guilty  oppression  of  the 
poor  of  the  flock, — which  have  driven  the 
people  to  despair.  My  dear  Lords,  it  is  not 
the  peasants  who  have  risen  against  you, — it 


is  God  himself  who  is  opposing  your  mad- 
ness.140 The  peasants  are  but  instruments  he 
is  employing  to  humble  you.  Think  not  you 
can  escape  the  punishment  reserved  for  you. 
Even  though  you  should  succeed  in  extermi- 
nating all  the  peasantry,  God  could  from 
these  stones  raise  up  others  to  chastise  your 
pride.  If  I  were  bent  on  avenging  my  own 
wrongs,  1  might  lau^li  in  my  sleeve, — and 
quietly  look  on,  while  the  peasantry  were 
acting, — or  even  inflame  their  rage, — but  the 
Lord  keep  me  from  it !  My  dear  Lords,  for 
the  love  of  God  !  calm  your  irritation ; — grant 
reasonable  conditions  to  these  poor  people, 
as  frenzied  and  misled  persons  ; — appease 
these  commotions  by  gentle  methods,  lest 
they  give  birth  to  a  conflagration  which  shall 
set  all  Germany  in  a  flame.  Some  of  their 
twelve  articles  contain  just  and  reasonable 
demands." 

Such  an  exordium  was  calculated  to  gain 
for  Luther  the  confidence  of  the  peasantry, 
and  to  induce  them  to  listen  to  the  truths 
which  he  was  about  to  press  upon  them. 
After  admitting  that  some  of  their  demands 
were  founded  in  justice,  he  declared  that  re- 
bellion was  the  act  of  heathens :  that  Chris^ 
tians  were  called  to  suffer,  not  to  fight :  that 
if  they  persisted  in  their  revolt  in  the  name 
of  the  Gospel,  but  contrary  to  the  very  pre- 
cepts of  the  Gospel,  he  should  consider  them 
as  worse  enemies  than  the  Pope.  "The 
Pope  and  the  Emperor,"  continued  he,  "com- 
bined against  me ;  but  the  more  the  Emperor 
and  the  Pope  stormed,  the  more  did  the  Gos- 
pel make  its  way.  Why  was  this  1  Because 
I  neither  took  up  the  sword,  nor  called  for 
vengeance,  nor  had  recourse  to  tumult  or 
revolt ;  I  committed  all  to  God, — and  waited 
for  him  to  interpose  by  his  mighty  power. 
The  Christian  conflict  is  not  to  be  carried  on 
by  sword  or  arquebuss,  but  by  endurance  and 
the  cross.  Christ,  their  Captain,  would  not 
have  his  servants  smite  with  the  sword, — he 
was  hanged  upon  a  tree." 

But  in  vain  did  Luther  inculcate  these 
Christian  precepts.  The  people,  under  the 
influence  of  the  inflammatory  harangues  of 
the  leaders  of  the  revolt,  were  deaf  to  the 
words  of  the  Reformer.  "  He  is  playing  the 
hjpocrite,"  said  they,  "and  flatters  the 
nobles : — he  has  himself  made  war  against 
the  Pope,  and  yet  expects  that  we  should 
submit  to  our  oppressors." 

Instead  of  subsiding,  the  insurrection  grew 
more  formidable.  At  Weinsberg,  Count 
Louis  of  Helfenstein,  and  the  seventy  men 
under  his  command,  were  doomed  to  death. 
A  bodv  of  peasantry  drew  up  in  close  ranks, 
with  advanced  pikes,  whilst  others  drove  the 
Count  and  his  retainers  against  the  points  of 
this  forest  of  weapons.141  The  wife  of  the  ill- 
fated  Helfenstein,  a  natural  daughter  of  the 
Emperor  Maximilian,  holding  her  infant  in 
her  arms,  implored  them,  on  bended  knees,  to 
spare  the  life  of  her  husband,  and  vainly 
endeavoured  to  avert  this  barbarous  murder. 
A  lad  who  had  served  under  the  Count,  and 
had  afterwards  joined  the  rebels,  gamboled 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


323 


in  mockery  before  him,  and  played  the  dead 
march  upon  his  fife,  as  if  he  had  been  leading 
his  victims  in  a  dance.  All  perished;  the 
infant  was  wounded  in  its  mother's  arms,  and 
she  herself  thrown  upon  a  dung-cart,  and 
thus  conveyed  to  Heilbronn. 

At  the  news  of  these  atrocities,  a  cry  of 
horror  was  uttered  by  the  friends  of  the  Re- 
formation, and  Luther's  feeling  heart  was 
violently  agitated.  On  one  hand,  the  pea- 
santry, ridiculing  his  counsel,  asserted  that 
they  had  a  revelation  from  Heaven, — impi- 
ously perverted  the  threatnings  contained  in 
the  Old  Testament, — proclaimed  an  equality 
of  conditions,  and  a  community  of  goods, — 
defended  their  cause  with  fire  and  sword,  and 
rioted  in  barbarous  executions.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  enemies  of  the  Reformation,  with 
malicious  sneer,  inquired  if  the  Reformer  did 
not  know  that  it  was  easier  to  kindle  a  fire 
than  to  extinguish  it.  Indignant  at  these 
excesses,  and  alarmed  at  the  thought  that 
they  might  check  the  progress  of  the  Gospel, 
Luther  no  longer  hesitated ;  he  laid  aside  his 
former  forbearance,  and  denounced  the  rebels 
with  all  the  energy  of  his  character,  over- 
passing, perhaps,  the  just  bounds  within 
which  he  should  have  contained  himself. 

"The  peasantry,"  said  he,  "are  guilty  of 
three  horrible  crimes  against  God  and  men; 
and  thus  deserve  both  the  death  of  the  body 
and  that  of  the  soul.  In  the  first  place,  they 
rebel  against  their  rulers,  to  whom  they  have 
sworn  allegiance;  next,  they  rob  and  plunder 
convents  and  castles;  and,  to  crown  all,  they 
cloak  their  crimes  under  the  profession  of  the 
Gospel !  If  you  neglect  to  shoot  a  mad  dog, 
yourself  and  all  your  neighbours  will  perish. 
He  who  dies  in  the  cause  of  the  magistrates 
will  be  a  true  martyr,  provided  he  fight  with 
a  good  conscience." 

Luther  then  proceeds  to  comment  severely 
upon  the  guilty  violence  of  the  peasantry,  in 
compelling  simple  and  peaceable  men  to  join 
their  ranks,  and  thus  bringing  them  into  the 
same  condemnation.  He  then  proceeds:  "On 
this  account,  my  dear  Lords,  I  conjure  you  to 
interpose  for  the  deliverance  of  these  poor  peo- 
ple. I  say  to  him  who  can  bear  arms,  strike, 
and  kill.  If  thou  shouldst  fall,  thou  canst 
not  have  a  more  blessed  end  ;  for  thou  meet- 
est  death  in  the  service  of  God,  and  to  save 
thy  neighbour  from  hell.' 142 

Neither  gentle  nor  violent  measures  could 
arrest  the  popular  torrent.  The  church  bells 
were  rung  no  longer  for  divine  worship. 
Whenever  their  deep  and  prolonged  sounds 
were  heard  in  country  places,  it  was  known 
as  the  tocsin,  and  all  flew  to  arms. 

The  people  of  the  Black  Forest  had  enrol- 
led themselves  under  John  Muller  of  Bulgen- 
baeh.  With  an  imposing  aspect,  wrapped  in 
a  red  cloak,  and  wearing  a  red  cap,  this  chief 
daringly  proceeded  from  .village  to  village, 
followed  by  his  peasantry.  Behind  him,  on 
a  wagon,  decorated  with  boughs  and  ribands, 
was  exhibited  a  tri-coloured  flag,  black,  red, 
and  white, — the  standard  of  revolt.  A  he- 

r  decorated,  read  aloud  the  twelve 
24 


articles,  and  invited  the  people  to  join  in  the 
insurrection.  Whoever  refused  to  do  so,  was 
banished  from  the  community. 

Their  progress,  which  at  first  was  pacific, 
became  more  and  more  alarming.  "We 
must,"  they  exclaimed,  "compel  the  lords  of 
the  soil  to  submit  to  our  conditions" — and  by 
way  of  bringing  them  to  compliance  they 
proceeded  to  break  open  the  granaries,  empty 
the  cellars,  draw  the  fish-ponds,  demolish  the 
castles  of  the  nobles,  and  set  fire  to  the  con- 
vents. Opposition  had  inflamed  to  frenzy 
these  misguided  men:  Equality  could  no 
longer  satisfy  them; — they  thirsted  for  blood  ; 
and  swore  to  make  every  man  who  wore  a 
spur  bite  the  dust. 

At  the  approach  of  the  peasantry,  those 
towns  which  were  incapable  of  withstanding 
a  siege  opened  their  gates,  and  made  common 
cause  with  them.  In  every  place  they  en- 
tered, the  images  of  the  saints  were  defaced — 
the  crucifixes  broken  to  pieces, — while  wo- 
men, armed  with  weapons,  passed  through  the 
streets  threatening  the  lives  of  the  monks. 
Beaten  and  repulsed  in  one  place,  they  re- 
assembled in  another,  and  braved  the  most 
formidable  regular  troops. 

A  committee  chosen  by  the  peasants  sta- 
tioned themselves  at  Heilbrun.  The  Counts 
of  Lowenstein  were  captured,  stript,  and 
clothed  in  common  blouse,  a  white  staff  was 
placed  in  their  hands,  and  they  were  com- 
pelled to  swear  adhesion  to  the  twelve  articles. 
"Brother  George,  and  you,  brother  Albert," 
said  a  brazier  to  the  Counts  of  Hohenlohe, 
who  visited  their  camp,  "swear  to  us  to  act 
the  part  of  brothers — for  yourselves  are  now 
peasants  and  no  longer  lords."  Equality  of 
ranks,  that  dream  of  democrats,  was  esta- 
blished in  aristocratic  Germany. 

Many  persons  of  the  upper  classes,  some 
from  fear,  and  some  from  motives  of  ambi- 
tion, joined  the  insurrection.  The  celebrated 
Gotz  of  Berlichingen  finding  himself  unable 
to  maintain  his  authority  over  his  vassals, 
prepared  to  seek  a  refuge  in  the  states  of  the 
Elector  of  Saxony,  but  his  wife,  who  was 
then  in  child-bed,  wishing  to  keep  him  at 
home,  concealed  from  him  the  Elector's  letter, 
Gotz,  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  was  compelled 
to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  rebel  forces. 
On  the  7th  of  May,  the  peasants  entered 
Wurtzburg,  where  they  were  received  with 
acclamations.  The  troops  of  the  princes  and 
of  the  knights  of  Suabia  and  Franconia,  who 
were  stationed  in  that  city,  evacuated  it,  and 
withdrew  in  confusion  within  the  citadel,— 
the  last  refuge  of  the  nobility. 

But  already  had  the  commotion  spread  to 
other  parts  of  Germany.  Spires,  the  Palati- 
nate, Alsace,  Hesse,  had  adopted  the  twelve 
articles,  and  the  peasants  threatened  Bavaria, 
Westphalia,  the  Tyrol,  Saxony,  and  Lorraine. 
The  Margrave  of  Baden,  having  scornfully 
rejected  the  articles,  was  compelled  to  seek 
refuge  in  flight.  The  Coadjutor  of  Fulda 
acceded  to  them  with  a  laugh.  The  smaller 
towns  submitted,  alleging  that  they  had  no 
spears  to  resist  the  insurgents.  Mentz,  Treves, 
2E2 


324 


HISTOHY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Frankfort,  obtained  the  immunities  on  which 
they  had  insisted. 

Throughout  the  Empire,  a  wide-spreading 
revolution  was  in  full  career.  The  ecclesias- 
tical and  secular  privileges,  which  bore  so 
heavily  on  the  peasantry,  were  to  be  sup- 
pressed ;  church  property  was  to  be  diverted 
to  secular  uses,  to  indemnify  the  chiefs,  and 
meet  the  exigencies  of  the  state  ;  taxes  were 
to  be  abolished,  with  exception  of  a  tribute 
payable  every  ten  years ;  the  power  of  the 
Emperor,  as  recognised  by  the  New  Testa- 
ment, was  to  be  maintained  supreme ;  all  other 
reigning  princes  were  to  come  down  to  the 
level  of  citizens ;  sixty-four  free  courts  were 
to  be  instituted,  and  men  of  all  ranks  to  be 
eligible  as  judges;  all  conditions  were  tore- 
turn  to  their  primitive  positions ;  the  clergy 
were  to  be  restricted  to  the  pastorship  of  their 
several  churches;  princes  and  knights  were 
to  be  defenders  of  the  weak;  uniform  weights 
and  measures  were  to  be  introduced ;  and  one 
coin  to  be  struck,  and  be  the  only  currency 
of  the  whole  Empire. 

Meanwhile,  the  nobles  were  recovering 
from  their  first  stupor,  and  George  Truchsess, 
commander-in-chief  of  the  Imperial  forces, 
advanced  in  the  direction  of  the  lake  of  Con- 
stance. On  the  7th  of  May,  he  drove  back 
the  peasants  at  Beblingen,  and  directed  his 
march  upon  the  town  of  Weinsberg,  where 
the  unfortunate  Count  of  Helfenstein  had  lost 
his  life.  He  set  fire  to  it,  and  burned  it  to 
the  ground,  giving  orders  that  its  ruins  should 
he  left  as  a  lasting  memorial  of  the  treason 
of  its  inhabitants.  At  Furfeld,  he  effected  a 
junction  with  the  Elector  Palatine  and  the 
Elector  of  Treves,  and  the  combined  army 
advanced  upon  Franconia. 

The  Frauenburg,  the  citadel  of  Wurtzburg, 
had  held  out  for  the  cause  of  the  nobles,  and 
the  main  army  of  the  peasants  still  lay  before 
its  walls.  On  receiving  intelligence  of  the 
approach  of  Truchsess,  they  resolved  on  an 
assault,  and  on  the  15th  of  May,  at  nine  in 
the  evening,  the  trumpets  sounded,  the  tri- 
colour flag  was  unfurled,  and  the  peasants 
rushed  to  the  assault  with  frightful  shouts. 
Sebastian  Rotenhan,  one  of  the  stanchest 
partisans  of  the  Reformation,  was  command- 
ant in  the  castle.  He  had  organized  the 
means  of  defence  on  an  efficient  footing,  and 
when  he  harangued  the  soldiers  and  exhorted 
them  to  repel  the  attack,  they  had  all  sworn 
to  do  so,  raising  their  three  fingers  towards 
heaven.  A  fierce  struggle  ensued.  The  reck- 
less and  despairing  efforts  of  the  peasants 
were  answered  from  the  walls  of  the  fortress 
by  petards  and  showers  of  sulphur  and  boil- 
ing pitch,  and  discharges  of  cannon.  The 
peasants,  thus  struck  by  their  unseen  enemy 
from  behind  the  ramparts,  for  an  instant  fal- 
tered, but  their  fury  rose  above  it  all.  Night 
closed  in,  and  the  contest  still  raged.  The 
fortress,  lighted  up  by  a  thousand  battle-fires, 
seemed,  in  the  darkness  of  the  night,  to  re- 
semble a  towering  giant  pouring  forth  flames, 
and  contending  in  the  midst  of  bursts  of 


thunder  for  the  salvation  of  the  Empire  from 
the  savage  bravery  of  infuriated  hordes.  At 
two  in  the  morning,  the  peasants,  failing  in 
all  their  efforts,  at  last  retreated. 

They  tried  to  open  negotiations  with  the 
garrison,  on  the  one  side,  and  with  Truchsess, 
who  was  approaching  at  the  head  of  his  army, 
on  the  other.  But  negotiation  was  not  their 
forte.  Violence  and  conquest  offered  their 
only  chance  of  safety.  After  some  hesitation, 
they  decided  to  advance  against  the  Imperial 
forces;  but  the  cannon  and  charges  of  the 
Imperial  cavalry  made  fearful  havoc  in  their 
ranks.  On  reaching  Konigshofen,  they  were 
completely  routed.  Then  it  was  that  the 
princes,  nobles,  and  bishops,  cruelly  abusing 
their  victory,  gave  loose  to  unheard-of  cruel- 
ties. Those  who  were  taken  prisoners  were 
hanged  at  the  road-side.  The  bishop  of 
Wurtzburg,  who  had  taken  flight,  returning 
to  his  diocese,  passed  over  it,  attended  by  ex- 
ecutioners, who  shed,  without  distinction,  the 
blood  of  rebels,  and  of  such  as  were  living 
quietly  in  subjection  to  God's  word.  Gotz 
de  Berlichingen  was  sentenced  to  imprison- 
ment for  life.  The  Margrave  Casimir  of 
Anspach,  deprived  of  their  sight  no  less  than 
eighty  peasants,  who,  in  the  rebellion,  had 
declared  with  an  oath  that  their  eyes  should 
never  look  upon  that  prince, — casting  the  vic- 
tims of  his  cruelty  on  the  wide  world,  blind, 
and  holding  each  other  by  the  hand,  to  grope 
their  way,  and  beg  their  bread.  The  unfor- 
tunate youth  who  had  played,  on  his  fife,  the 
death-march  of  Helfenstein,  was  chained  to 
a  stake,  and  a  fire  lighted  round  him, — the 
knights  being  present,  and  laughing  at  his 
horrid  contortions. 

Everywhere,  public  worship  was  restored, 
under  its  ancient  forms.  In  the  most  flourish 
ing  and  populous  districts  of  the  Empire,  the 
traveller  was  horror-struck  with  the  sight  of 
heaps  of  dead  bodies  and  smoking  ruins. 
Fifty  thousand  had  perished;  and  almost 
everywhere  the  people  lost  what  little  liberty 
they  had  previously  possessed.  Such,  in 
Southern  Germany,  was  the  dreadful  result 
of  the  Revolt. 

But  the  evil  was  not  confined  to  the  south 
and  west  of  Germany.  Miinzer,  after  travers- 
ing part  of  Switzerland,  Alsace,  and  Suabia, 
had  again  turned  his  steps  towards  Saxony. 
Some  townsmen  of  Mulhausen,  in  Thuringia, 
invited  him  to  their  town  and  elected  him  as 
their  pastor.  The  Town-council  having  of- 
fered resistance,  Miinzer  degraded  it,  appoint- 
ing another  in  its  stead,  composed  of  his  own 
friends,  and  presided  over  by  himself.  Con- 
temning the  Christ  full  of  grace,  whom  Lu- 
ther preached,  and  resolved  on  recourse  to 
violent  means,  his  cry  was, — "  We  must  ex- 
terminate with  the  sword,  like  Joshua,  the 
Canaanitish  nations."  He  set  on  foot  a  com- 
munity of  goods,  and  piilagedtheconvents.143 
"  Miinzer,"  wrote  Luther  to  Amsdorf,  on  the 
llth  of  April,  1525,  "Miinzer  is  king  and 
emperor  of  Mulhausen,  and  no  longer  its  pas- 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


325 


tor."  The  lowest  classes  ceased  to  work.  | 
If  any  one  wanted  a  piece  of  cloth,  or  a  sup- 
ply of  corn,  he  asked  his  richer  neighbour : 
if  the  latter  refused,  the  penalty  was  hanging. 
Mulhausen  being  a  free  town,  Miinzer  exer- 
cised his  power,  unmolested,  for  nearly  a  year. 
The  revolt  of  Southern  Germany  led  him  to 
imagine  that  the  time  was  come  to  extend  his 
new  kingdom.  He  cast  some  large  guns  in 
the  convent  of  the  Franciscans,  and  exerted 
himself  to  raise  the  peasantry  and  miners  of 
Mansfeld.  "  When  will  you  shake  off  your 
slumbers,"  said  he,  in  a  fanatical  address: 
"Arise,  and  fight  the  battle  of  the  Lord!  — 
The  time  is  come — France,  Germany,  and 
Italy,  are  up  and  doing.  Forward,  Forward, 
Forward! — Dran,  Dran,  Bran!  Heed  not 
the  cries  of  the  ungodly.  They  will  weep 
like  children, — but  be  you  pitiless — Dran, 
Dran,  Dran! — Fire  burns; — let  your  swords 
be  ever  tinged  with  blood!144 — Dran,  Dran, 
Dran! — Work  while  it  is  day."  The  letter 
was  signed  "  Miinzer,  God's  servant  against 
the  ungodly." 

The  country  people,  eager  for  plunder, 
flocked  in  crowds  to  his  standard.  Through- 
out the  districts  of  Mansfeld,  Stolberg, 
Schwarzburg,  Hesse,  and  Brunswick,  the 
peasantry  rose  en  masse.  The  convents  of 
Michelstein,  Ilsenburg,  Walkenried,  Rossle- 
ben,  and  many  others  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Hartz  mountains,  or  in  the  plains  of 
Thuringia  were  plundered.  At  Reinhards- 
brunn,  the  place  which  Luther  had  once  visit- 
ed, the  tombs  of  the  ancient  landgraves  were 
violated,  and  the  library  destroyed. 

Terror  spread  far  and  wide.  Even  at  WTit- 
temberg,  some  anxiety  began  to  be  felt.  The 
Doctors  who  had  not  feared  Emperors  nor 
Pope  felt  themselves  tremble  in  presence  of  a 
madman.  Curiosity  was  all  alive  to  the  ac- 
counts of  what  was  going  on,  and  watched 
every  step  in  the  progress  of  the  insurrection. 
Melancthon  wrote — "  We  are  here  in  immi- 
nent danger.  If  Munzer  be  successful,  it  is 
all  over  with  us ;  unless  Christ  should  appear 
for  our  deliverance.  Munzer's  progress  is 
marked  by  more  than  Scythian  cruel ty.145H is 
threats  are  more  dreadful  than  I  can  tell  you." 

The  pious  Elector  had  hesitated  long  what 
steps  he  should  take.  Munzer  had  exhorted 
him,  as  well  as  the  other  reigning  princes,  to 
be  converted:  "For,"  said  he,  "their lime  is 
come :"  and  he  had  signed  his  letters — "  M'un- 
zer,  armed  with  the  sword  of  Gideon."  It 
was  Frederic's  earnest  desire  to  try  gentle 
methods  for  reclaiming  these  deluded  men. 
Dangerously  ill,  he  had  written  on  the  14th 
of  April,  to  his  brother  John — "  Possibly  more 
than  one  cause  for  insurrection  has  been 
given  to  these  wretched  people.  Oh,  in  many 
ways  are  the  poor  oppressed  by  their  tempo- 
ral as  well  as  by  their  spiritual  rulers!" 
And  when  his  councillors  adverted  to  the  hu- 
miliations, confusions,  and  dangers  to  which  j 
he  would  expose  himself  by  neglecting  to 
stifle  the  rebellion  in  its  infancy,  he  made  an- 
swer— "In  my  time,  I  have  been  a  potent 
Elector,  with  horses  and  chariots  in  great 


abundance, — if,  at  this  time,  God  will  take 
them  away,  I  will  go  on  foot."146 

Philip,  the  young  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  was 
the  first  of  the  reigning  princes  who  took  up 
arms.  His  knights  and  retainers  swore  to  live 
or  die  with  him.  Having  put  the  aifairs  of  his 
states  in  order,  he  moved  towards  Saxony. 
On  their  side,  Duke  John,  the  Elector's  bro- 
ther, Duke  George  of  Saxony,  and  Duke 
Henry  of  Brunswick,  advancing,  effected  a 
junction  with  the  Hessian  troops.  As  the 
combined  force  came  into  sight,  the  peasants, 
in  alarm,  took  their  station  on  a  hill,  and, 
without  observing  any  discipline,  set  about 
constructing  a  sort  of  rampart,  composed  of 
their  wagons.  Munzer  had  not  even  provided 
powder  for  his  immense  guns.  No  help  ap- 
peared— the  troops  hemmed  them  in,  and  a 
panic  spread  through  the  rebel  host.  The 
princes  from  motives  of  humanity  proposed 
to  them  to  capitulate — and  they  showed 
signs  of  willingness  to  do  so.  Then  it  was, 
that  Munzer  had  recourse  to  the  most  power- 
ful lever  of  enthusiasm:  "This  day,"  said 
he,  "  this  day  we  shall  behold  the  mighty  arm 
of  God,  and  destruction  shall  fall  upon  our 
enemies !"  Just  at  that  moment  a  rainbow 
was  seen  in  the  clouds — and  the  fanatic  mul- 
titude, whose  standard  bore  the  representation 
of  a  rainbow,  beheld  in  it  a  sure  omen  of  the 
Divine  protection.  Munzer  took  advantage  of 
it:  "Never  fear,"  said  he,  to  the  burghers 
and  peasantry;  "I  will  receive  all  their  balls 
in  my  sleeve  :"147and  at  the  same  moment,  he 
gave  direction  that  a  young  gentleman,  Ma- 
ternus  Geholfen,  an  envoy  from  the  princes, 
should  be  cruelly  put  to  death,  in  order  that 
the  rebels  might  thus  know  themselves  be- 
yond the  hope  of  pardon. 

The  Landgrave  harangued  his  soldiers — 
"  I  well  know,"  said  he,  "  that  we  princes  are 
often  to  blame — for  we  are  but  men ;  but  it  is 
God's  will  that  the  powers  that  be  should  be 
respected.  Let  us  save  our  wives  and  children 
from  the  fury  of  these  murderers.  The  Lord  will 
give  us  the  victory,  for  hath  He  not  said, '  He 
that  resisteth  the  power,  resisteth  the  ordi- 
nance of  God.' "  Philip  then  gave  the  sig- 
nal for  the  attack.  It  wras  the  15th  of  May, 
1525.  The  army  put  itself  in  motion — but 
the  crowd  of  peasants,  standing  still,  struck 
up  the  hymn,  "  Come,  Holy  Spirit,"  expect- 
ing Heaven  to  interpose  in  their  behalf.  But 
the  artillery  soon  opened  a  breach  in  their 
rude  fortification,  and  scattered  confusion  and 
death  in  their  midst.  On  this,  their  fanata- 
cism  and  resolution  at  once  forsook  them ;  a 
panic  spread  throughout  their  host,  and  break- 
ing from  their  ranks  they  fled  in  the  utmost 
disorder.  Five  thousand  were  slain  in  the 
pursuit.  After  the  battle  the  princes  and  their 
victorious  troops  entered  Frankenhausen.  A 
soldier,  who  bad  mounted  to  the  loft  of  the 
house  in  which  he  was  quartered,  perceived 
a  man  crouching  in  concealment.148"  Who  are 
you?"  demanded  he;  "are  you  one  of  the 
rebels'?" — then  catching  sight  of  a  writing- 
case,  he  opened  it,  and  ^found  therein  letters 
addressed  to  Thomas  Munzer — "  Is  that  your 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


name?"  inquired  the  trooper — "No,"  an- 
swered the  sick  man.  But  the  soldier,  utter- 
ing dreadful  threats,  Miinzer — for  he  it  was 
— confessed  he  was  the  man.  "  You  are  my 
prisoner,"  rejoined  the  other.  Being  taken 
before  Duke  George  and  the  Landgrave,  Miin- 
zer persisted  in  maintaining  that  he  was  justi- 
fied in  chastising  the  nobles,  since  they  were 
opposers  of  the  Gospel.  "Wretch!"  said 
they,  "  think  of  those  whose  death  thou  hast 
occasioned."  But  he  made  answer,  smiling 
in  the  midst  of  his  anguish,  "They  would 
have  it  so."  He  took  the  sacrament  under 
one  kind,  and  was  beheaded  on  the  same 
day  as  his  Lieutenant  Pfeiffer.  Mulhausen 
was  taken,  and  the  peasants  loaded  with 
chains. 

One  of  the  nobles,  who  had  remarked  in 
the  crowd  of  prisoners  a  peasant  whose  ap- 
pearance interested  him,  drew  near,  and  said, 
— "  Well,  my  boy,  what  government  is  most 
to  your  mind, — the  peasants  or  the  princes  1" 
The  poor  youth,  sighing  deeply,  replied, — 
"  Ah,  my  dear  lord,  no  edge  of  sword  inflicts 
such  suffering  as  the  rule  of  a  peasant  over 
his  fellow."149 

What  remained  of  the  rebellion  was  quench- 
ed in  blood  :  Duke  George  was  particularly 
inflexible.  In  the  states  of  the  Elector,  there 
were  neither  executions  r.or  punishments;150 
God's  word,  preached  in  its  purity,  had  been 
proved  sufficient  to  control  the  tumultuous 
passions  of  the  people. 

In  truth,  Luther  had,  from  its  very  begin- 
ning, withstood  the  rebellion ;  which  to  him 
appeared  the  forerunner  of  final  judgments. 
He  had  spared  neither  advice,  entreaties,  nor 
irony.  To  the  twelve  articles  which  the  re- 
bels had  drawn  up  at  Erfurth,  he  had  sub- 
joined as  a  thirteenth  :  "//em,  the  following 
article  omitted  above.  From  this  day  forth 
the  honourable  Council  shall  be  powerless, — 
its  functions  shall  be  to  do  nothing, — it  shall 
sit  as  an  idol  or  as  a  log, — thecommune  shall 
chew  its  meat  for  it,  and  it  shall  govern  bound 
hand  and  foot.  From  this  day,  the  wagon 
shall  guide  the  horses,  the  horses  shall  hold 
the  reins,  and  all  shall  go  on  prosperously,  in 
conformity  with  the  glorious  system  set  forth 
in  the  foregoing  articles." 

Luther  was  not  satisfied  with  using  his 
pen.  Just  when  the  confusion  was  at  its 
height,  he  left  Wittemberg,  and  traversed 
some  of  the  districts  where  the  agitation  was 
greatest.  He  preached,  he  laboured  to  soften 
the  hearts  of  his  hearers,  and  being  strength- 
ened from  above  in  his  work,  he  guided, 
quieted,  and  brought  back  into  their  accus- 
tomed channels,  the  impetuous  and  overflow- 
ing torrents. 

The  reformed  teachers  everywhere  exerted 
a  similar  influence.  At  Halle,  Brentz,  by  the 
power  of  the  divine  promises,  revived  the 
drooping  spirits  of  its  inhabitants,  and  four 
thousand  of  the  peasants  fled  before  six  hun- 
dred of  its  citizens.151  At  Ichterhausen,  where 
a  body  of  peasants  had  met,  intending  to  de- 
molish certain  castles,  and  put  their  owners 
to  death,  Frederic  Myconius  ventured  alone 


among  them,  and  such  was  the  power  of  his 
eloquence,  that  they  at  once  abandoned  their 
purpose.152 

Such  was  the  part  taken  by  the  Reformers 
and  the  Reformation  during  the  continuance 
of  the  Revolt.  They  contended,  as  far  as 
they  were  enabled,  by  the  sword  of  the  Word, 
and  boldly  asserted  the  principles  which  alone 
have  power  at  all  times  to  preserve  order  and 
subjection  among  nations.  Hence  we  find 
Luther  asserting  that  if  the  wholesome  influ- 
ence of  sound  doctrine  had  not  withstood  the 
madness  of  the  people,  the  revolt  would  have 
extended  its  ravages  far  more  widely,  and 
would  everywhere  have  overturned  both 
Church  and  State.  Every  thing  inclines 
us  to  believe  that  this  melancholy  anticipa- 
tion would  have  been  realized. 

If,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Reformers  stood 
up  against  sedition,  they  nevertheless  did  not 
escape  without  being  wounded.  That  moral 
agony  which  Luther  had  first  undergone  in 
his  cell  at  Erfurth,  was  perhaps  at  its  height 
after  the  revolt  of  the  peasants.  On  the  side 
of  the  princes  it  was  repeated,  and  in  many 
quarters  believed,  that  Luther's  teaching  had 
been  the  cause  of  the  rebellion;  and  ground- 
less as  was  the  charge,  the  Reformer  could 
not  but  feel  deeply  affected  by  the  credit  at- 
tached to  it.  On  the  side  of  the  people, 
Miinzer  and  all  the  leaders  of  the  sedition  re- 
presented him  as  a  vile  hypocrite  and  flat- 
terer of  the  great,  and  their  calumnies  easily 
obtained  belief.153The  strength  with  which 
Luther  had  declared  against  the  rebels,  had 
given  offence  even  to  men  of  moderate  opi- 
nions. The  partisans  of  Rome  exulted;154  all 
seemed  against  him,  and  he  bore  the  indigna- 
tion of  that  generation :  but  what  most  grieved 
him  was  that  the  work  of  Heaven  should  be 
thus  degraded  by  being  classed  with  the 
dreams  of  fanatics.  He  contemplated  the 
bitter  cup  presented  to  him,  and  foreseeing 
that  ere  long  he  would  be  forsaken  by  all,  he 
exclaimed,  "  Soon  shall  I  also  have  to  say, 
*  All  ye  shall  be  offended  because  of  me  in 
that  night!'" 

Yet,  in  the  midst  of  this  bitter  experience, 
his  faith  was  unshaken.  "  He,"  said  he, 
"who  has  enabled  me  to  tread  the  enemy 
under  foot  when  he  came  against  me  as  a 
roaring  lion,  will  not  suffer  that  enemy  to 
crush  me,  now  that  he  approaches  with  the 
treacherous  leer  of  the  basilisk.155!  mourn  over 
the  late  calamities.  Again  and  again  have  I 
asked  myself  whether  it  might  not  have  been 
better  to  have  allowed  the  Papacy  to  pursue 
its  course  unmolested,  rather  than  be  a  wit- 
ness to  the  breaking  out  of  such  commotions. 
But  no  ; — it  is  better  to  have  extricated  a  few 
from  the  jaws  of  the  devil,  than  that  all  should 
be  left  under  his  murderous  fan»s."15 

At  this  period  we  must  note  the  completion 
of  that  change  in  Luther's  views  which  had 
commenced  at  the  time  of  his  return  from  the 
Wartburg.  A  principle  of  internal  life  no 
longer  satisfied  him  :  the  Church  and  her 
institutions  assumed  a  high  importance  in  his 
estimate.  The  fearlessness  with  which  he 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


327 


had  thrown  down  all  that  stood  in  the  way  of 
his  reforms,  drew  back  in  the  prospect  of  a 
work  of  destruction,  far  more  radical  and 
sweeping :  he  felt  the  necessity  for  preserv- 
ing, ruling,  building  up, — and  it  was  in  the 
centre  of  the  blood-watered  ruins  with  which 
the  war  of  the  peasants  had  covered  Germany, 
that  the  structure  of  the  new  Church  rose 
slowly  from  its  foundations. 

The  troubles  we  have  been  narrating  left  a 
deep  and  enduring  impression  on  the  minds 
of  that  age.  Nations  were  struck  with  con- 
sternation. The  masses  who  had  sought  in 
the  Reformation  nothing  but  political  freedom, 
withdrew  from  it  of  their  own  accord,  when 
they  saw  that  spiritual  liberty  was  the  only 
liberty  it  offered.  Luther's  opposition  to  the 
peasants  involved  the  renunciation  of  the  in- 
constant favour  of  the  people.  It  was  not 
long  before  a  seeming  tranquillity  was  re- 
stored, and  the  silence  of  terror  succeeded  to 
the  outbreaks  of  enthusiasm  and  sedition.157 

Thus  the  popular  passions,  the  cause  of 
revolution,  and  radical  equality,  were  quelled 
and  passed  away ;  but  the  Reformation  did 
not  pass  away.  The  two  movements,  by 
many  confounded  with  each  other,  were  ex- 
hibited in  the  distinctness  of  their  character 
by  the  diversity  of  their  results.  The  revolt 
was  a  thing  of  earthly  origin,  the  Reforma- 
tion was  from  above — some  cannon  and  sol- 
diers sufficed  to  put  down  the  former,  but  the 
latter  never  ceased  to  grow  and  strengthen,  in 
spite  of  the  reiterated  assaults  of  the  imperial 
or  ecclesiastical  powers. 

And  yet  the  cause  of  the  Reformation  itself 
seemed  likely  to  perish  in  the  gulf  in  which 
the  liberties  of  the  people  were  lost.  A  me- 
lancholy event  appeared  likely  to  hasten  its 
ruin.  At  the  time  the  princes  were  in  full 
march  against  Miinzer,  and  ten  days  before 
the  final  defeat  of  the  peasants,  the  aged  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony,  the  man  whom  God  had  raised 
up  to  defend  the  Reformation  against  external 
dangers,  descended  to  the  tomb. 

His  strength  had  been  daily  declining;  and 
his  feeling  heart  was  wrung  by  the  atrocities 
which  stained  the  progress  of  the  war  of  the 
peasants.  "Oh!"  cried  he,  with  a  deep 
sigh,  "  if  it  were  the  will  of  God,  I  would 
gladly  be  released  from  this  life.  I  see  no- 
thing left,  neither  love,  truth,  nor  faith,  or  any 
thing  good  upon  this  earth."158 

Turning  from  the  thought  of  the  confusions 
that  prevailed  throughout  Germany,  the  pious 
prince  quietly  prepared  himself  to  depart.  He 
had  taken  up  his  abode  in  his  castle  of  Lochau. 
On  the  fourth  of  May,  he  asked  for  his  chap- 
lain, the  faithful  Spalatin;  "You  do  well  to 
visit  me,"  said  he  to  him  as  he  entered  the 
room,  "  for  it  is  well  to  visit  the  sick."  Then 
directing  that  his  couch  should  be  moved  to- 
ward the  table  where  Spalatin  was  seated,  he 
desired  his  attendants  to  leave  the  room,  and 
affectionately  taking  his  friend's  hand,  spoke 
to  him  familiarly  of  Luther,  of  the  peasants, 
and  of  his  approaching  end.  At  eight  that 
same  evening  Spalatin  returned;  the  aged 


prince  opened  his  mind  to  him,  and  confessed 
his  sins,  in  the  presence  of  God.  The  next 
morning,  the  5th,  he  received  the  communion 
under  both  kinds.  No  member  of  his  family 
was  present:  his  brother  and  his  nephew  had 
both  left  with  the  army  ;  but,  according  to  the 
ancient  custom  of  those  times,  his  domestics 
stood  round  the  bed  gazing  in  tears  upon  the 
venerable  prince  whom  it  had  been  their  sweet 
privilege  to  serve:159"  My  little  children,"  said 
he,  tenderly,  "if  I  have  offended  any  one  of 
you,  forgive  me  for  the  love  of  God ;  for  we 
princes  often  offend  against  such  little  ones, 
and  it  ought  not  so  to  be."  In  this  way  did 
Frederic  conform  himself  to  the  apostle's  di- 
rection that  the  rich  humble  himself  when  he 
is  brought  low,  "  because  as  the  flower  of  the 
grass  he  shall  pass  away." — James  i.  10. 

Spalatin  never  left  him.  He  set  before  him 
with  glowing  earnestness  the  glorious  pro- 
mises of  the  Gospel ;  and  the  pious  Elector 
drank  in  its  strong  consolations  with  unspeak- 
able peace.  That  evangelic  doctrine  was  then 
to  his  soul  no  longer  a  sword,  turned  against 
false  teaching,  searching  it  in  all  its  refuges 
of  lies,  and  triumphing  over  it  at  every  turn: 
it  was  a  shower — a  gentle  dew,  distilling  on 
his  heart,  and  causing  it  to  overflow  with  hope 
and  joy.  God  and  eternity  were  alone  pre- 
sent to  his  thought. 

Feeling  his  death  rapidly  drawing  nigh,  he 
destroyed  a  will  he  had  made  some  years  be- 
fore, in  which  he  had  commended  his  soul  to 
"the  Mother  of  God,"  and  dictated  another, 
in  which  he  cast  himself  on  the  spotless  and 
availing  merit  of  Jesus  Christ  "for  the  for- 
giveness of  his  sins,"  and  expressed  his  firm 
assurance  that  "  he  was  redeemed  by  the  pre- 
cious blood  of  his  beloved  Saviour."160 This 
done,  he  added, — "  My  strength  fails  me,  I 
can  say  no  more ;"  and  at  five  the  same  even- 
ing he  "fell  asleep."  "He  was  a  son  of 
Peace,"  remarked  his  physician, "  and  in  peace 
he  is  departed."—"  Oh,"  said  Luther,  "  how 
bitter  to  his  survivors  was  that  death."161 

It  is  remarkable  that  Luther,  who  just  at 
that  time  was  on  a  mission  of  peace,  trying  to 
allay  the  excitement  left,  by  recent  events,  on 
the  minds  of  the  people  of  Thuringia,  had 
never  seen  the  Elector,  but  at  a  distance, — as 
at  Worms,  when  the  latter  was  seated  beside 
Charles  the  Fifth.  But  from  the  moment  the 
Reformation  appeared,  these  two  remarkable 
men  had  been  together  in  spirit.  Frederic  in 
quest  of  the  national  interest  and  independence, 
— Luther  in  quest  of  truth  and  reformation. 
It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  Reformation  was, 
in  principle,  a  work  of  the  Spirit;  but,  in  or- 
der to  its  gaining  footing  on  the  earth,  it  was, 
perhaps,  necessary  that  it  should  be  linked 
with  a  something  connected  with  the  interests 
of  the  nation.  Hence, — no  sooner  had  Luther 
stood  up  against  indulgences,  than  the  alliance 
between  the  Monk  and  the  Prince  was  tacitly 
concluded, — an  alliance  in  its  nature  simply 
moral,  without  form  of  contract,  without  writ- 
ing, without  even  verbal  communication, — an 
alliance  in  which  the  stronger  lent  no  aid  to  the 
weaker  party,  but  that  which  consisted  in 


328 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


leaving  him  unmolested  to  his  work.  But 
now  that  the  mighty  oak,  under  the  shelter  of 
which  the  Reformation  had  grown  up,  was 
felled  to  the  dust, — now  that  the  opposers  of 
the  Gospel -gave  more  free  expression  to  their 
hatred,  and  its  supporters  were  obliged  to  re- 
tire or  to  be  silent,  it  seemed  as  if  nothing  was 
left  to  defend  it  against  the  sword  of  those  who 
were  pursuing  it. 

The  confederates  of  Ratisbon,  after  the  com- 
plete defeat  of  the  peasants  of  the  southern 
and  western  provinces,  proceeded  to  vent  their 
their  revenge  on  the  Reformation,  as  well  as 
on  those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  revolt.  At 
Wurtzburg,  at  Bamberg,  inoffensive  citizens 
were  put  to  death, — including  some  who  had 
even  opposed  themselves  to  the  peasants.  "  It 
matters  not,"  it  was  openly  said,  "  they  were 
of  the  Gospellers,"— and  they  werebeheaded.162 

Duke  George  sought  occasionally  to  infuse 
into  the  minds  of  the  Landgrave  and  Duke  John 
his  own  prejudices  and  antipathies.  "  See," 
said  he,  after  the  rout  of  the  peasants,  pointing 
to  the  field  of  carnage,  "  see  what  miseries 
Luther  has  occasioned."  John  and  Philip 
showed  signs  of  acquiescence.  "Duke 
George,"  remarked  the  Reformer,  "  flatters 
himself  he  shall  succeed,  now  that  Frederic 
is  dead ;  hut  Christ  still  reigns  in  the  midst 
of  his  enemies.  Gnash  their  teeth  as  they 
will,  the  desire  of  them  shall  perish."163 

George  lost  no  time  in  forming,  in  northern 
Germany,  a  confederacy  similar  to  that  of 
Ratisbon.  The  Electors  of  Mentz  and  Bran- 
denburg,— Dukes  Henry,  Eric,  and  George, 
assembled  at  Dessau,  and  there  concluded  a 
treaty  of  alliance  in  the  interest  of  Rome.164In 
the  month  of  July,  George  urged  the  new 
Elector  and  his  son-in-law,  the  Landgrave, 
to  accede  to  it.  Then,  as  if  to  give  intimation 
of  the  objects  of  the  confederation,  he  behead- 
ed two  citizens  of  Leipsic,  who  had  been 
proved  to  have  in  their  possession  the  Re- 
former's writings. 

Just  at  this  time  letters  from  Charles  the 
Fifth,  dated  from  Toledo,  reached  Germany, 
by  which  another  Diet  was  convoked  at  Augs- 
burg. Charles  wished  to  give  the  Empire 
such  a  constitution  as  would  allow  him  to  dis- 
pose, at  will,  of  the  military  force  of  Germany. 
The  divisions  in  religion  favoured  his  design. 
He  had  but  to  let  loose  the  Catholics  against 
the  Gospellers;  and  when  both  should  have 
exhausted  their  strength,  he  might  gain  an 
easy  victory  over  both.  "  Away  with  the 
Lutherans,"  was  therefore  the  cry  of  the  Em- 
peror.165 

Thus,  all  conspired  against  the  Reforma- 
tion. Never  could  Luther's  spirit  have  been 
bowed  down  by  such  manifold  apprehensions. 
The  surviving  sectaries  of  Miinzer  had  vowed 
to  take  his  life.  His  sole  protector  was  no 
more.  "Duke  George,"  wrote  some,  "in- 
tended to  arrest  him  in  Wittemberg  itself.166 
The  Princes  who  could  have  defended  him, 
one  after  another  bowed  before  the  storm,  and 
seemed  to  be  abandoning  the  cause  of  the 
Gospel.  The  University,  already  lowered  in 
credit  by  the  recent  confusions,  was,  according 


to  rumour,  on  the  point  of  being  suppressed  by 
the  new  Elector.  Charles,  after  his  victory 
at  Pavia,  had  just  convoked  another  Diet,  that 
a  finishing  blow  might  be  dealt  against  the 
Reformation,  What  dangers,  then,  must  he 
not  have  foreseen?  The  anxious  mental 
struggles  that  had  so  often  drawn  sobs  from 
his  bosom  again  wrung  his  heart.  How  should 
he  bear  up  against  such  multiplied  enemies'? 
In  the  very  crisis  of  this  agitation,  with  all 
these  accumulated  dangers  staring  him  in  the 
face, — the  corpse  of  Frederic  scarcely  cold, 
and  the  plains  of  Germany  still  strewed  with 
the  unburied  bodies  of  the  peasants — Luther, 
— none  surely  could  have  imagined  such  a 
thing, — Luther  married ! 

In  the  monastery  of  Nimptsch,  near  Grim- 
ma,  in  Saxony,  resided,  in  the  year  1523, 
nine  nuns,  who  had  devoted  themselves  to  the 
reading  of  God's  word,  and  had  discerned  the 
contrast  that  existed  between  the  Christian 
life  and  the  daily  routine  of  their  cloister.  The 
names  of  these  nuns  were  Magdalene  Staupitz, 
Elisa  Canitz,  Ave  Grossn,  Ave  and  Margaret 
Schonfeld,  Laneta  Golis,  Margaret  and  Cathe- 
rine Zeschau,  and  Catherine  Bora.  The  first 
step  taken  by  these  young  women,  after  their 
minds  were  delivered  from  the  superstitions  of 
their  monastery,  was  to  write  to  their  relations. 
"Our  continuance  in  a  cloister,"  said  they,  "is 
incompatible  withthesalvationofoursouls."167 
Their  parents  dreading  the  trouble  such  a  re- 
solution was  likely  to  occasion  to  themselves, 
repelled  with  harshness  the  entreaties  of  their 
children.  The  poor  nuns  were  overwhelmed 
with  distress.  How  to  leave  their  nunnery  ! 
their  timidity  took  alarm  at  so  desperate  a  de- 
cision. At  last  their  horror  of  the  Papal  ser- 
vices prevailed,  and  they  mutually  promised 
not  to  part  company,  but  together  to  find  their 
way  to  some  respectable  quarter  with  decency 
and  order.168 Two  respected  and  pious  citizens 
of  Torgau,  Leonard  Koppe  and  Wolff  To- 
mitzch,  tendered  their  assistance169— they  wel- 
comed it  as  of  God's  sending,  and  quitted  the 
convent  of  Nimptsch  without  any  hinderance 
being  interposed,  as  if  the  hand  of  the  Lord 
had  set  open  its  gates.170  Koppe  and  Tomitzch 
were  in  waiting  to  receive  them  in  their  wa- 
gon— and  on  the  7th  of  April,  the  nine  nuns, 
amazed  at  their  own  boldness,  drew  up  in 
deep  emotion  at  the  gate  of  the  old  convent  of 
the  Augustines  where  Luther  resided. 

"  This  is  not  my  doing,"  said  Luther,  as  he 
received  them,  "  but  would  to  God  I  could,  in 
this  way,  give  liberty  to  enslaved  consciences, 
and  empty  the  cloisters  of  their  tenants.  A 
breach  is  made,  however."171  Several  persons 
proposed  to  the  doctor  to  receive  the  nuns  into 
their  houses,  and  Catherine  Bora  found  a 
welcome  in  the  family  of  the  burgomaster  of 
Wittemberg. 

If  Luther  had  then  before  him  the  prospect 
of  any  solemn  event,  it  was  that  he  should  be 
called  to  ascend  the  scaffold,  not  the  steps  of 
the  altar.  Many  months  after  this,  he  answer- 
ed those  who  spoke  of  marriage — "  God  may 
change  my  purpose,  if  such  be  his  pleasure ; 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


329 


but  at  present  I  have  no  thought  of  taking  a 
wife;  not  that  I  am  insensible  to  the  charms 
of  a  married  life ;  I  am  neither  wood  nor 
stone ;  but  I  every  day  expect  death  and  the 
punishment  of  a  heretic."172 

And  yet  all  was  moving  onward  in  the 
church.  The  habits  of  monastic  life,  invent- 
ed by  man,  were  on  all  sides  giving  place  to 
the  habits  of  domestic  life,  instituted  by  God. 
On  Sunday,  the  9th  of  October,  Luther,  on 
rising,  laid  aside  his  monk's  gown,  assumed 
the  garb  of  a  secular  priest,  and  then  made 
his  appearance  in  the  church,  where  this  trans- 
formation caused  a  lively  satisfaction.  Chris- 
tianity, in  its  renewed  youth,  hailed  with 
transport  every  thing  that  announced  that  the 
old  things  were  passed  away. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  last  monk  quitted 
the  convent.  Luther  remained  behind ;  his 
footsteps  alone  re-echoed  in  its  long  corridors 
— he  sat  silent  and  alone  in  the  refectory,  so 
lately  vocal  with  the  babble  of  the  monks. 
A  speaking  silence !  attesting  the  triumph  of 
the  Word  of  God.  The  convent  had,  indeed, 
ceased  to  have  any  existence.  Luther,  to- 
wards the  end  of  December,  1524,  transmitted 
to  the  Elector  the  keys  of  the  monastery,  to- 
gether with  a  message,  that  himself  would  see 
where  it  might  be  God's  will  to  feed  him.173 
The  elector  made  over  the  convent  to  the  uni- 
versity, and  desired  Luther  to  continue  to  re- 
side in  it.  The  abode  of  the  monks  was,  ere 
long,  to  become  the  home  of  a  Christian 
family. 

Luther,  who  had  a  heart  happily  constituted 
for  relishing  the  sweetness  of  domestic  life, 
honoured  and  loved  the  marriage  state.  It  is 
even  likely  that  he  had  some  preference  for 
Catherine  Bora.  For  a  long  while,  his  scru- 
ples and  the  thought  of  the  calumnies  which 
such  a  step  would  occasion,  had  hindered  his 
thinking  or  her;  and  he  had  offered  the  hand 
of  poor  Catherine  first  to  Baumgartner  of  Nu- 
remberg, and  afterwards  to  Doctor  Glatz,  of 
Orlamund.174  But  when  Baumgartner  declined, 
and  Catherine  herself  refused  Glatz,  he  began 
more  seriously  to  consider  whether  he  himself 
ought  not  to  think  of  making  her  his  wife. 

His  aged  father,  who  had  been  so  much 
grieved  when  he  first  took  upon  him  the  pro- 
fession of  an  ecclesiastic,  urged  him  to  marry.175 
But  one  thought  above  all  was  present  in 
much  power  to  the  conscience  of  Luther. 
Marriage  is  God's  appointment — celibacy  is 
man's.  He  abhorred  whatever  bore  the  stamp 
of  Rome.  "  I  desire,"  said  he,  to  his  friends, 
"to  have  nothing  left  of  my  papistic  life.176 
Night  and  day  he  besought  the  Lord  to  put  an 
end  to  his  uncertainty.  At  last  a  thought 
came  to  break  the  last  ties  which  held  him 
back.  To  all  the  considerations  of  consistency 
and  personal  obedience  which  taught  him  to 
apply  to  nimself  that  word  of  God — It  is  not 
good  that  man  should  be  alone  (Gen.  ii.  18) — 
was  added  a  higher  and  more  powerful  mo- 
tive. He  recognised  that  if  as  a  man  he  was 
called  to  the  marriage  state,  he  was  also  call- 
ed to  it  as  a  Reformer.  This  thought  decided 
him. 


"If  that  monk  marries,"  said  his  friena 
Schurff  the  jurisconsult,  "he  will  cause  men 
and  devils  to  shout  with  laughter,  and  bring 
ruin  upon  all  that  he  has  hitherto  effected."177 
This  remark  had  upon  Luther  an  effect  the 
very  reverse  of  what  might  have  been  expect- 
ed. To  brave  the  world,  the  devil,  and  his 
enemies,  and,  by  an  act  in  man's  judgment 
the  most  likely  to  ruin  the  Reformation,  make 
it  evident  that  its  triumph  was  not  to  be  as- 
cribed to  him,  was  the  very  thing  he  most  of 
all  desired.  Accordingly,  lifting  up  his  head, 
he  boldly  replied, — "  I'll  do  it!  I  will  play 
this  trick  to  the  world  and  the  devil! — -I'll 
content  my  father  and  marry  Catherine!" 
Luther,  by  his  marriage,  broke  even  more  ir- 
revocably with  the  institutions  of  the  Papacy. 
He  sealed  his  doctrine  by  his  own  example,— 
and  emboldened  the  timid  to  an  entire  renun- 
ciation of  their  delusions.178  Rome  had  seem- 
ed to  be  here  and  there  recovering  the  ground 
she  had  lost,  and  might  have  been  indulging 
in  dreams  of  victory; — but  here  was  a  loud 
explosion  that  carried  wonder  and  terror  into 
her  ranks,  and  discovered,  more  clearly  than 
ever,  the  courage  of  the  enemy  she  had  pic- 
tured to  herself  defeated  and  depressed.  "I 
am  determined,"  said  Luther,  "to  bear  wit- 
ness to  the  Gospel,  not  by  my  words  alone, 
but  by  my  actions.  I  am  determined,  in  the 
face  of  my  enemies,  who  already  are  triumph- 
ing and  exulting  over  me,  to  marry  a  nun, — 
that  they  may  know  that  they  have  not  con- 
quered me.179 1  do  not  take  a  wife  that  I  may 
live  long  with  her;  but,  seeing  people  and 
princes  letting  loose  their  fury  against  me,— • 
in  the  prospect  of  death,  and  of  their  again 
trampling  my  doctrine  under  foot,  I  am  re- 
solved to  edify  the  weak,  by  leaving  on  record 
a  striking  confirmation  of  the  truth  of  what  I 
have  taught."180 

On  the  llth  of  June,  Luther  repaired  to  the 
house  of  his  friend  and  colleague  Amsdorff. 
He  requested  Pomeranus,  whom  he  dignified 
with  the  special  character  of  the  Pastor,  to 
give  them  the  nuptial  benediction.  Lucas 
Cranach  and  Doctor  John  Apelles  witnessed 
their  marriage.  Melancthon  was  not  present. 

No  sooner  had  Luther's  marriage  taken 
place  than  all  Christendom  was  roused  by  the 
report  of  it.  On  all  sides  accusations  and 
calumnies  were  heaped  upon  him.  "  It  is  in- 
cest," exclaimed  Henry  the  Eighth.  "A 
monk  has  married  a  vestal!"181  said  some. 
"  Antichrist  must  be  the  fruit  of  such  a  union," 
said  others :  "  for  it  has  been  predicted  that  he 
will  be  the  offspring  of  a  monk  and  a  nun." 
To  which  Erasmus  made  answer,  with  mali- 
cious sneer,  "  If  that  prophecy  be  true,  what 
thousands  of  Antichrists  the  world  has  before 
now  seen."182But  while  these  attacks  were 
directed  against  Luther,  some  prudent  and 
moderate  men,  in  the  communion  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  undertook  his  defence. 
"  Luther,"  said  Erasmus,  "  has  taken  to  wife 
a  female  of  the  noble  house  of  Bora, — but 
she  brought  him  no  dowry."183  One  whose  tes- 
timony carries  still  more  weight,  bore  witness 
in  his  favour.  Philip  Melancthon,  the  ho- 


330 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


noured  teacher  of  Germany,  who  had  at  first 
been  alarmed  by  so  bold  a  step,  now  remarked 
with  that  grave  conscientiousness  which  com- 
manded respect  even  from  his  enemies :  "  If 
it  is  asserted  that  there  has  been  any  thing 
unbecoming  in  the  affair  of  Luther's  marriage, 
it  is  a  false  slander.184  It  is  my  opinion,  that, 
in  marrying,  he  must  have  done  violence  to 
his  inclination.  The  marriage  state,  I  allow, 
is  one  of  humility,  but  it  is  also  one  of  sanc- 
tity— if  there  be  any  sanctity  in  this  world ; 
and  the  Scriptures  everywhere  speak  of  it  as 
honourable  in  God's  sight." 

At  first  Luther  was  disturbed  by  the  re- 
proaches and  indignities  showered  upon  him. 
Melancthon  showed  more  than  his  usual  kind- 
ness and  affection  towards  him:185and  it  was  not 
long  before  the  Reformer  was  enabled  to  dis- 
cern, in  men's  opposition,  one  mark  of  God's 
approval.  "  If  the  world  were  not  scanda- 
lized by  what  I  have  done,"  said  he,  "I  should 
have  reason  to  fear  that  it  was  not  according 
to  God's  mind."186 

Eight  years  had  elapsed  between  the  period 
when  Luther  first  preached  against  indul- 
gences, and  the  time  of  his  union  with  Cathe- 
rine Bora.  It  would  be  difficult  to  attribute, 
as  is  sometimes  done,  his  zeal  against  the  cor- 
ruptions of  the  Church  to  an  eager  desire  to 
enter  into  the  marriage  state.  He  was  already 
turned  forty-two  ;  and  Catherine  had  passed 
two  years  at  Wittemberg  since  leaving  the 
convent. 

Luther's  marriage  was  a  happy  one :  "  The 
greatest  of  earthly  blessings,"  said  he,  "  is  a 
pious  and  amiable  wife, — who  fears  God  and 
loves  her  family,  one  with  whom  a  man  may 
live  in  peace  and  in  whom  he  may  repose  per- 
fect confidence." 

Some  time  after,  in  writing  to  one  of  his 
friends,  he  intimated  that  his  Catherine  might 
soon  present  him  with  a  child ;187and,  in  fact, 
just  one  year  after  their  marriage,  Catherine 
was  delivered  of  a  boy.188  The  charms  of  do- 
mestic life  soon  dispelled  the  dark  clouds 
raised  around  him  by  the  wrath  of  his  adver- 
saries. His  Ketha,  as  he  called  her,  manifest- 
ed towards  him  the  tenderest  affection,  com- 
forting him,  when  cast  down,  by  reciting  pas- 
sages of  the  Bible,  relieving  him  from  the 
cares  of  the  household,  sitting  by  him  in  his 
intervals  of  leisure,  while  she  worked  his  por- 
trait in  embroidery,  or  reminded  him  of  the 
friends  he  had  neglected  to  write  to,  and 
amused  him  by  the  simplicity  of  her  ques- 
tions. A  sort  of  dignity  seems  to  have  mark- 
ed her  deportment,  for  Luther  occasionally 
spoke  of  her  as  "My  Lord  Catherine."  On 
one  occasion  he  said  jesting^  that  if  ever  he 
had  to  marry  again,  he  would  chisel  an  obe- 
dient wife  in  stone,  for,  added  he,  "  there 
is  no  possibility -of  finding  a  real  one."  His 
letters  were  full  of  tenderness  for  Cathe- 
rine, whom  he  styled,  "his  dear  and  gra- 
cious wife" — "  his  dear  and  amiable  Ketha" 
Luther's  manner  acquired  more  playfulness 
from  the  society  of  his  Catherine ;  and  that 
happy  flow  of  spirits  continued  from  that  time, 


and  was  never  lost  even  in  the  most  trying 
circumstances. 

Such  was  the  almost  universal  corruption 
of  the  clergy,  that  the  priestly  office  had  fallen 
into  almost  general  disrepute :  the  isolated 
virtue  of  a  few  faithful  servants  of  God  had  not 
sufficed  to  redeem  it  from  contempt.  Family 
peace  and  conjugal  fidelity  were  continually 
being  disturbed,  both  in  towns  and  rural  dis- 
tricts, by  the  gross  passions  of  priests  and 
monks ; — none  were  safe  from  their  seductions. 
The  free  access  allowed  them  to  families,  and 
sometimes  even  the  confidence  of  the  confes- 
sional, was  basely  perverted  into  an  opportu- 
nity of  instilling  deadly  poison,  that  they 
might  gratify  their  guilty  desires.  The  Re- 
formation, by  abolishing  the  celibacy  of  the 
ecclesiastics,  restored  the  sanctity  of  wedlock. 
The  marriage  of  the  clergy  put  an  end  to  an 
untold  amount  of  secret  profligacy.  The  Re- 
formers became  examples  to  their  flocks  in 
the  most  endearing  and  important  of  all  hu- 
man relationships, — and  it  was  not  long  be- 
fore the  people  rejoiced  to  see  the  ministers 
of  religion  in  the  character  of  husbands  and 
fathers. 

On  a  hasty  view,  Luther's  marriage  had 
indeed  seemed  to  multiply  the  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  the  Reformation.  It  was  still  suf- 
fering from  the  effects  of  the  revolt  of  the 
peasants ;  the  sword  of  the  Emperor  and  of 
the  princes  was  unsheathed  against  it;  and  its 
friends,  the  Landgrave  Philip,  and  the  new 
Elector  John,  appeared  discouraged  and  si- 
lenced. 

Nevertheless,  this  state  of  things  was  of  no 
long  duration.  The  young  Landgrave,  ere 
long,  boldly  raised  his  head.  Ardent  and  fear- 
less as  Luther,  the  manly  spirit  of  the  Re- 
former had  won  his  emulation.  He  threw 
himself  with  youthful  daring  into  the  ranks  of 
the  Reformation,  while  he  at  the  same  time 
studied  its  character  with  the  grave  intelli- 
gence of  a  thoughtful  mind. 

In  Saxony,  the  loss  of  Frederic's  prudence 
and  influence  was  but  ill  supplied  by  his  suc- 
cessor ;  but  the  Elector's  brother,  Duke  John, 
instead  of  confining  himself  to  the  office  of  a 
protector,  intervened  directly  and  courageously 
in  matters  affecting  religion :  "  I  desire,"  said 
he,  in  a  speech  communicated  to  the  assem- 
bled clergy,  on  the  16th  of  August,  1525,  as 
he  was  on  the  point  of  quitting  Weimar,  "  that 
you  will  in  future  preach  the  pure  word  of 
God,  apart  from  those  things  which  man  has 
added."  Some  of  the  older  clergy,  not  know- 
ing how  to  set  about  obeying  his  direction, 
answered  with  simplicity, — "  But  we  are  not 
forbidden  to  say  mass  for  the  dead,  or  to  bless 
the  water  and  salt  ?" — "  Every  thing, — no 
matter  what," — replied  the  Elector,  "must 
be  conformed  to  God's  word." 

Soon  after,  the  young  Landgrave  conceived 
the  romantic  hope  of  converting  Duke  George, 
his  father-in-law.  Sometimes  he  would  de- 
monstrate the  sufficiency  of  the  Scriptures — 
another  time  he  would  expose  the  Mass,  the 
Papacy,  and  compulsory  vows.  His  letters 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


331 


followed  quick  upon  each  other,  and  the  va- 
rious testimony  of  God's  word  was  all  brought 
to  hear  upon  the  old  Duke's  faith.189 

These  efforts  were  not  without  results. 
Duke  George's  son  was  won  to  the  new  opi- 
nions. But  Philip  failed  with  the  father. — "  A 
hundred  years  hence,"  said  the  latter,  "  and 
you  will  see  who  is  right." — "  Aw'ful  speech  !" 
observed  the  Elector  of  Saxony  :  "  What  can 
be  the  worth,  I  pray  you,  of  a  faith  that  needs 
so  much  previous  reflection1?190 — Poor  Duke!  he 
will  hold  back  long — I  fear  God  has  hardened 
his  heart,  as  Pharaoh's,  in  old  time." 

In  Philip,  the  friends  of  the  Gospel  possess- 
ed a  leader,  at  once  bold,  intelligent,  and  ca- 
pable of  making  head  against  the  formidable 
assaults  its  enemies  were  planning.  But  is  it 
not  sad  to  think,  that  from  this  moment  the 
leader  of  the  Reformation  should  be  a  soldier, 
and  not  simply  a  disciple  of  God's  word  1 
Man's  part  in  the  work  was  seen  in  due  ex- 
pansion, and  its  spiritual  element  was  propor- 
tionably  contracted.  The  work  itself  suffered 
in  consequence,  for  every  work  should  be  per- 
mitted to  develope  itself,  according  to  the  laws 
of  its  own  nature, — and  the  Reformation  was 
of  a  nature  essentially  spiritual. 

God  was  multiplying  external  supports. 
Already  a  powerful  state  on  the  German  fron- 
tier— Prussia — unfurled  with  joy  the  standard 
of  the  Gospel.  The  chivalrous  and  religious 
spirit  that  had  founded  the  Teutonic  order, 
had  gradually  become  extinct  with  the  memo- 
ry of  the  ages  in  which  it  arose.  The  knights, 
intent  only  upon  their  private  interests,  had 
given  dissatisfaction  to  the  people  over  whom 
they  presided.  Poland  had  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity to  impose  her  suzerainty  on  the  order. 
People,  knights,  grand  master,  and  Polish  in- 
fluence, were  so  many  different  interests  con- 
tinually conflicting,  and  rendering  the  pros- 
perity of  the  country  impossible. 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  Reformation 
found  them,  and  all  men  saw  in  it  the  only 
\vay  of  deliverance  for  that  unfortunate  peo- 
ple. Brisman,  Speratus,  Poliander,  (who 
had  been  secretary  to  Eck,  at  the  time  of  the 
Leipsic  discussion,)  and  others  besides, 
preached  the  Gospel  in  Prussia. 

One  day  a  beggar,  coming  from  the  lands 
under  the  rule  of  the  Teutonic  knights,  ar- 
rived in  Wittemberg;  and,  stopping  before 
the  residence  of  Luther,  sang  slowly  that 
noble  hymn  of  Poliander's, 

"  At  length  redemption's  come."191 

The  Reformer,  who  had  never  heard  this 
Christian  hymn,  listened,  rapt  in  astonish- 
ment. The  foreign  accent  of  the  singer 
heightened  his  joy.  "  Again,  again,"  cried 
he,  when  the  beggar  had  ended.  Afterwards 
he  inquired  where  he  had  learned  that  hymn, 
and  tears  filled  his  eyes,  when  he  heard  from 
the  poor  man  that  it  was  from  the  shores  of 
the  Baltic  that  this  shout  of  deliverance  was 
sounding  as  far  as  Wittemberg: — then, clasp- 
ing his  hands,  he  gave  thanks  to  God.192 

In  truth  Redemption  was  come  even  thither! 

"  Take  compassion  on  our  weakness,"  said 
43 


the  people  of  Prussia  to  the  Grand  Master, 
"and  send  us  preachers  who  may  proclaim 
the  pure  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ."  Albert  at 
first  gave  no  answer,  but  he  entered  into  par- 
ley with  Sigismund  king  of  Poland,  his  uncle 
and  suzerain  lord. 

The  latter  acknowledged  him  as  hereditary 
Duke  of  Prussia,  and  the  new  prince  made  his 
entry  into  his  capital  of  Konigsberg,  amidst 
the  ringing  of  bells,  and  acclamations  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  had  decorated  their  houses, 
and  strewed  their  streets  withflowers.193"There 
is  but  One  religious  order,"  said  Albert,  "  and 
it  is  as  comprehensive  as  Christianity  itself!" 
The  monastic  orders  vanished,  and  that  di- 
vinely appointed  order  was  restored. 

The  bishops  surrendered  their  secular  rights 
to  the  new  Duke;  the  convents  were  con- 
verted into  hospitals;  and  the  Gospel  car- 
ried into  the  poorest  villages;  and  in  the  year 
following,  Albert  married  Dorothy,  daughter 
of  the  king  of  Denmark,  whose  faith  in  the 
one  Saviour  was  unshaken. 

The  Pope  called  upon  the  Emperor  to  take 
measures  against  the  "apostate"  rnonk  ; — 
and  Charles  placed  Albert  under  interdict. 

Another  prince  of  the  house  of  Branden- 
burg, the  Cardinal-Archbishop  of  Mentz,  was 
just  then  on  the  point  of  following  his  rela- 
tion's example.  The  revolt  of  the  peasants 
was  especially  menacing  in  its  aspect  toward 
the  ecclesiastical  principalities ;  the  Elector, 
Luther,  and  all  Germany  thought  a  great  re- 
volution was  at  hand.  The  Archbishop  see- 
ing no  better  way  to  preserve  his  principality 
than  to  render  it  secular,  privately  requested 
Luther  to  sound  the  minds  of  the  people  pre- 
paratory to  so  decided  a  step,194— which  Luther 
accordingly  did,  in  a  letter  written  with  a 
view  to  its  being  made  public,  wherein  he 
said  that  the  hand  of  God  was  heavy  on  the 
clergy,  and  that  nothing  could  save  them.195 
However  the  War  of  the  peasants  having 
been  brought  to  an  earlier  termination  than 
had  been  looked  for :  the  Cardinal  retained 
possession  of  his  temporalities — his  uneasi- 
ness subsided,  and  all  thoughts  of  secularizing 
his  position  were  dismissed  ! 

Whilst  John  of  Saxony,  Philip  of  Hesse, 
and  Albert  of  Prussia,  were  openly  taking 
part  with  the  Reformation,  and  thus,  in  place 
of  the  cautious  Frederic,  three  princes  of  bold 
and  decided  character  were  standing  forward 
in  its  support,  the  blessed  word  was  working 
its  way  in  the  Church,  and  among  the  nations. 
Luther  besought  the  Elector  to  establish  gene- 
rally the  preaching  of  the  Gospel  in  place  of 
the  ministrations  of  Romish  priests,  and  to 
direct  a  general  visitation  of  the  churches.1'6 
About  the  same  time  at  Wittemberg  they  be- 
gan to  exercise  the  episcopal  function,  and 
ordain  ministers ;  "  Let  not  the  Pope,  the 
bishops,  or  the  monks,  exclaim  against  us," 
said  Melancthon,  "  we  are  the  Church  ; — he 
who  separates  from  us  separates  himself  from 
the  Church.  There  is  no  other  Church — save 
the  assembly  of  those  who  have  the  word  of 
God,  and  who  are  purified  by  it."197 

All  this  could  not  be  said  and  done  without 
2F 


332 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


occasioning  a  strong  reaction.  Rome  had 
thought  the  Reformation  extinguished  in  the 
blood  of  the  rebel  peasants — but  in  all  quar- 
ters its  flame  was  rising  more  bright  and  pow- 
erful than  ever.  She  decided  on  making  one 
more  effort.  The  Pope  and  the  Emperor 
wrote  menacing  letters,  the  former  from  Rome, 
the  latter  from  Spain.  The  Imperial  govern- 
ment took  measures  for  restoring  the  ancient 
order  of  things,  and  preparations  were  made 
for  finally  crushing  the  Reformation  at  the  ap- 
proaching Diet. 

The  Electoral  Prince  of  Saxony,  and  the 
Landgrave,  in  some  alarm,  met  on  the  7th  of 
November,  in  the  castle  of  Friedewalt,  and 
came  to  an  agreement  that  their  deputies  at 
the  Diet  should  act  in  concert.  Thus  in  the 
forest  of  Sullingen  arose  the  earliest  elements 
of  an  evangelical  association  in  opposition  to 
the  leagues  of  Ratisbon  and  Dessau. 

The  Diet  opened  on  the  llth  of  December, 
at  Augsburg.  The  princes  favourable  to  the 
Gospel  were  not  present,  but  the  deputies 
from  Saxony  and  Hesse  spoke  out  .fearlessly  : 
"  The  rising  of  the  peasants,"  said  they, 
"  was  the  effect  of  impolitic  and  harsh  usage. 
God's  truth  is  not  to  be  torn  from  the  heart  by 
fire  and  sword  :  if  you  are  bent  on  resorting 
to  violence  against  the  reformed  opinions,  you 
•will  bring  down  upon  us  calamities  more  ter- 
rible than  those  from  which  we  have  but  just 
escaped." 

It  was  felt  that  the  resolution  of  the  Diet 
must  be  most  important  in  its  results.  Every 
one  desired,  by  postponing  the  decisive  mo- 
ment, to  gain  time  to  strengthen  his  own 
position.  It  was  accordingly  resolved,  that 
the  Diet  should  reassemble  at  Spires  in  the 
month  of  May  following ;  and  in  the  mean 
•while  the  rescript  of  Nuremberg  was  to  con- 
tinue in  force.  "  When  the  Diet  meet  again," 
said  they,  "we  will  go  fully  into  the  ques- 
tions of  '  the  holy  faith, — public  rights, — and 
fhe  general  peace.'  " 

The  Landgrave  pursued  his  plan.  Toward 
the  end  of  February,  1526,  he  had  a  confer- 
ence with  the  Elector  at  Gotha.  The  two 
princes  came  to  an  understanding,  that  if  at- 
tacked on  account  of  the  word  of  God,  they 
•would  unite  their  forces  to  resist  their  adver- 
saries. This  alliance  was  formally  ratified  at 
Torgau,  and  was  destined  to  be  fruitful  in 
important  consequences. 

However,  the  alliance  he  had  concluded 
was  of  itself  not  enough  to  satisfy  the  Land- 
grave. Convinced  that  Charles  was  at  work 
to  compact  a  league  "against  Christ  and  his 
holy  word,"  he  addressed  letter  after  letter  to 
the  Elector,  urging  upon  him  the  necessity  of 
uniting  with  other  states:  "For  myself," 
said  he,  "  rather  would  I  die  than  deny  the 
word  of  God,  and  allow  myself  to  be  driven 
from  my  throne."188 

At  the  Elector's  court  much  uncertainty 
prevailed.  In  fact,  a  serious  difficulty  stood 
in  the  way  of  union  between  the  princes  fa- 
vourable to  the  Gospel;  and  this  difficulty 
originated  with  Luther  and  Melancthon.  Lu- 
ther insisted  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel 


should  be  defended  by  God  alone.  Ho 
thought  that  the  less  man  meddled  in  the 
work,  the  more  striking  would  be  God's  inter- 
vention in  its  behalf.  All  the  politic  precau- 
tions suggested  were  in  his  view  attributable 
to  unworthy  fear  and  sinful  mistrust.  Me- 
lancthon dreaded  lest  an  alliance  between  the 
evangelical  princes  should  hasten  that  very 
struggle  which  it  was  their  object  to  avert. 

The  Landgrave  was  not  to  be  deterred  by 
such  considerations,  and  laboured  to  gain 
over  the  neighbouring  states  to  the  alliance, 
but  he  failed  in  his  endeavours.  The  Elec- 
tor of  Treves  abandoned  the  ranks  of  the  op- 
position, and  accepted  a  pension  from  the 
Emperor.  Even  the  Elector  Palatine,  whose 
disposition  was  known  to  be  favourable  to  the 
Gospel,  declined  Philip's  advances. 

Thus,  in  the  direction  of  the  Rhine,  the 
Landgrave  had  completely  failed;  but  the 
Elector,  in  opposition  to  the  advice  of  the 
reformed  divines,  opened  negotiations  with 
the  princes  who  had  in  all  times  gathered 
round  the  standard  of  the  powerful  chief  of 
Saxony.  On  the  l'2th  day  of  June,  the 
Elector  and  his  son,  the  Dukes  Philip,  Ernest, 
Otho,  and  Francis  of  Brunswick  and  Lunen- 
burg,  Duke  Henry  of  Mecklenburg,  Prince 
Wolf  of  Anhalt,  Counts  Albert  and  Gebhard 
of  Mansfeld,  assembled  at  Magdeburg,  and 
there,  under  the  presidence  of  the  Elector, 
they  contracted  an  alliance  similar  to  that  of 
Torgau. 

"Almighty  God,"  said  the  princes,  "hav- 
ing in  his  unspeakable  mercy  again  brought 
forward  among  men  his  holy  and  eternal 
word,  the  food  of  our  souls,  and  our  richest 
treasure  on  this  earth, — and  great  efforts 
being  made  by  the  clergy  and  their  adherents 
to  suppress  and  extirpate  it, — we,  being 
well  assured  that  He  who  has  sent  it  forth  to 
glorify  his  name  upon  earth,  will  know  how 
to  maintain  it,  mutually  engage  to  preserve 
that  blessed  word  to  our  people,  and  to  em- 
ploy for  this  end  our  goods  and  our  lives,  the 
resources  of  our  states  and  the  arms  of  our 
subjects,  and  all  that  we  have,  putting  our 
trust  not  in  our  armies,  but  solely  in  the 
almighty  power  of  the  Lord,  of  whom  we 
desire  to  be  but  the  instruments."1"  So  spoke 
the  princes. 

Two  days  after,  the  city  of  Magdeburg 
was  received  into  the  alliance,  and  Albert  of 
Brandenburg,  the  new  Duke  of  Prussia, 
acceded  to  it  by  a  separate  convention. 

The  Evangelic  Union  was  formed ;  but  the 
dangers  it  was  destined  to  ward  off  seemed 
every  day  to  become  more  threatening.  The 
priests,  and  such  of  the  princes  as  adhered  to 
the  Romish  party,  had  seen  the  Reformation, 
which  they  had  thought  stifled,  suddenly 
growing  up  before  them  to  a  formidable 
height.  Already  the  partisans  of  the  Re- 
formation were  nearly  as  numerous  as  those 
of  the  Pope.  If  they  should  form  a  majority 
in  the  Diet,  the  consequences  to  the  ecclesi- 
astical states  might  be  imagined.  Now  or 
never!  It  was  no  longer  a  heresy  to  be 
refuted,  but  a  powerful  party  to  be  withstood. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


333 


Victories  of  a  different  kind  from  those  of 
Eck  were  needed  on  this  occasion. 

Vigorous  measures  had  been  already  taken. 
The  metropolitan  chapter  of  the  church  of  | 
Mentz  had  convoked  an  assembly  of  its  suf- 
fragans, and  adopted  the  resolution  to  send  a 
deputation  to  the  Emperor  and  the  Pope,  en- 
treating them  to  interpose  for  the  deliverance 
of  the  Church. 

At  the  same  time,  Duke  George  of  Saxony, 
Duke  Henry  of  Brunswick,  and  the  Cardinal- 
Elector  Albert,  had  met  at  Halle,  and  ad- 
dressed a  memorial  to  Charles.  "The 
detestable  doctrine  of  Luther,"  said  they, 
"is  making  extensive  progress;  every  day 
attempts  are  made  to  seduce  ourselves,  and, 
failing  to  persuade  us,  they  seek  to  compel 
us  by  exciting  our  subjects  to  revolt.  We 
implore  the  Emperor's  intervention."200Onthe 
breaking  up  of  this  conference,  Brunswick 
himself  set  out  for  Spain  to  induce  Charles 
to  take  the  decisive  step. 

He  could  not  have  arrived  at  a  more  favour- 
able juncture:  the  Emperor  had  just  con- 
cluded with  France  the  famous  peace  of 
Madrid.  He  seemed  to  have  nothing  left  to 
apprehend  from  that  quarter,  and  his  un- 
divided attention  was  now  directed  to  the 
affairs  of  Germany.  Francis  the  First  had 
offered  to  defray  half  the  expenses  of  a  war 
either  against  the  heretics  or  against  the 
Turks ! 

The  Emperor  was  at  Seville ; — he  was  on 
the  eve  of  marriage  with  a  princess  of  Portu- 
gal, and  the  banks  of  the  Guadalquiver  re- 
sounded with  joyous  festivity.  A  dazzling 
train  of  nobles  and  vast  crowds  of  people 
thronged  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Moors. 
The  pomp  and  ceremonies  of  the  Church 
were  displayed  under  the  roofs  of  its  noble 
cathedral.  A  Legate  from  the  Pope  offici- 
ated ;  and  never  before,  even  under  Arabian 
rule,  had  Andalusia  witnessed  a  spectacle  of 
more  magnificence  and  solemnity. 

Just  at  that  time,  Henry  of  Brunswick 
arrived  from  Germany,  and  solicited  Charles 
to  save  the  Church  and  the  Empire  from  the 
attacks  of  the  monk  of  Wittemberg.  His 
request  was  immediately  taken  into  consi- 
deration, and  the  Emperor  resolved  on  vigor- 
ous measures. 

On  the  23d  of  March,  1526,  he  addressed 
letters  to  several  of  the  princes  and  free  cities 
that  still  adhered  to  Rome.  He  also  specially 
commissioned  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  to 
communicate  to  them  that  he  had  learned 
with  grief  that  the  continued  progress  of  Lu- 
ther's heresy  threatened  to  fill  Germany  with 
sacrilege,  havoc,  and  bloodshed;  and  at  the 
same  time,  to  express  the  great  pleasure  he 
felt  in  the  fidelity  of  the  majority  of  the 
States,  and  to  acquaint  them  that,  laying 
aside  all  other  business,  he  was  about  to 


leave  Spain  and  repair  to  Rome,  to  conceit 
measures  with  the  Pope,  and  from  thence  to 
pass  into  Germany,  and  there  oppose  that 
abominable  Wittemberg  pest;  adding,  that  it 
behoved  them  to  continue  steadfast  in  their 
faith,  and  in  the  event  of  the  Lutherans 
seeking  to  seduce  or  oblige  them  to  a  renun- 
ciation of  it,  to  repel  their  attempts  by  a 
united  and  courageous  resistance :  that  he 
himself  would  shortly  be  among  them  and 
support  them  with  all  his  power.201 

When  Brunswick  returned  into  Germany, 
the  Catholic  party  joyfully  lifted  up  their 
heads.  The  Dukes  of  Brunswick,  Pornerania, 
Albert  of  Mecklenburg,  John  of  Juliers, 
George  of  Saxony,  the  Dukes  of  Bavaria,  and 
ail  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church,  on  reading 
the  menacing  letters  of  the  conqueror  of 
Francis  the  First,  thought  their  triumph  se- 
cure. It  was  decided  they  should  attend  the 
approaching  Diet,  and  humble  the  heretical 
princes ;  and  in  the  event  of  the  latter  resist- 
ing, quell  them  with  the  sword.  "  I  may  be 
Elector  of  Saxony  any  day  I  please  "202  was  an 
expression  ascribed  by  report  to  Duke  George 
— words  to  which  he  afterwards  endeavoured 
to  attach  another  meaning.  "  The  Lutheran 
party  cannot  long  hold  together,"  said  his 
Chancellor  to  the  Duke,  in  a  tone  of  exulta- 
tion ;  "  let  them  mind  what  they  are  about :" 
— and  truly  Luther  was  on  his  guard,  though 
not  in  the  sense  their  words  conveyed.  He 
attentively  observed  the  designs  of  the  op- 
posers  of  God's  word :  he,  like  Melancthon, 
expected  that  thousands  of  swords  would  ere 
long  be  unsheathed  against  the  Gospel.  But 
he  sought  a  strength  far  above  the  strength 
of  men.  Writing  to  Frederic  Myconius,  he 
observed,  "  Satan  is  raging:  ungodly  priests 
take  council  together,  and  we  are  threatened 
with  war.  Exhort  the  people  to  contend 
earnestly  before  the  throne  of  the  Lord,  by 
faith  and  prayer,  that  our  adversaries,  being 
overcome  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  may  be  con- 
strained to  peace.  The  most  urgent  of  our 
wants — the  very  first  thing  we  have  to  do,  is 
to  pray  .-  let  the  people  know  that  they  are  at 
this  hour  exposed  to  the  edge  of  the  sword 
and  the  rage  of  the  devil :  let  them  pray."203 

Thus  every  thing  indicated  a  decisive  con- 
flict. The  Reformation  had  on  its  side  the 
prayers  of  Christians,  the  sympathy  of  the 
people,  and  an  ascendant  in  men's  minds 
that  no  power  could  stay.  The  Papacy  had 
with  it  the  established  order,  the  force  of 
early  habit,  the  zeal  and  hatred  of  powerful 
princes,  and  the  authority  of  an  Emperor 
whose  dominion  extended  over  both  hemi- 
spheres, and  who  had  just  before  deeply 
humbled  the  pride  of  Francis  the  First. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  the 
Diet  of  Spires  was  opened.  Let  us  now  turn 
our  attention  to  Switzerland. 


334 


HISTORY*  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


BOOK  XL 

Spiritual  Slavery — Christian  Liberty — Effect  of  the  Gospel  on  Zwingle — Leo  Judah  at  Zurich — 
The  Challenge — Zwingle  and  Faber — Zwingle  Tempted  by  the  Pope — "  Zwingle's  Passion" — 
Tract  against  Images — Wooden  Idols — The  Unterwalders — Public  Meeting — Hoffman's  Defence 
of  the  Pope — The  Mass — Schmidt  of  Kussnacht — Results  of  the  Conference — Oswald  Myconius  at 
Zurich — Thomas  Plater — The  Swiss  Aroused — Hottinger  arrested — His  Martyrdom — Persecution 
Invoked — Swiss  and  German  Reformations — The  Jewish  and  Pagan  Elements — Zwingle's  and 
Luther's  Tasks — The  Council  and  the  People — Abduction  of  CExlin — Riot  and  Conflagration — 
The  Wirths  arrested— The  Prisoners  Surrendered— A  Spectacle  to  the  World— "  Cruel 
Mockings" — "  Faithful  unto  Death" — Father  and  Son  on  the  Scaffold — Abolition  of  the  Mass — 
The  Lord's  Supper — Brotherly  Love — Zwingle  on  Original  Sin — Attack  upon  Zwingle — The 
Gospel  at  Berne — Heim  and  Haller — Ordinance  of  the  Government — St.  Michael's  Nunnery — 
The  Convent  of  Konigsfield — Margaret  Watteville's  Letter — Liberation  of  the  Nuns — Pretended 
Letter  of  Zwingle — Clara  May  and  Nicolas  Watteville — The  Seat  of  Learning — CEcolampadiua 
— Flight  from  the  Convent — CEcolampadius  at  Basle — Jealousy  of  Erasmus — Hiitten  and 
Erasmus — Death  of  Hiitten — Vacillation  and  Decision — Erasmus's  Quatrain — Luther's  Letter  to 
Erasmus — Motives  of  Erasmus  in  Opposing  the  ReformatioivLamentations  of  Erasmus — Argu- 
ments for  Free  Will — Premature  Exultation — A  Test — God's  Working — Jansenism — The 
Bible  and  Philosophy— The  Three  Days'  Battle— Character  of  False  Systems— Conrad  Grebel 
Extravagances — "  The  Little  Jerusalerii" — The  Anabaptist  Feast — Horrible  Tragedy — Discussion 
on  Baptism — Opinions  not  Punishable — Popish  Immobility — Zwingle  and  Luther  — Zwingle  on 
the  Lord's  Supper — Consubstantiation — Luther's  Great  Principle — Carlstadt's  Writings  pro- 
hibited— Zwingle's  Commentary — The  Suabian  Syngramma — Need  of  Union  in  Adversity — 
Struggles  of  the  Reformation— Tumult  in  the  Tockenburg— Meeting  at  Ilantz— Commander's 
Defence— Doctrine  of  the  Sacrament — Proposed  Public  Discussion — Decision  of  theDiet — Zwingle 
in  Danger — The  Disputants  at  Baden — Contrast  of  theParties — Eck  and  CEcolampadius — Zwin- 
gle's Share  in  the  Contest — Murner  of  Lucerne — Haller  and  the  Council  of  Berne — Reformation 
in  St.  Gall— Conrad  Pelican— The  Mountaineers— Alliance  with  Austria— Farel  appears. 


WE  are  about  to  contemplate  the  diversi- 
ties, or,  as  they  have  been  since  called,  varia- 
tions of  the  Reformation.  These  diversities 
are  among  its  most  essential  characters. 

Unity  in  diversity,  and  diversity  in  unity — 
is  a  law  of  Nature,  and  also  of  the  Church. 

Truth  may  be  compared  to  the  light  of  the 
Sun.  The  light  comes  from  heaven  colour- 
less, and  ever  the  same;  and  yet  it  takes  dif- 
ferent hues  on  earth,  varying  according  to  the 
objects  on  which  it  falls.  Thus  different  for- 
mularies may  sometimes  express  the  same 
Christian  Truth,  viewed  under  different  as- 
pects. 

How  dull  would  be  this  visible  creation,  if 
all  its  boundless  variety  of  shape  and  colour 
•were  to  give  place  to  an  unbroken  uniformity  ! 
And  may  we  not  add  how  melancholy  would 
be  its  aspect,  if  all  created  beings  did  but  com- 
pose a  solitary  and  vast  Unity  I 

The  unity  which  comes  from  Heaven 
doubtless  has  its  place, — but  the  diversity  of 
human  nature  has  its  proper  place  also.  In  re- 
ligion we  must  neither  leave  out  God  nor  man. 
Without  unity  your  religion  cannot  be  of  God, 
— without  diversity,  it  cannot  be  the  religion 
of  man.  And  it  ought  to  be  of  both.  Would 
you  banish  from  creation  a  law  that  its  Di- 
vine Author  has  imposed  upon  it,  namely, — 
that  of  boundless  diversity  1  "  Things  with- 
out life  giving  sound,"  said  Paul,  "  whether 
pipe  or  harp,  except  they  give  a  distinction  in 
the  sounds,  how  shall  it  be  known  what  is 
piped  or  harped  1"  ( 1  Cor.  xiv.  7.)  But,  if  in 
religion  there  is  a  diversity,  the  result  of  dis- 
tinction of  individuality,  and  which,  by  con- 
sequence, must  subsist  even  in  heaven, — 
there  is  a  diversity  which  is  the  fruit  of  man's 


rebellion, — and  this  last  is  indeed  a  serious 
evil. 

There  are  two  opposite  tendencies  which 
may  equally  mislead  us.  The  one  consists 
in  the  exaggeration  of  diversity  > — the  other,  in 
extending  the  unity.  The  great  doctrines  of 
man's  salvation  are  as  a  line  of  demarcation 
between  these  two  errors.  To  require  more 
than  the  reception  of  those  doctrines,  is  to  dis- 
allow the  diversity  : — to  require  any  thing  less, 
is  to  infringe  the  unity. 

This  latter  departure  is  that  of  rash  and 
unruly  minds  looking  beyond,  or  out  of  Jesus 
Christ,  in  the  desire  to  aet  up  systems  and 
doctrines  of  men. 

The  former  appears  in  various  exclusive 
sects  and  is  more  especially  seen  in  that  of 
Rome. 

It  is  the  duty  of  the  Church  to  reject  Error 
from  her  bosom.  If  this  be  neglected,  Chris- 
tianity can  not  be  upheld  ;  but,  pushed  to  an 
extreme,  it  would  follow  that  the  Church 
should  take  proceedings  against  the  smallest 
deviations,  and  intervene  in  mere  disputes 
about  words ;  faith  would  be  silenced,  and 
Christian  feeling  reduced  to  slavery.  Not 
such  was  the  condition  of  the  Church  in  those 
times  of  real  Catholicity, — the  first  ages.  It 
cast  out  the  sects  which  impugned  the  funda- 
mental truths  of  the  Gospel,  but  where  these 
were  received,  it  left  full  liberty  to  faith. 
Rome  soon  departed  from  these  wise  prece- 
dents, and,  in  proportion  as  an  authoritative 
teaching  of  man  established  itself  within  the 
Church,  there  appeared  a  Unity  of  man's  im- 
posing. 

A  system  of  human  appointment  being  once 
devised,  rigour  went  on  increasing  from  age 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


335 


to  age.  Christian  liberty,  respected  by  the 
catholicity  of  the  earliest  ages,  was  first 
limited,  then  chained,  and  finally  stifled. 
Conviction,  which,  by  the  laws  of  our  nature, 
as  well  as  of  God's  word,  should  be  freely 
formed  in  the  heart  and  understanding,  was 
imposed  by  external  authority,  ready  framed 
and  squared  by  the  masters  of  mankind. 
Thought,  will,  and  feeling,  all  those  faculties 
of  our  nature,  which,  once  subjected  to  the 
Word  and  Spirit  of  God,  should  be  left  free 
in  their  working,  were  hindered  of  their  proper 
liberty,  and  compelled  to  find  vent  in  forms 
that  had  been  previously  settled.  The  mind 
of  man  became  a  sort  of  mirror  wherein  im- 
pressions to  which  it  was  a  stranger  were 
reproduced,  but  which,  of  itself,  presented 
nothing!  Doubtless  there  were  those  who 
were  taught  of  God, — but  the  great  majority 
of  Christians  received  the  convictions  of  other 
men ; — a  personal  faith  was  a  thing  of  rare 
occurrence :  the  Reformation  it  was  that  re- 
stored this  treasure  to  the  Church. 

And  yet  there  was,  for  a  while,  a  space 
within  which  the  human  mind  was  permitted 
to  move  at  large, — certain  opinions,  at  least, 
which  Christians  were  at  liberty  to  receive  or 
reject  at  will.  But,  as  a  besieging  army,  day 
by  day,  contracts  its  lines,  compelling  the  gar- 
rison to  confine  their  movements  within  the 
narrow  enclosure  of  the  fortress,  and,  at  last, 
obliging  it  to  surrender  at  discretion,  just  so, 
the  hierarchy,  from  age  to  age,  and  almost 
from  year  to  year,  has  gone  on  restricting  the 
liberty  allowed  for  a  time  to  the  human  mind, 
until,  at  last,  by  successive  encroachments, 
there  remained  no  liberty  at  all.  That  which 
was  to  be  believed, — loved, — or  done, — was 
regulated  and  decreed  in  the  courts  of  the  Ro- 
man chancery.  The  faithful  were  relieved 
from  the  trouble  of  examining,  reflecting,  and 
combating;  all  they  had  to  do  was  to  repeat 
the  formularies  that  had  been  taught  them  ! 

From  that  period,  whenever,  in  the  bosom 
of  Roman  Catholicism,  a  man  has  appeared 
inheriting  the  Catholicity  of  apostolic  times, 
such  a  one,  feeling  his  inability  to  act  out  the 
life  imparted  to  him,  in  the  bonds  in  which  he 
is  held,  has  been  led  to  burst  those  bonds,  and 
give  to  the  astonished  world  another  example 
of  a  Christian  walking  at  liberty  in  the  ac- 
knowledgment of  no  law  but  the  law  of  God. 
The  Reformation,  in  restoring  liberty  to  the 
Church,  must  therefore  restore  to  it  its  original 
diversity,  and  people  it  with  families  united 
by  the  great  features  of  resemblance  derived 
from  their  common  head,  but  varying  in  se- 
condary features,  and  reminding  us  of  the 
varieties  inherent  in  human  nature.  Perhaps 
it  might  have  been  desirable  that  this  diversity 
should  have  been  allowed  to  subsist  in  the 
Universal  Church  without  leading  to  sectarian 
divisions,  and  yet  we  must  remember  that 
Srcts  are  only  the  expression  of  this  diversity. 
Switzerland,  and  Germany,  which  had  till 
now  developed  themselves  independently, 
came  in  contact  with  each  other  in  the  years 
we  are  about  to  retrace,  and  they  afforded  an 
example  of  that  diversity  of  which  we  have 


spoken,  and  which  was  to  be  one  of  the  char- 
acteristics of  Protestanism.  We  shall  have 
occasion  to  behold  men  perfectly  agreeing  in 
the  great  doctrines  of  the  Faith  yet  differing 
on  certain  secondary  questions.  True  it  is 
that  human  passion  found  an  entrance  into 
these  discussions,  but  while  deploring  such 
minglings  of  evil,  Protestantism,  far  from 
seeking  to  disguise  the  diversity,  publishes 
and  proclaims  it.  Its  path  to  unity  is  indeed 
long  and  difficult,  but  the  unity  it  proposes  is 
real. 

Zwingle  was  advancing  in  the  Christian  life. 
Whilst  the  Gospel  had  to  Luther  brought  de- 
liverance from  the  deep  melancholy  in  which 
he  had  been  plunged  when  in  the  convent  of 
Erfurth,  and  developed  in  him  a  cheerfulness 
which  often  amounted  to  gaiety,  and  of  which, 
from  that  time,  the  Reformer  gave  such  re- 
peated evidence  even  when  exposed  to  the 
greatest  dangers, — Christianity  had  had  quite 
a  contrary  effect  on  the  joyous  child  of  the 
mountains  of  the  Tockenburg.  Reclaiming 
Zwingle  from  his  thoughtless  and  worldly 
career,  it  had  stamped  upon  his  character  a 
seriousness  which  was  not  natural  to  him. 
This  seriousness  was  indeed  most  needed. 
We  have  seen  how,  toward  the  close  of  1522, 
numerous  enemies  appeared  to  rise  against  the 
Reformation.*  From  all  sides  reproaches  were 
heaped  upon  Zwingle,  and  contentions  would 
at  times  take  place  even  in  the  churches. 

Leo  Juda,  who,  to  adopt  the  words  of  an 
historian,1  was  a  man  of  small  stature,  with  a 
heart  full  of  love  for  the  poor,  and  zeal  against 
false  teachers,  had  arrived  in  Zurich  about  the 
end  of  1522,  to  take  the  duty  of  pastor  of  St. 
Peter's  church.  He  had  been  replaced  at 
Einsidlen  by  Oswald  Myconius.2  His  coming 
was  a  valuable  acquisition  to  Zwingle  and  the 
Reformation. 

One  day,  soon  after  his  arrival,  being  at 
church,  he  heard  an  Augustine  monk  preach- 
ing with  great  earnestness  that  man  was  com- 
petent by  his  own  strength  to  satisfy  the 
righteousness  of  God.  "Reverend  father 
Prior,"  exclaimed  Leo,  "listen  to  me  for  an 
instant;  and  you,  my  dear  fellow -citizens, 
keep  your  seats, — I  will  speak  as  becomes  a 
Christian:"  and  he  proceeded  to  show  the 
unscriptural  character  of  the  teaching  he  had 
just  been  listening  to.3  A  great  disturbance 
ensued  in  the  church. — Instantly  several  per- 
sons angrily  attacked  the  "  little  priest"  from 
Einsidlen.  Zwingle,  repairing  to  the  Council, 
presented  himself  before  them,  and  requested 
permission  to  give  an  account  of  his  doctrine, 
n  presence  of  the  bishop's  deputies ; — and  the 
Council  desiring  to  terminate  the  dissensions, 
convoked  a  conference  for  the  29th  of  January . 
The  news  spread  rapidly  throughout  Switzer- 
and.  "  A  vagabond  diet,"  observed  his  mor- 
tified adversaries,  "is  to  be  held  at  Zurich. 
All  the  vagrants  from  the  high-road  will  be 
here." 

Wishing  to  prepare  for  the  struggle,  Zwingle 
put  forth  sixty-seven  theses.  In  them  the 


*  Book  VIII,  to  the  end. 


336 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


mountaineer  of  theTockenburg  boldly  assailed 

the  Pope,  in  the  face  of  all  Switzerland. 
"They,"   said  he,  "who  assert  that  the 

Gospel  is  nothing  until  confirmed  to  us  by  the 

Church,  blaspheme  God." 
"Jesus  Christ  is  the  only  way  of  salvation 

for  all  who  have  been,  are,  or  shall  be." 
"Christians  are  all  the  brethren  of  Christ, 

and  of  one  another ;  and  they  have  no  *  fathers,' 

upon  earth ; — away,  therefore,  with  religious 

orders,  sects,  and  parties." 

"  No  compulsion  should  be  employed  in  the 

case  of   such  as  do  not  acknowledge  their 

error, — unless  by  their  seditious  conduct  they 

disturb  the  peace  of  others." 

Such  were  some  of  the  propositions  put 
forth  by  Zwingle. 

On  the  morning  of  Thursday,  the  29th  Ja- 
nuary, more  than  six  hundred  persons  were 
collected  in  the  hall  of  the  Great  Council,  at 
Zurich.  Many  from  the  neighbouring  cantons, 
as  well  as  Zurichers,  the  learned,  the  higher 
classes,  and  the  clergy,  had  responded  to  the 
call  of  the  Council.  "  What  will  be  the  end 
of  all  this?"  was  the  question  asked.4  None 
ventured  to  answer;  but  the  breathless  atten- 
tion, deep  feeling,  and  agitation,  which  reigned 
in  the  meeting,  sufficiently  showed  that  im- 
portant results  were  looked  for. 

The  burgomaster  Roust,  who  had  fought  in 
the  battle  of  Marignan,  presided  at  the  confer- 
ence. The  knight  James  Anwyl,  grand  master 
of  the  bishop's  court  at  Constance,  Faber  the 
vicar-general,  and  several  doctors  of  divinity, 
attended  on  the  part  of  the  bishop.  Schaff- 
hausen  had  deputed  Doctor  Sebastian  Hof- 
meister;  he  was  the  only  deputy  from  the 
cantons, — so  weak,  as  yet,  was  the  Reforma- 
tion in  Switzerland.  On  a  table  in  the 
centre,  of  the  hall  was  deposited  a  Bible,  and 
seated  before  it  was  Zwingle.  "  I  am  driven 
and  beset  on  all  sides,"  he  had  said,  "  yet  I 
stand  firm,  leaning  on  no  strength  of  my  own, 
but  on  Christ,  the  rock,  by  whose  help  I  can 
do  all  things."5 

Zwingle  stood  up.  "I  have  proclaimed," 
said  he,  "that  salvation  is  to  be  found  in 
Christ  alone;  and  it  is  for  this  that,  through- 
out Switzerland,  I  am  charged  with  being  a 
heretic,  a  seducer,  and  rebellious  man.  Here, 
then,  I  stand  in  God's  name  !"6 

On  this,  all  eyes  were  turned  to  Faber,  who, 
rising  from  his  seat,  thus  replied : — "  I  am  not 
sent  to  dispute, — but  to  report."  The  assem- 
bly in  surprise,  began  to  smile.  "The  Diet 
of  Nuremberg,"  continued  Faber,  "has  pro- 
mised a  Council  within  one  year:  we  must 
wait  for  its  assembling." 

"  What !"  said  Zwingle,  "  is  not  this  large 
and   intelligent  meeting  as  competent  as  a 
Council  ]"  then  turning  to  those  who  presided, 
he  added,—"  Gracious  Lords;  defend  the  word  ' 
of  God." 

A  solemn  silence  ensued  on  this  appeal. 
At  last  it  was  interrupted  by  the  burgomaster. 
"  If  any  one  present  has  anything  to  say," 
said  he,  "  let  him  say  on."  Still  all  were 
silent.  "  I  implore  all  those  who  have  accused 
me, — and  I  know  that  some  are  here  present," 


i  said  Zwingle,  "  to  come  forward  and  rebuke 
I  me  for  the  truth's  sake."  Not  a  word  !  Again 
and  again  Zwingle  repeated  his  request,  but 
to  no  purpose.     Faber,  thus  brought  to  close 
quarters,  lost  sight,  for  an  instant,  of  the  re- 
i  serve  he  had  imposed  on  himself,  and  stated 
I  that  he  had  convicted  of  his  error  the  pastor 
'of  Filispach,  who  was  at  that  time  in  durance; 
I  but,  having  said  this,  he  again  relapsed  into 
silence.     It  was  all  in  vain  that  he  was  urged 
to  bring  forward  the  arguments  by  which  he 
had  convinced  that  pastor;  he  would  give  no 
answer.     This  silence  on  the  part  of  the  Ro- 
mish doctors  mortified  the  impatience  of  the 
assembly.     A  voice  from  the  further  end  of 
the    hall  was  heard    exclaiming, — "Where 
have  they  got    to — those    braggarts,  whose 
voices  are  so  loud  in  our  streets.*     Come 
forward :   there's  the  man  you  want."     On 
jthis  the  burgomaster  observed,  smiling,  "It 
I  seems  that  the  sharp-edged  sword  that  suc- 
ceeded against  the  pastor  of  Filispach  is  fast 
fixed  in  its  scabbard:" — and  he  proceeded  to 
break  up  the  meeting. 

In  the  afternoon,  the  parties  being  again 
assembled,  the  Council  resolved  that  master 
Ulric  Zwingle,  not  being  reproved  by  any  one, 
was  at  liberty  to  continue  to  preach  the  Gos- 
pel ;  and  that  the  rest  of  the  clergy  of  the 
canton  should  be  enjoined  to  advance  nothing 
but  what  they  could  establish  by  the  Scrip- 
tures. 

"Thanks  be  to  God,  who  will  cause  his 
word  to  prevail  in  heaven  and  earth  !"  ex- 
claimed Zwingle.  On  this  Faber  could  not 
suppress  his  indignation.  "The  theses  of 
master  Ulric,"  said  he,  "  are  incompatible 
with  the  honor  due  to  the  Church,  and  opposed 
to  the  doctrine  of  Christ, — and  I  can  prove  it."' 
"Do  so,"  retorted  Zwingle.  But  Faber  de- 
clined, except  it  should  be  in  Paris,  Cologne, 
or  Friburg.  "I  acknowledge  no  authority 
but  that  of  the  Gospel,"  said  Zwingle:  "Be- 
fore you  can  shake  one  word  of  that,  the  earth 
itself  will  open  before  you."7  "  That's  always 
the  cry,"  remarked  Faber;  "the  Gospel, — 
nothing  but  the  Gospel !  Men  might  lead 
holy  lives  in  peace  and  charity  if  there  were 
no  Gospel!"8  At  these  words  the  auditors 
indignantly  rose  from  their  seats,  and  the 
meeting  finally  broke  up. 

The  Reformation  was  gaining  ground.  It 
was  at  this  period  called  to  new  conquests. 
After  the  skirmish  at  Zurich,  in  which  the 
ablest  champions  of  the  Papacy  had  kept 
silence,  who  would  be  so  bold  as  to  oppose 
the  new  doctrines?  But  methods  of  another 
kind  were  tried.  The  firmness  of  Zwingle, 
and  the  republican  freedom  of  his  bearing, 
overawed  his  enemies.  Accordingly,  recourse 
was  had  to  suitable  methods  for  subduing  him. 
Whilst  Rome  was  pursuing  Luther  with 
anathemas,  she  laboured  to  win  the  Reformer 
of  Zurich  by  persuasions.  Scarcely  was  the 
conference  closed  over,  when  Zwingle  was 
surprised  by  a  visit  from  the  captain  of  the 


*  t.  e. — the  monks.     Wo  sind  num  die  grossen 
Hansen  ....  (Zw.  Opp.  i.  p.  124.) 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


337 


Pope's  guards — the  son  of  the  burgomaster 
Roust,  accompanied  by  Einsius  the  legate, 
who  was  the  bearer  of  a  brief  from  the  Pon- 
tiff,— in  which  Adrian  addressed  Zwingle  as 
his  "  well-beloved  son,"  and  assured  him  of 
his  special  favour.  At  the  same  time  the  Pope 
net  others  upon  urging  Zink  to  influence 
Zwingle.9  "And  what,"  enquired  Oswald 
Myconius,  "does  the  Pope  authorise  you  to 
offer  him  ?"  "  Every  thing  short  of  the  Pon- 
tiff's chair,"  answered  Zink,  earnestly.10 

There  was  nothing,  whether  mitre,  crozier, 
or  cardinal's  hat,  which  the  Pope  would  not 
have  given  to  buy  over  the  Reformer  of  Zu- 
rich. But  Rome  altogether  mistook  her  man 
— and  vain  were  all  her  advances.  In  Zwin- 
gle, the  Church  of  Rome  had  a  foe  even  more 
determined  than  Luther.  He  had  less  regard 
for  the  long  established  notions  and  the  cere- 
monies of  former  ages — it  was  enough  to 
draw  down  his  hostility  that  a  custom,  inno- 
cent in  itself  had  been  connected  with  some 
existing  abuses.  In  his  judgment  the  word 
of  God  alone  was  to  be  exalted. 

But  if  Rome  had  so  little  understanding  of 
the  events  then  in  progress  in  Christendom 
she  wanted  not  for  counsellors  to  give  her  the 
needful  information. 

Faber,  irritated  at  the  Pope's  thus  hum- 
bling himself  Defore  hie  adversary — lost  no 
time  in  advising  him.  A  courtier,  dressed  in 
smiles,  with  honied  words  upon  his  tonguev 
those  who  listened  to  him  might  have  thought 
him  friendly  toward  all,  and  even  to  those 
whom  he  charged  with  heresy, — but  his  ha- 
tred was  mortal.  Luther,  playing  on  his 
name  (Faber,)  was  accustomed  to  say — "  The 
vicar  of  Constance  is  a  blacksmith  ....  of 
lies.  Let  him  take  up  arms  like  a  man,  and 
see  how  Christ  defends  us."11 

These  words  were  no  uncalled  for  bravado 
— for  all  the  while  that  the  Pope  in  his  com- 
munications with  Zwingle  was  complimenting 
him  on  his  distinguished  virtues,  and  the  spe^ 
cial  confidence  he  reposed  in  him,  the  Reform- 
er's enemies  were  multiplying  throughout 
Switzerland.  The  veteran  soldiers,  the  higher ' 
families,  and  the  herdsmen  of  the  mountains, 
were  combined  in  aversion  to  a  doctrine  which 
ran  counter  to  all  their  inclinations.  At  Lu- 
cerne, public  notice  was  given  of  the  perform- 
ance of  Zwingle's  passion;  and  the  people 
dragged  about  an  effigy  of  the  Reformer,  shout- 
ing that  they  were  going  to  put  the  heretic  to 
death ;  and  laying  violent  hands  on  some 
Zurichers  who  were  then  at  Lucerne,  com- 
pelled them  to  be  spectators  of  this  mock  exe- 
cution. "They  shall  not  disturb  my  peace," 
observed  Zwingle;  "Christ  will  never  fail 
those  who  are  his."  Even  in  the  Diet  threats 
against  him  were  heard.12  "  Beloved  Confed- 
erates," said  the  Councillor  of  Mullinen,  ad- 
dressing the  cantons,  "make  a  stand  against 
Lutheranism  while  there  is  yet  time.  At1 
Zurich  no  man  is  master  in  his  own  house." 

This  agitation  in  the  enemies'  ranks  pro- 
claimed, more  loudly  than  any  thing  else 
eould  have  done,  what  was  passing  in  Zurich. 
In  truth  victory  was  already  bearing  fruits, 


the  victorious  party  were  gradually  taking 
possession  of  the  country ;  and  every  day  the 
Gospel  made  some  new  progress.  Twenty- 
four  canons,  and  a  considerable  number  of 
the  chaplains  came  of  their  own  accord  to 
petition  the  Council  for  a  reform  of  their 
statutes.  It  was  decided  to  replace  those 
sluggish  priests  by  men  of  learning  and  piety, 
whose  duty  it  should  be  to  instruct  the  youth 
of  Zurich,  and  to  establish,  instead  of  their 
vespers  and  Latin  masses,  a  daily  exposition 
of  a  chapter  in  the  Bible,  from  the  Hebrew, 
and  Greek  texts,  first  for  the  learned,  and  then 
for  the  people. 

Unhappily  there  are  found  in  every  army 
ungovernable  spirits,  who  leave  their  ranks, 
and  make  onset  too  early,  on  points  which  it 
would  be  better  fora  while  to  leave  unattacked. 
Louis  Ketzer,  a  young  priest,  having  put  forth, 
a  tract  in  German,  entitled  the  Judgment  of 
God  against  Images,  a  great  sensation  was 
produced,  and  a  portion  of  the  people  could 
think  of  nothing  else.  It  is  ever  to  the  injury 
of  essentials  that  the  mind  of  man  is  pre-oc- 
cupied  with  secondary  matters.  Outside  one 
of  the  city  gates,  at  a  place  called  Stadel- 
hofen, was  stationed  a  crucifix  elaborately 
carved,  and  richly  ornamented.  The  more 
ardent  of  the  Reformed,  provoked  at  the  super- 
stitious veneration  still  paid  this  image,  could 
not  suppress  their  indignation  whenever  they 
had  occasion  to  pass  that  way.  A  citizen, 
by  name  Claudius  Hottinger,  "a  man  of 
family,"  says  Bullinger,  "and  well  acquainted 
with  the  Scriptures,"  meeting  the  miller  of 
Stadelhofen,  to  whom  the  crucifix  belonged, 
inquired  when  he  meant  to  take  away  his 
idols.  "  No  one  requires  you  to  worship 
them,"  was  the  miller's  reply.  "  But  do  you 
not  know,"  retorted  Hottinger,  "that  God's 
word  forbids  us  to  have  graven  images?" 
"  Very  well,"  replied  the  miller,  "if  you  are 
empowered  to  remove  them,  I  leave  you  to  do 
so."  Hottinger  thought  himself  authorized 
to  act,  and  he  was  soon  after  seen  to  leave  the 
city,  accompanied  by  a  number  of  the  citizens. 
On  arriving  at  the  crucifix,  they  deliberately 
dug  around  the  image  until,  yielding  to  their 
efforts,  it  came  down  with  a  loud  crash  to  the 
earth. 

This  daring  action  spread  alarm  far  and 
wide.  One  might  have  thought  religion  it- 
self had  been  overturned  with  the  crucifix  of 
Stadelhofen.  "They  are  sacrilegious  distur- 
bers,— they  are  worthy  of  death,"  exclaimed 
the  partisans  of  Rome.  The  council  caused 
the  iconoclasts  to  be  arrested. 

"  No,"  exclaimed  Zwingle,  speaking  from 
his  pulpit,  "  Hottinger  and  his  friends  have 
not  sinned  against  God,  nor  are  they  deserv- 
ing of  death* — but  they  may  be'  justly  pun- 
ished for  having  resorted  to  violence  without 
the  sanction  of  the  magistrates."13 

Meanwhile  acts  of  a  similar  kind  were  con- 
tinually recurring.  A  vicar  of  St.  Peter's  one 


Thesaraepnnciplesareseeninihespeeches 


338 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


day  observing  before  the  porch  of  that  church  [rity  of  the  hierarchy  and  its  councils,  he  laid 


a  number  of  poor  persons  ill  clad  and  famished, 
remarked  to  one  of  his  colleagues,  as  he 
glanced  at  the  images  of  the  saints  decked  in 
costly  attire — "I  should  like  to  strip  those 
wooden  idols  and  clothe  those  poor  members 
of  Jesus  Christ."  A  few  days  after,  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  saints  and  their 
fine  trappings  were  missing.  The  Council 
sent  the  vicar  to  prison,  although  he  protested 
that  he  had  no  hand  in  removing  them.  "Is 
it  these  blocks  of  wood,"  exclaimed  the  peo- 
ple, "that  Jesus  enjoined  us  to  clothe?  Is  it 
of  such  images  as  these  that  he  will  say  to  the 
righteous — *  I  was  naked,  and  ye  clothed  Me  ?' " 
.  .  .  Thus  the  Reformation,  when  resisted, 
rose  to  a  greater  height;  and  the  more  it  was 
compressed,  with  the  more  force  did  it  break 
forth  and  threaten  to  carry  all  before  it. 

These  excesses  conduced  to  some  beneficial 
results.  Another  struggle  was  needed  to  issue 
in  further  progress — for  in  spiritual  things  as 
in  the  affairs  of  earthly  kingdoms,  there  can 
be  no  conquest  without  a  struggle — and  since 
the  adherents  of  Rome  were  inert,  events  were 
so  ordered  that  the  conflict  was  begun  by  the 
irregular  soldiery  of  the  Reformation.  In  fact, 
the  magistrates  were  perplexed  and  unde- 
cided :  they  felt  the  need  of  more  light  in  the 
matter;  and  for  this  end  they  resolved  on  ap- 
pointing a  second  public  meeting,  to  discuss 
in  German,  and  on  grounds  of  Scripture,  the 
question  as  to  images. 

The  bishops  of  Coira,  Constance,  and  Bale, 
the  university  of  the  latter  city,  and  the  twelve 
cantons,  were  accordingly  requested  to  send 
deputies  to  Zurich.  But  the  bishops  declined 
compliance,  recollecting  the  little  credit  their 
deputies  had  brought  them  on  occasion  of  the 
first  meeting,  and  having  no  wish  for  a  repe- 
tition of  so  humiliating  a  scene.  Let  the 
Gospel  party  discuss  if  they  will — but  let  it 
be  among  themselves.  On  the  former  occa- 
sion, silence  had  been  their  policy — on  this 
they  will  not  even  add  importance  to  the 
meeting  by  their  presence.  Rome  thought 
perhaps  that  the  combat  would  pass  over  for 
want  of  combatants.  The  bishops  were  not 
alone  in  refusing  to  attend.  The  men  of  Un- 
tervvald  returned  for  answer  that  they  had  no 
philosophers  among  them — but  kind  and  pious 
priests  alone — who  would  persevere  in  ex- 
plaining the  Gospel  as  their  fathers  had  done; 
that  they  accordingly  must  decline  sending  a 
deputy  to  Zwingle  and  the  like  of  him;  but 
that  only  let  him  fall  into  their  hands,  and 
they  would  handle  him  after  a  fashion  to  cure 
him  of  his  inclination  for  such  irregularities. 
The  only  cantons  that  sent  representatives 
were  SchafThausen  and  Saint  Gall.14 

On  Monday,  the  26th  of  October,  more  than 
nine  hundred  persons — among  whom  were  the 
members  of  the  Grand  Council — and  no  less 
than  three  hundred  and  fifty  priests,  were 
assembled  after  sermon  in  the  large  room  of 
the  Town  Hall.  Zwingle  and  Leo  Juda  were 
seated  at  a  table  on  which  lay  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments  in  the  originals.  Zwingle 
spoke  first,  and  soon  disposing  of  the  autho- 


down  the  rights  of  every  Christian  church, 
and  claimed  the  liberty  of  the  first  ages,  when 
the  church  had  as  yet  no  council  either 
ecumenical  or  provincial.  "  The  Universal 
Church,"  said  he,  "  is  diffused  throughout  the 
world,  wherever  faith  in  Jesus  Christ  has 
spread :  in  India  as  well  as  in  Zurich  .  .  . 
And  as  to  particular  churches,  we  have  them 
at  Berne,  at  SchafThausen,  and  even  here. 
But  the  Popes,  with  their  cardinals  and  coun- 
cils, are  neither  the  Universal  Church  nor  a 
particular  Church.15  This  assembly  which, 
hears  me,"  exclaimed  he,  with  energy,  "  is 
the  church  of  Zurich — it  desires  to  hear  the 
word  of  God,  and  can  rightfully  decree  what- 
ever it  shall  see  to  be"  conformable  to  the 
Scriptures." 

Here  we  see  Zwingle  relying  on  the 
Church — but  on  the  true  Church, — not  on 
the  clergy,  but  on  the  assembly  of  believers. 
He  applied  to  particular  churches  all  those 
passages  of  Scripture  that  speak  of  the 
Church  Catholic.  He  could  not  allow  that 
a  church  that  listened  with  docility  to  God's 
word  could  fall  into  error.  The  Church  was, 
in  his  judgment,  represented  both  politically 
and  ecclesiastically  by  the  Great  Council.16 
He  began  by  explaining  each  subject  from 
the  pulpit;  and  when  the  minds  of  his  hear- 
ers were  convinced,  he  proposed  the  different 
questions  to  the  Council,  who,  in  conformity 
with  the  ministers  of  the  Church,  recorded 
such  decisions  as  they  called  for.17 

In  the  absence  of  the  bishop's  deputies^ 
Conrad  Hoffman,  an  aged  canon,  undertook 
to  defend  the  Pope.  He  maintained  that 
the  Church,  the  flock,  the  "  third  estate," 
was  not  authorized  to  discuss  such  matters. 
"  I  resided,"  said  he,  "  for  no  less  than 
twelve  years  at  Heidelberg  in  the  house  of  a 
man  of  extensive  learning,  named  Doctor 
Joss — a  kind  and  pious  man — with  whom  I 
boarded  and  lived  quietly  for  a  long  time,  but 
then  he  always  said  that  it  was  not  proper 
to  make  such  matters  a  subject  of  discussion ; 
you  see,  therefore !"  .  .  On  this  every  one 
began  to  laugh.  "  Thus,"  continued  'Hoff- 
man, "let  us  wait  for  a  Council — at  present 
I  shall  decline  taking  part  in  any  discussion 
whatever,  but  shall  act  according  to  the 
bishop's  orders,  even  though  he  himself  were 
a  knave !" 

'Wait  for  a  Council!"  interrupted  Zwin- 
gle, "and  who,  think  you,  will  attend  a 
Council"? — the  Pope  and  some  sleepy  and 
ill-taught  bishops,  who  will  do  nothing  but 
what  pleases  them.  No,  that  is  not  the 
Church  :  Hong  and  Kussnacht  (two  villages 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Zurich,)  are  more 
of  a  Church  than  all  the  bishops  and  popes 
put  together." 

Thus  did  Zwingle  assert  the  rights  of 
Christians  in  general,  whom  Rome  had  stript 
of  their  inheritance.  The  assembly  he  ad- 
dressed was  in  his  view  not  so  much  the 
church  of  Zurich  as  its  earliest  representa- 
tive. Here  we  see  the  beginnings  of  the 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


339 


Presbyterian  system.  Zwingle  was  engaged 
in  delivering  Zurich  from  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  bishops  of  Constance — he  was  likewise 
detaching  it  from  the  hierarchy  of  Rome  ; 
and  on  this  thought  of  the  flock,  and  the  as- 
sembly of  believers,  he  was  laying  the  foun- 
dations of  a  new  church  order,  to  which  other 
countries  would  afterwards  adhere. 

The  discussion  was  continued.  Several 
priests  having  defended  the  use  of  images, 
without  deriving  their  arguments  from  Scrip- 
ture, Zwingle,  and  the  rest  of  the  Reformers, 
refuted  them  by  passages  from  the  Bible. 
"  If,"  said  one  of  the  presidents,  "no  one 
defends  the  images  by  the  Scriptures,  we 
shall  call  upon  some  of  their  advocates  by 
name."  No  one  coming  forward,  the  curate 
of  Wadischwyl  was  called.  "  He  is  asleep," 
exclaimed  one  of  the  crowd.  The  curate  of 
Horgen  was  next  called.  "  He  has  sent  me 
in  his  stead,"  said  his  vicar,  "but  I  cannot 
answer  for  him."  It  was  plain  that  the 
power  of  the  word  of  God  was  felt  in  the  as- 
sembly. The  partisans  of  the  Reformation 
were  buoyant  with  liberty  and  joy;  their  ad- 
versaries, on  the  contrary,  were  silent,  un- 
easy, and  depressed.  The  curates  of  Laufen, 
Glattfelden,  and  Wetzikon,  the  rector  and 
curate  of  Pfaffikon,  the  dean  of  Elgg,  the 
curate  of  Baretschwyl,  the  Dominicans  and 
Cordeliers,  known  for  their  preaching  in  de- 
fence of  image  worship  and  the  saints,  were 
one  after  another,  invited  to  stand  forward. 
They  all  made  answer  that  they  had  nothing 
to  say  in  their  defence,  and  that,  in  future, 
they  would  apply  themselves  to  the  study  of 
the  truth.  "Until  to-day,"  said  one,  "I 
have  put  my  faith  in  the  ancient  doctors,  but 
now  1  will  transfer  my  faith  to  the  new." — 
"  It  is  not  us"  interrupted  Zwingle,  "  that 
you  should  believe.  It  is  God's  word.  It  is 
only  the  Scriptures  of  God  that  never  can 
mislead  us."  The  sitting  had  been  pro- 
tracted,— night  was  closing  in.  The  presi- 
dent, Hcffmeisier  of  Schaffhausen,  rose  and 
said:  "Blessed  be  God  the  Almighty  and 
Eternal,  who,  in  all  things,  giveth  us  the 
victory," — and  he  ended  by  exhorting  the 
Town-Council  of  Zurich  to  abolish  the  wor- 
ship of  images. 

On  Tuesday,  the  assembly  again  met, 
Vadian  being  president,  to  discuss  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Mass.  "  My  brethren  in  Christ," 
said  Zwingle,  "  far  from  us  be  the  thought 
that  there  is  any  thing  unreal  in  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ.18  Our  only  aim  is  to 
prove  that  the  Mass  is  not  a  sacrifice  that 
can  be  offered  to  God  by  one  man  for  his 
fellow,  unless  indeed  any  will  be  bold  enough 
to  say  that  a  man  can  eat  and  drink  for  his 
friend." 

Vadian  having  twice  inquired  if  any  of 
those  present  had  any  thing  to  say  in  defence 
of  the  doctrine  impugned,  and  no  one  com- 
ing forward,  the  canons  of  Zurich,  the  chap- 
lains, and  several  ecclesiastics  declared 
themselves  of  Zwingle's  opinion. 

But  scarcely  had  the  Reformers  overcome 
44 


the  partisans  of  the  ancient  doctrines,  when 
they  were  called  to  contend  against  the  im- 
patient spirits  of  men  clamorously  demand- 
ing abrupt  and  violent  changes,  instead  of 
prudent  and  gradual  reformation.  The  un- 
fortunate Conrad  Grebel  rose,  and  said  :  "  It 
is  not  sufficient  that  we  should  talk  about  the 
Mass;  it  is  our  duty  to  do  away  with  the 
abuses  of  it." — "  The  Council,"  answered 
Zwingle,  "will  put  forth  an  edict  on  the 
subject."  On  this,  Simon  Stumpf  exclaimed, 
"The  Spirit  of  God  has  already  decided, — 
why  then  refer  the  matter  to  the  Council's 
decision?"19 

The  commandant  Schmidt,  of  Kussnacht, 
rose  gravely,  and,  in  a  speech  marked  by 
much  wisdom,  said, — "  Let  us  teach  Chris- 
tians to  receive  Christ  into  their  hearts.20 
Until  this  hour  you  have  all  been  led  away 
after  idols.  The  dwellers  in  the  plain  have 
made  pilgrimages  to  the  hills, — those  of  the 
hill  country  have  gone  on  pilgrimage  to  the 
plain;  the  French  have  made  journeys  into 
Germany,  and  the  Germans  into  France. 
You  now  know  whither  you  ought  to  go. 
God  has  lodged  all  things  in  Christ.  Worthy 
Zurichers,  go  to  the  true  source,  and  let 
Jesus  Christ  re-enter  your  territory,  and  re- 
sume his  ancient  authority." 

This  speech  made  a  deep  impression,  and 
no  one  standing  up  to  oppose  it,  Zwingle 
rose  with  emotion,  and  spoke  as  follows  : — 
"  My  gracious  lords,  God  is  with  us, — He 
will  defend  His  own  cause.  Now  then,  in 
the  name  of  our  God,  let  us  go  forward." 
Here  Zwingle's  feelings  overcame  him  ;— he 
wept,  and  many  of  those  near  him  also  shed 
tears. 

Thus  ended  the  conference.  The  presi- 
dent rose; — the  burgomaster  thanked  them, 
and  the  veteran,  turning  to  the  Council,  said 
in  a  grave  tone,  with  that  voice  that  had 
been  so  often  heard  in  the  field  of  batile, — 
"Now  then,  let  us  take  in  hand  the  sword 
of  the  Word  ....  and  may  God  prosper  his 
own  work!" 

This  dispute,  which  took  place  in  the 
month  of  October,  1523,  was  decisive  in  its 
consequences.  The  greater  number  of  the 
priests,  who  were  present  at  it,  returned  full 
of  zeal  to  their  stations  in  different  parts  of 
the  canton;  antf  the  effect  of  those  memora- 
ble days  was  felt  in  every  corner  of  Switzer- 
land. The  church  of  Zurich,  which,  in  its 
connexion  with  the  see  of  Constance,  had 
always  maintained  a  certain  measure  of  in- 
dependence was  now  completely  emanci- 
pated. Instead  of  resting,  through  the  bishop, 
on  the  Pope,  it  rested  henceforth,  through 
the  people,  on  the  Word  of  God.  Zurich 
had  recovered  the  rights  of  which  Rome  had 
deprived  her.  The  city  and  its  rural  terri- 
tory vied  with  each  other  in  zeal  for  the  work 
of  the  Reformation,  and  the  Great  Council 
merely  obeyed  the  impulse  of  the  people  at 
large.  On  every  important  occasion,  the 
city  and  the  villages  signified  the  result  of 
their  separate  deliberations.  Luther  had 


340 


HISTORY  OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


restored  the  Bible  to  the  Christian  comma-]  his  care;  but  by  degrees  he  gathered  courage, 
nity, — Zvvingle   went  further — he  restored  and  it  was  not  long  before  he  distinguished 


their  rights.  This  is  a  characteristic  feature 
of  the  Reformation  in  Switzerland.  The 
maintenance  of  sound  doctrine  was  entrusted, 
under  God,  to  the  people ;  and  recent  events 
have  shown  that  the  people  can  discharge 
that  trust  better  than  priests  or  pontiffs. 

Zwingle  did  not  allow  himself  to  be  elated 
by  victory ;  on  the  contrary,  the  Reforma- 
tion under  his  guidance,  was  carried  on  with 
much  moderation.  "  God  knows  my  heart," 
said  he,  when  the  Council  demanded  his 
opinion,  "  He  knows  that  I  am  inclined  to 
build  up,  and  not  to  cast  down.  There  are 
timid  spirits  whom  it  is  needful  to  treat  ten- 
derly; let  the  mass,  therefore,  for  some  time 
longer,  be  read  on  Sundays  in  the  churches, 
and  let  those  who  celebrate  it  be  carefully 
protected  from  insult."21 

The  Council  issued  a  decree  to  this  effect. 
Hottinger  and  Hochrutiner,  one  of  his 
friends,  were  banished  from  the  canton  for 
two  years,  and  forbidden  to  return  without 
an  express  permission. 

The  Reformation  at  Zurich  proceeded  thus 
in  a  steady  and  Christian  course.  Raising 
the  city  day  by  day  to  a  higher  pitch  of  moral 
elevation,  it  cast  a  glory  round  her  in  the 
eyes  of  all  who  loved  the  word  of  God. 
Throughout  Switzerland,  therefore,  those 
who  welcomed  the  day-spring  which  had 
visited  the  Church,  felt  themselves  power- 
fully attracted  to  Zurich.  Oswald  Myco- 
nius,  after  his  expulsion  from  Lucerne,  had 
spent  six  months  in  the  valley  of  Einsidlen, 
when,  returning  one  day,  wearied  and  over- 
powered by  the  heat  of  the  weather,  from  a 
journey  to  Glaris,  he  was  met  on  the  road 
by  his  young  son,  Felix,  who  had  run  out 
to  bring  him  tidings  of  his  having  been  in- 
vited to  Zurich,  to  take  charge  of  one  of  the 
schools  there.22  Oswald  could  hardly  credit 
the  happy  intelligence,  and  hesitated  for  a 
while  between  hope  and  fear.23  •'*  I  am 
thine,"  was  the  reply  which,  at  length,  he 
addressed  to  Zwingle.  Geroldsek  dismissed 
him  with  regret,  for  gloomy  thoughts  had 
taken  possession  of  his  mind.  "  Ah !"  said 
he,  "all  who  confess  Christ  are  flocking  to 
Zurich  :  I  fear  that  one  day  we  shall  all  pe- 
rish there  together."24  A  melancholy  fore- 
boding, which  was  but  too  fully  realized  when 
Geroldsek,  and  so  many  other  friends  of  the 
Gospel  lost  their  lives  on  the  plain  of  Cappel. 

At  Zurich,  Myconius  had  at  last  found  a 
secure  retreat.  His  predecessor,  nicknamed 
at  Paris,  on  account  of  his  stature,  "  the  tall 
devil,"  had  neglected  his  duty.  Oswald  de- 
voted his  whole  heart  and  his  whole  strength 
to  the  fulfilment  of  his.  He  explained  the 
Greek  and  Latin  classics ;  he  taught  rhetoric 
and  logic ;  and  the  youth  of  the  city  listened 
to  him  with  delight.25  Myconius  was  to  be- 
come, to  the  rising  generation,  all  that  Zwin- 
gle was  already  to  those  of  maturer  years 

At  first  Myconius  felt  some  alarm  at  the 
number  of  full-grown  scholars  committed  to 


among  his  pupils  a  young  man  of  four-and- 
wenty,  whose  intelligent  looks  gave  suffi- 
lient  indication  of  his  love  of  study.  This 
/oung  man,  whose  name  was  Thomas 
Plater,  was  a  native  of  the  Valais.  In  that 
)eautiful  valley,  through  which  the  torrent 
of  the  Viege  rolls  its  tumultuous  waters, 
after  escaping  from  the  sea  of  glaciers  and 
mow  that  encircles  Mount  Rosa, — seated 
Between  St.  Nicholas  and  Standen,  upon  the 
lill  that  rises  on  the  right  of  the  river,  is  still 
to  be  seen  the  village  of  Grachen.  This 
was  Plater's  birth-place.  From  under  the 
shadow  of  those  colossal  Alps  emerged  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  of  all  the  characters 
hat  figured  in  the  great  drama  of  the  six- 
;eenth  century.  At  the  age  of  nine  he  had 
aeen  consigned  to  the  care  of  a  curate,  a 
vinsman  of  his  own, — by  whom  the  little 
rustic  was  often  so  severely  beaten,  that  his 
cries,  he  tells  us  himself,  were  like  those  of 
a  kid  under  the  hands  of  the  butcher.  One 
of  his  cousins  took  him  along  with  him  to 
visit  the  schools  of  Germany.  But  remov- 
ing in  this  way  from  school  to  school,  when 
tie  had  reached  the  age  of  twenty,  he  scarcely 
knew  how  to  read!*  On  his  arrival  at  Zu- 
rich, he  made  it  his  fixed  determination  that 
lie  would  be  ignorant  no  longer,  took  his 
post  at  a  desk  in  one  corner  of  the  school 
over  which  Myconius  presided,  and  said  to 
himself,  "Here  thou  shalt  learn,  or  here 
thou  shalt  die."  The  light  of  the  Gospel 
quickly  found  its  way  to  his  heart.  One 
morning,  when  it  was  very  cold,  and  fuel 
was  wanting  to  heat  the  school-room  stove, 
which  it  was  his  office  to  lend,  he  said  to 
himself,  "  Why  need  I  be  at  a  loss  for  wood, 
when  there  are  so  many  idols  in  the  church  ?" 
The  church  was  then  empty,  though  Zwin- 
gle was  expected  to  preach,  and  the  bells 
were  already  ringing  to  summon  the  congre- 
gation. Plater  entered  with  a  noiseless  step, 
grappled  an  image  of  Saint  John,  which 
stood  over  one  of  the  altars,  carried  it  off, 
and  thrust  it  into  the  stove,  saying,  as  he  did 
so,  4<  Down  with  thee, — for  in  thou  must 
go."  Certainly  neither  Myconius  nor  Zwin- 
gle would  have  applauded  such  an  act. 

It  was  by  other  and  better  means  that  un- 
belief and  superstition  were  to  be  driven  from 
the  field.  Zwingle  and  his  colleagues  had 
stretched  out  the  hand  of  fellowship  to  My- 
conius ;  and  the  latter  now  expounded  the 
New  Testament  in  the  Church  of  the  Virgin, 
to  a  numerous  and  eager  auditory.28  Ano- 
ther public  disputation,  held  on  the  13th  and 
14th  January,  1524,  terminated  in  renewed 
discomfiture  to  the  cause  of  Rome;  and  the 
appeal  of  the  canon  Koch,  who  exclaimed, 
"Popes,  cardinals, bishops,  councils, — these 
are  the  church  for  me!"  awakened  no  sym- 
pathetic response. 

Every  thing  was  moving  forward  at  Zu- 


See  his  Autobiography. 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


341 


rich;  men's  minds  were  becoming  more  en- 
lightened,— their  hearts  more  stedfast.  The 
Reformation  was  gaining  strength.  Zurich 
was  a  fortress  in  which  the  new  doctrine  had 
entrenched  itself,  and  from  within  whose  en- 
closure it  was  ready  to  pour  itself  abroad 
over  the  whole  confederation. 

The  enemies  were  aware  of  this.  They 
felt  that  they  must  no  longer  delay  to  strike 
a  vigorous  blow.  They  had  remained  quiet 
long  enough.  The  strong  men  of  Switzer- 
land, her  iron-sheathed  warriors, — were  up 
at  last,  and  stirring;  and  who  could  doubt, 
when  they  were  once  aroused,  that  the  strug- 
gle must  end  in  blood? 

The  Diet  was  assembled  at  Lucerne.  The 
priests  made  a  strenuous  effort  to  engage 
that  great  council  of  the  nation  in  their 
favour.  Friburg  and  the  Forest  Cantons 
proved  themselves  their  docile  instruments. 
Berne,  Basle,  Soleure,  Glari*,  and  Appen- 
zel,  hung  doubtfully  in  the  balance.  Schaff- 
hausen  was  almost  decided  for  the  Gospel ; 
but  Zurich  alone  assumed  a  determined  atti- 
tude as  its  defender.  The  partisans  of  Rome 
urged  the  assembly  to  yield  to  their  preten- 
sions and  adopt  their  prejudices.  "Let  an 
edict  be  issued,"  said  they,  "enjoining  all 
persons  to  refrain  from  inculcating  or  repeat- 
ing any  new  or  Lutheran  doctrine,  either 
secretly  or  in  public ;  and  from  talking  or 
disputing  on  such  matters  in  taverns,  or 
over  their  wine."27  Such  was  the  new  ec- 
clesiastical law  which  it  was  attempted  to 
establish  throughout  the  confederation. 

Nineteen  articles  to  this  effect  were  drawn 
up  in  due  form, — ratified,  on  the  26th  January, 
1523,  by  all  the  states— Zurich  excepted,  and 
transmitted  to  all  the  bailiffs,  with  injunctions 
that  they  should  be  strictly  enforced, — "  which 
caused,"  says  Bulling-er,  "great  joy  am  on  a- 
the  priests,  and  great  grief  among  the  faithful ." 
A  persecution,  regularly  organized  by  the 
supreme  authority  of  the  confederation,  was 
thus  set  on  foot. 

One  of  the  first  who  received  the  mandate 
of  the  Diet  was  Henry  Flackenstein  of  Lu- 
cerne, the  bailiff  of  Baden.  It  was  to  his 
district  that  Hotting-er  had  retired  when 
banished  from  Zurich,  after  having  overthrown 
the  crucifix  at  Stadelhofen;  and  he  had  here 
given  free  utterance  to  his  sentiments.  One 
day,  when  he  was  dining  at  the  Angel  Tavern, 
at  Zurzach,  he  had  said  that  the  priests  ex- 
pounded Holy  Scriptures  amiss,  and  that  trust 
ought  to  be  reposed  in  none  but  God  alone.28 
The  host,  who  was  frequently  coming  into  the 
room  to  bring  bread  or  wine,  lent  an  attentive 
ear  to  what  seemed  to  him  very  strange  dis- 
course. On  another  occasion,  when  Hottinger 
was  paying  a  visit  to  one  of  his  friends — 
John  Sehulz  of  Schneyssingen, — "Tell  me," 
said  Schutz,  after  they  had  finished  their  re- 
past, "what  is  this  new  religion  that,  the 
priests  of  Zurich  are  preaching?" — "They 
preach,"  replied  Hottinger,  "  that  Christ  has 
offered  himself  up  once  only  for  all  believers, 
and  by  that  one  sacrifice  has  purified  them  and 


redeemed  them  from  all  iniquity;  and  they 
prove  by  Holy  Scripture  that  the  Mass  is  a 
mere  delusion." 

Hottinger  had  afterwards  (in  February, 
1523,)  quitted  Switzerland,  and  repaired  on 
some  occasion  of  business,  to  Waldshut,  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Rhine.  In  the  mean- 
while, measures  had  been  taken  to  secure  his 
person  ;  and  when  the  poor  Zuricher,  suspect- 
ing- no  danger,  recrossed  the  Rhine  about  the 
end  of  February,  he  had  no  sooner  reached 
Coblentz,  a  village  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
river,  than  he  was  arrested.  He  was  con- 
veyed to  Klingenau,  and  as  he  there  fearlessly 
confessed  his  belief,  Flackenstein  said,  in  an 
angry  tone,  "  1  will  take  you  to  a  place  where 
you  shall  meet  with  those  who  will  give  you. 
a  fitting  answer."  Accordingly  the  bailiff 
dragged  his  prisoner  first  before  the  magis- 
trates of  Klingenau,  next  before  the  superior 
tribunal  of  Baden,  and  ultimately,  since  he 
could  not  elsewhere  obtain  a  sentence  of  con- 
demnation against  him,  before  the  diet  assem- 
bled at  Lucerne.  He  was  resolved  that  in 
one  quarter  or  another  he  would  find  judges 
to  pronounce  him  guilty. 

The  Diet  was  prompt  in  its  proceedings, 
and  condemned  Hottinger  to  lose  his  head. 
When  this  sentence  was  communicated  to 
him,  he  gave  glory  to  Jesus  Christ.  "  Enough, 
enough,"  cried  JacobTrogeroneof  the  judges, 
"  we  do  not  sit  here  to  listen  to  sermons — thou 
shall  babble  some  other  time." — "  He  must 
have  his  head  taken  off  for  this  once,"  said 
the  bailiff  Am-Ort,  with  a  laugh,  "but  if  he 
should  recover  it  again,  we  will  all  embrace 
lis  creed," — "  May  God  forgive  those  who 
lave  condemned  me !"  exclaimed  the  prisoner ; 
and  when  a  monk  presented  a  crucifix  to  his 
ips,  "It  is  the  heart,"  said  he,  pushing  it 
away,  "that  must  receive  Jesus  Christ." 

When  he  was  led  forth  to  death,  there 
were  many  among  the  spectators  who  could 
not  restrain  their  tears.  He  turned  towards 
;hem,  and  said,  "  I  am  going  to  everlasting 
lappiness."  On  reaching  the  place  of  execu- 
tion, he  lifted  up  his  eyes  to  heaven,  saying, 

Oh,  my  Redeemer,  into  thy  hands  I  com- 
mend my  spirit !" — and  a  moment  after,  his 
lead  rolled  upon  the  scaffold. 

No  sooner  had  the  blood  of  Hottinger  been 
shed  than  the  enemies  of  the  Reformation 
seized  the  opportunity  of  inflaming  the  anger 
of  the  confederates  to  a  higher  pitch.  It  was 
"n  Zurich  that  the  root  of  the  mischief  must  be 
;rushed.  So  terrible  an  example  as  that 
which  had  now  been  set,  could  not  fail  to  in- 
timidate Zwingle  and  his  followers.  One 
vigorous  effort  more, — and  the  Reformation 
tself  would  share  the  fate  of  Hottinger.  The 
Diet  immediately  resolved  that  a  deputation 
should  be  sent  to  Zurich,  to  call  on  the  coun- 
cils and  the  citizens  to  renounce  their  new 
faith. 

The  deputies  were  admitted  to  an  audience 
on  the  21st  of  March.  "The  ancient  unity 
of  the  Christian  Church  is  broken,"  said 
they;  "the  evil  is  gaining  ground;  the  clergy 


342 


HISTORY   OF   THE  REFORMATION. 


of  the  four  Forest  Cantons  have  already  inti- 
mated to  the  magistrates  that  aid  must  be 
afforded  them,  or  their  functions  mast  cease. 
Confederates  of  Zurich !  join  your  efforts  to 
OUTS;  root  out  this  new  religion;29 dismiss 
Zwingle  and  his  disciples;  and  then  let  us 
all  unite  to  remedy  the  abuses  which  have 
arisen  from  the  encroachments  of  popes  and 
their  courtiers." 

Such  was  the  language  of  the  adversary. 
How  would  the  men  of  Zurich  now  demean 
themselves1?  Would  their  hearts  fail  them? 
Had  their  courage  ebbed  away  with  the  blood 
of  their  fellow-citizens? 

The  men  of  Zurich  left  neither  friends  nor 
enemies  long  in  suspense.  The  reply  of  the 
Council  was  calm  and  dignified.  They 
could  make  no  concessions  in  what  concerned 
the  word  of  God.  And  their  very  next  act 
was  a  reply  more  emphatic  still. 

It  had  been  the  custom  ever  since  the  year 
1351,  that,  on  Whit  Monday,  a  numerous 
company  of  pilgrims,  each  bearing  a  cross, 
should  go  in  procession  to  Einsidlen,  to  wor- 
ship the  Virgin.  This  festival,  instituted  in 
commemoration  of  the  battle  of  Tatwyll,  was 
commonly  attended  with  great  disorders.30  It 
would  fall,  this  year,  on  the  7th  May.  At 
the  instance  of  the  three  pastors,  it  was  now 
abolished,  and  all  the  other  customary  proces- 
sions were  successively  brought  under  due 
regulation. 

Nor  did  the  council  stop  here.  The  relics, 
which  had  given  occasion  to  so  many  supersti- 
tions, were  honourably  interred.31  And  then, 
on  the  further  requisition  of  the  three  pastors, 
an  edict  was  issued,  decreeing  that,  inasmuch 
as  God  alone  ought  to  be  honoured,  the  images 
should  be  removed  from  all  the  churches  of 
the  canton,  and  their  ornaments  applied  to 
the  relief  of  the  poor.  Accordingly,  twelve 
councillors, — one  for  each  tribe,  the  three 
pastors,  and  the  city  architect, — with  some 
smiths,  carpenters,  and  masons,  visited  the 
several  churches  ;  and  having  first  closed  the 
doors,  took  down  the  crosses,  obliterated  the 
paintings,  whitewashed  the  walls,  and  car- 
ried away  the  images,  to  the  great  joy  of  the 
faithful,  who  regarded  this  proceeding,  Bul- 
Hnger  tells  us,  as  a  glorious  act  of  homage  to 
the  true  God.  In  some  of  the  country  parishes, 
the  ornaments  of  the  churches  were  committed 
to  the  flames,  "to  the  honour  and  glory  of 
God."  Soon  after  this,  the  organs  were  sup- 
pressed, on  account  of  their  connection  with 
many  superstitious  observances;  and  a  new 
form  of  baptism  was  established,  from  which 
every  thing  unscriptural  was  carefully  ex- 
cluded.32 

The  triumph  of  the  Reformation  threw  a 
joyful  radiance  over  the  last  hours  of  the 
burgomaster  Roust  and  his  colleague.  They 
had  lived  long  enough  ;  and  they  both  died 
within  a  few  days  after  the  restoration  of  a 
purer  mode  of  worship. 

The  Swiss  Reformation  here  presents  itself 
to  us  under  an  aspect  rather  different  from 
that  assumed  by  the  Reformation  in  Germany. 


Luther  had  severely  rebuked  the  excesses  of 
those  who  broke  down  the  images  in  the 
churches  of  Wittemberg ; — and  here  we  be- 
hold Zwingle,  presiding  in  person  over  the  re- 
moval of  images  from  the  temples  of  Zurich. 
The  difference  is  explained  by  the  different 
light  in  which  the  two  Reformers  viewed  the 
same  object.  Luther  was  desirous  of  retain- 
ing in  the  Church  all  that  was  not  expressly 
contradicted  by  Scripture, — while  Zwingle 
was  intent  on  abolishing  all  that  could  not  be 
proved  by  Scripture.  The  German  Reformer 
wished  to  remain  united  to  the  Church  of  all 
preceding  ages,  and  sought  only  to  purify  it 
from  every  thing  that  was  repugnant  to  the 
word  of  God.  The  Reformer  of  Zurich  passed 
back  over  every  intervening  age  till  he  reached 
the  times  of  the  apostles;  and,  subjecting  the 
Church  to  an  entire  transformation,  laboured 
to  restore  it  to  its  primitive  condition. 

Zwingle's  Reformation,  therefore,  was  the 
more  complete.  The  work  which  Divine 
Providence  had  entrusted  to  Luther, — the  re- 
establishment  of  the  doctrine  of  Justification 
by  Faith,  was  undoubtedly  the  great  work  of 
the  Refoimation  ;  but  when  this  was  accom- 
plished, other  ends,  of  real  if  not  of  primary 
importance,  remained  to  be  achieved;  and  to 
these,  the  efforts  of  Zwingle  were  more  espe- 
cially devoted. 

Two  mighty  tasks,  in  fact,  had  been  assigned 
to  the  Reformers.  Christian  Catholicism 
taking  its  rise  amidst  Jewish  Pharisaism,  on 
the  one  hand,  and  the  Paganism  of  Greece, 
on  the  other,  had,  by  degrees,  contracted 
something  of  the  spirit  of  each  of  those  sys- 
tems, and  had  thus  been  transformed  into 
Roman  Catholicism.  The  Reformation,  there- 
fore, whose  mission  it  was  to  purify  the  church, 
had  to  clear  it  alike  from  the  Jewish  and  the 
Pagan  element. 

The  Jewish  element  had  incorporated  itself 
chiefly  with  that  portion  of  Christian  doctrine 
which  relates  to  man.  Catholicism  had  bor- 
rowed from  Judaism  the  pharisaic  notions  of 
inherent  righteousness,  and  salvation  obtain- 
able by  human  strength  or  works. 

The  Pagan  element  had  allied  itself  prin- 
cipally with  that  other  portion  of  Christian 
doctrine  which  relates  to  God.  Paganism 
had  corrupted  the  catholic  notion  of  an  infinite 
Deity,  whose  power,  being  absolutely  all- 
sufficient,  acts  every  where  and  at  every  mo- 
ment. It  had  set  up  in  the  church  the  do- 
minion of  symbols,  images,  and  ceremonies; 
and  the  saints  had  become  the  demi-gods  of 
Popery. 

The  Reformation,  in  the  hands  of  Luther, 
was  directed  essentially  against  the  Jewish 
element.  With  this  he  had  been  compelled 
to  struggle  at  the  outset,  when  an  audacious 
monk,  on  behalf  of  the  Pope,  was  bartering 
the  salvation  of  souls  for  paltry  coin. 

The  Reformation,  as  conducted  by  Zwingle, 
was  directed  mainly  against  the  Pagan  ele- 
ment. It  was  this  that  he  had  first  encountered, 
in  the  chapel  of  the  Virgin  at  Einsidlen,  when 
crowds  of  worshippers,  benighted  as  those  of 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


343 


old  who  thronged  the  temple  of  Ephesian 
Diana,  were  gathered  from  every  side  to  cast 
themselves  down  before  a  gilded  idol. 

The  Reformer  of  Germany  proclaimed  the 
great  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith, — and, 
in  so  doing,  inflicted  a  death  blow  on  the 
pharisaic  righteousness  of  Rome.  The  Swiss 
Reformer,  undoubtedly,  did  the  same.  The 
inability  of  man  to  save  himself  is  the  funda- 
mental truth  on  which  all  reformers  have 
taken  their  stand.  But  Zwingle  did  some- 
thing more.  He  brought  forward,  as  practical 
principles,  the  existence  of  God,  and  His 
sovereign,  universal,  and  exclusive  agency; 
and  by  the  working  out  of  these  principles, 
Rome  was  utterly  bereft  of  all  the  props  that 
had  supported  her  paganized  worship. 

Roman  Catholicism  had  exalted  man  and 
degraded  God.  Luther  reduced  man  to  his 
proper  level  of  abasement ;  and  Zwingle  re- 
stored God,  (if  we  may  so  speak,)  to  his  un- 
limited and  undivided  supremacy. 

Of  these  two  distinct  tasks,  which  were 
specially,  though  not  exclusively,  allotted  to 
the  two  Reformers,  each  was  necessary  to  the 
completion  of  the  other.  It  was  Luther's 
part  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  edifice — 
Zwingle's  to  rear  the  superstructure. 

To  an  intellect  gifted  with  a  still  more 
capacious  grasp,  was  the  office  reserved  of 
developing  on  the  shores  of  the  Leman,  the 
peculiar  characters  of  the  Swiss  and  the  Ger- 
man Reformation, — blending  them  together 
and  imprinting  them  thus  combined,  on  the 
Reformation  as  a  whole.33 

But  while  Zwingle  was  thus  carrying  on 
the  great  work,  the  disposition  of  the  cantons 
was  daily  becoming  more  hostile.  The  go- 
vernment of  Zurich  felt  how  necessary  it  was 
to  assure  itself  of  the  support  of  the  people. 
The  people,  moreover, — that  is  to  say,  "  the 
assembly  of  believers,"  was,  according  to 
Zwingle's  principles,  the  highest  earthly  au- 
thority to  which  an  appeal  could  be  made. 
The  Council  resolved,  therefore,  to  test  the 
state  of  public  opinion,  and  instructed  the 
bailiffs  to  demand  of  all  the  townships,  whether 
they  were  ready  to  endure  every  thing  for  the 
sake  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  "who  shed 
his  precious  blood,"  said  the  Council,  "for  us 
poor  sinners."34  The  whole  canton  followed 
close  upon  the  city  in  the  career  of  Reforma- 
tion,— and,  in  many  places,  the  houses  of  the 
peasants  had  become  schools  of  Christian  in- 
struction, in  which  the  Holy  Scriptures  were 
constantly  read. 

The  proclamation  of  the  Council  was  re- 
ceived by  all  the  townships  with  enthusiasm: 
"Only  let  our  magistrates  hold  fast  and  fear- 
lessly to  the  word  of  God,"  answered  they,  "we 
will  help  to  maintain  it;25  and,  if  any  should 
seek  to  molest  them,  we  will  come  like  brave 
and  loyal  citizens  to  their  aid."  The  peasan- 
try of  Zurich  showed,  on  that  occasion,  as  they 
havtf  recently  shown  again,  that  the  strength 
of  the  Church  is  in  the  Christian  people. 
But  the  people  we're  not  alone.  The  man 


whom  God  had  placed  at  their  head,  answered 
worthily  to  their  call.     Zwingle  seemed   to 
multiply  himself  for  the  service  of  God.  Who- 
soever, in  any  of  the  cantons  of  Switzerland, 
suffered   persecution  for  the  Gospel's   sake, 
addressed   himself  to  him.36  The  weight  of 
business,  the  care  of  the  churches,  the  solici- 
tude inspired  by  that  glorious  struggle  which 
was  now  beginning  to  be   waged  in   every 
valley  of  his  native  land — 37all pressed  heavily 
on  the  Evangelist  of  Zurich.    At  Wittemberg, 
the  tidings  of  his  courageous  deportment  were 
received  with  joy.     Luther  and  Zwingle  were 
the  two  great  luminaries  of  Upper  and  Lower 
Germany ;  and  the  doctrine  of  salvation,  which 
they  proclaimed  so  powerfully,  was  fast  dif- 
fusing itself  over  all  those  vast  tracts  of  country 
that  stretch  from  the  summit  of  the  Alps  to 
the  shores  of  the  Baltic  and  the  German  Ocean. 
While  the  word  of  God  was  pursuing  its 
victorious  course  over  these  spacious  regions, 
we  cannot  wonder  that  the  Pope  in  his  palace, 
the  inferior  clergy  in  their  presbyteries,  the 
magistrates  of  Switzerland  in  their  councils, 
should  have  viewed  its  triumphs  with  alarm 
and  indignation.  Their  consternation  increased 
every  day.    The  people  had  been  consulted  ; — 
the  Christian  people  had  again  become  some- 
thing in  the  Christian  Church  ;  their  sympa- 
thies and  their  faith  were  now  appealed  to, 
instead  of  the  decrees  of  the  Romish  chancery. 
An  attack  so  formidable  as  this  must  be  met 
by  a  resistance  more  formidable  still.     On  the 
18th  April,  the  Pope  addressed  a  brief  to  the 
Confederates;  and,  in  the  month  of  July,  the 
Diet  assembled  at  Zug,  yielding  to  the  urgent 
exhortations  of  the  Pontiff,  sent  a  deputation 
to  Zurich,  Schaffhausen,  and  Appenzel,  to 
notify  to  those  states  their  fixed  determination 
that  the  new  doctrine  should  be  entirely  sup- 
pressed, and  its  adherents  subjected   to  the 
forfeiture  of  property,  honours,  and  even  life 
itself.     Such  an  announcement  could  not  fail 
to  excite  a  strong  sensation  at  Zurich ;  but  a 
resolute  answer  was  returned  from  that  can- 
ton,— that  in  matters  of  faith,  the  word  of  God 
alone  must  be  obeyed.     When  this  reply  was 
communicated  to  the  assembly,  the  liveliest 
resentment  was  manifested  on  the  part  of  Lu- 
cerne, Schwitz,  Uri,  Unterwalden,  Friburg, 
and  Zug,  and,  forgetting  the  reputation  and 
the  strength  which  the  accession  of  Zurich 
had  formerly  imparted  to  the  infant  Confede- 
ration, forgetting  the  precedence  which  had 
been  assigned  to  her,  the  simple  and  solemn 
oaths  of  fidelity  by  which  they  were  bound  to 
her, — the  many  victories  and  reverses  they  had 
shared  with  her, — these  states  declared  that 
they  would  no  longer  sit  with  Zurich  in  the 
Diet.     In  Switzerland,  therefore,  as  well  as 
in  Germany,  the  partisans  of  Rome  were  the 
first  to  rend  asunder  the  federal  union.     But 
threats  and    breaches  of   alliance  were  not 
enough.     The  fanaticism  of  the  cantons  was 
clamorous  for  blood ;    and  it  soon  appeared 
what  were  the  weapons  which  Popery  intended 
to  wield  against  the  word  of  God. 
2G 


344 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


The  excellent  CExlin,*  a  friend  of  Zwingle, 
was  the  pastor  of  Burg,  a  village  in  the  vicinity 
of  Stein,  upon  the  Rhine.  The  bailiff  Am- 
Berg,  who  had  previously  appeared  to  favour 
the  cause  of  the  Gospel,  being  anxious  to  ob- 
tain that  bailiwick,  had  pledged  himself  to  the 
leading  men  of  the  canton  of  Schwitz,  that  he 
would  put  down  the  new  religion.38  CExlin, 
though  not  resident  within  his  jurisdiction, 
was  the  first  object  of  his  persecution. 

On  the  night  of  the  7th  July,  1524,  near 
midnight,  a  loud  knocking  was  heard  at  the 
pastor's  door;  it  was  opened  ; — they  were  the 
soldiers  of  the  bailiff.  They  seized  him  and 
dragged  him  away  prisoner,  in  spite  of  his 
cries.  OExlin,  believing  that  they  meant  to 
put  him  to  death,  shrieked  out  "  Murder !" 
The  inhabitants  rose  from  their  beds  in  af- 
fright, and  the  whole  village  immediately 
became  a  scene  of  tumult,  the  noise  of  which 
was  heard  as  far  as  Stein.  The  sentinel 
posted  at  the  castle  of  Hohenklingen  fired  the 
alarm  gun,  the  tocsin  was  sounded,  and  the 
inhabitants  of  Stein,  Stammheim,  and  the  ad- 
jacent places,  were  shortly  all  a-foot  and 
clustering  together  in  the  dark,  to  ask  each 
other  what  was  the  matter. 

Stammheim  was  the  residence  of  the  deputy- 
bailiff  Wirth,  whose  two  eldest  sons,  Adrian 
and  John,  young  priests  full  of  piety  and  cou- 
rage, were  zealously  engaged  in  preaching  the 
Gospel.  John  especially  was  gifted  with  a 
fervent  faith,  and  stood  prepared  to  offer  up 
his  life  in  the  cause  of  his  Saviour.  It  was 
a  household  of  the  patriarchal  cast.  Anna, 
the  mother,  who  had  brought  the  bailiff  a 
numerous  family,  and  reared  them  up  in  the 
fear  of  God,  was  revered  for  her  virtues  through 
the  whole  country  round.  At  the  sound  of 
the  tumult  in  Burg,  the  father  and  his  two 
sons  came  abroad  like  their  neighbours.  The 
father  was  incensed  when  he  found  that  the 
bailiff  of  Frauenfeld  had  exercised  his  autho- 
rity in  a  manner  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  his 
country.  The  sons  were  grieved  by  the  tidings 
that  their  friend  and  brother,  whose  good  ex- 
ample they  delighted  to  follow,  had  been  car- 
ried off  like  a  criminal.  Each  of  the  three 
seized  a  halberd,  and  regardless  of  the  fears  of 
a  tender  wife  and  mother,  father  and  sons 
joined  the  troop  of  townspeople  who  had 
sallied  out  from  Stein  with  the  resolute  pur- 
pose of  setting  their  pastor  at  liberty.  Un- 
fortunately, a  band  of  those  ill-disposed  per- 
sons who  never  fail  to  make  their  appearance 
in  a  moment  of  disorder,  had  mingled  with 
the  burghers  in  their  march.  The  bailiff's 
Serjeants  were  hotly  followed  ;  but  warned  by 
the  tocsin  and  the  shouts  of  alarm  which 
echoed  on  every  side,  they  redoubled  their 
speed,  dragging  their  prisoner  along  with 
them,  and  in  a  little  time  the  Thur  was  inter- 
posed between  them  and  their  pursuers. 

When  the  people  of  Stein  and  Stammheim 
reached  the  bank  of  the  river  and  found  no 
means  of  crossing  it,  they  halted  on  the  spot, 


See  page  224. 


and  resolved  to  send  a  deputation  to  Frauen- 
feld. "Oh!"  said  the  bailiff  Wirth,  "the 
pastor  of  Stein  is  so  dear  to  us  that  I  would 
willinglysacrifice  all  I  possess, — my  liberty, — 
my  very  heart's  blood, — for  his  sake."39  The 
rabble,  meanwhile,  finding  themselves  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  convent  of  Ittinoen, 
occupied  by  a  community  of  Carthusians, 
who  were  generally  believed  to  have  encou- 
raged the  bailiff  Am-Berg  in  his  tyranny, 
entered  the  building  and  took  possession  of 
the  refectory.  They  immediately  gave  them- 
selves up  to  excess,  and  a  scene  of  riot  ensued. 
In  vain  did  Wirth  entreat  them  to  quit  the 
place;  he  was  in  danger  of  personal  ill  treat- 
ment among  them.40  His  son  Adrian  had 
remained  outside  of  the  monastery;  John 
entered  it,  but  shocked  by  what  he  beheld 
within,  came  out  again  immediately.41  The 
inebriated  peasants  proceeded  to  pillage  the 
cellars  and  granaries,  to  break  the  furniture  to 
pieces,  and  to  burn  the  books. 

As  soon  as  the  news  of  these  disorders 
reached  Zurich,  the  deputies  of  the  Council 
were  summoned  in  haste,  and  orders  issued 
for  all  persons  belonging  to  the  canton  who 
had  left  their  homes  to  return  to  them  imme- 
diately. These  orders  were  obeyed.  But  a 
crowd  of  Thurgovians,  drawn  together  by  the 
tumult,  now  established  themselves  in  the 
convent  for  the  sake  of  the  good  cheer  which 
they  found  there.  A  fire  suddenly  broke  out, 
no  one  could  tell  how, — and  the  edifice  was 
reduced  to  ashes.  . 

Five  days  after,  the  deputies  of  the  cantons 
were  convened  at  Zug.  Nothing  was  heard 
in  this  assembly  but  threats  of  vengeance  and 
death.  "Let  us  march,"  said  they,  "with 
our  banners  spread,  against  Stein  and  Stamm- 
heim, and  put  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword." 
The  deputy-bailiff  and  his  two  sons  had  long 
been  objects  of  especial  dislike  on  account  of 
their  faith.  "If  any  one  is  guilty,"  said  the 
deputy  from  Zurich,  "he  must  be  punished  ; 
but  let  it  be  by  the  rules  of  justice,  not  by 
violence."  Vadian,  the  deputy  from  St.  Gall, 
spoke  to  the  same  effect.  Hereupon  the 
avoyer  John  Hug  of  Lucerne,  unable  any 
longer  to  contain  himself,  broke  out  into 
frightful  imprecations.42"  The  heretic  Zwingle 
is  the  father  of  all  these  rebellions ;  and  you, 
Doctor  of  St.  Gall,  you  favour  his  hateful 
cause,  and  labour  for  its  advancement.  You 
shal  I  sit  here  with  us  no  longer !"  The  deputy 
for  Zug  endeavoured  to  restore  order,  but  in 
vain.  Vadian  retired;  and  knowing  that  his 
life  was  in  danger  from  some  of  the  lower 
order  of  the  people,  secretly  left  the  town,  and, 
by  a  circuitous  road,  reached  the  convent  of 
Cappel  in  safety. 

The  magistrates  of  Zurich,  intent  upon  re- 
pressing all  commotion,  resolved  upon  a  pro- 
visional arrest  of  the  individuals  against  whom 
the  anger  of  the  confederates  had  been  more 
particularly  manifested.  Wirth  and  his^ons 
were  living  quietly  at  Stammheim.  "  Never," 
said  Adrian  Wirth  from  the  pulpit,  "can  the 
friends  of  God  have  any  thing  to  fear  from 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


345 


His  enemies."  The  father  was  warned  of 
the  fate  that  awaited  him,  and  advised  to  make 
his  escape  along  with  his  sons.  "No,"  he 
replied,  "I  put  my  trust  in  God,  and  will 
wait  for  the  Serjeants  here."  When  at  length 
a  party  of  soldiers  presented  themselves  at  his 
door — "  Their  worships  of  Zurich,"  said  he, 
"  might  have  spared  themselves  this  trouble ; — 
had  they  only  sent  a  child  to  fetch  me,  I  would 
have  obeyed  their  bidding. v43The  three  Wirths 
were  carried  to  Zurich  and  lodged  in  the 
prison.  Rutiman,  the  bailiff  of  Nussbaun, 
shared  their  confinement.  They  underwent  a 
rigid  examination;  but  the  conduct  they  were 
proved  to  have  held  furnished  no  ground  of 
complaint  against  them. 

As  soon  as  the  deputies  of  the  cantons  were 
apprized  of  the  imprisonment  of  these  four 
citizens,  they  demanded  that  they  should  be 
sent  to  Baden,  and  decreed  that,  in  case  of  a 
refusal,  an  armed  power  should  march  upon 
Zurich,  and  carry  them  off  by  force.  "  It 
belongs  of  right  to  Zurich,"  replied  the  depu- 
ties of  that  canton,  "to  determine  whether 
these  men  are  guilty  or  not,  and  we  find  no 
fault  in  them."  Hereupon,  the  deputies  of 
the  cantons  cried  out,  " Will  you  surrender 
them  to  us,  or  not  1 — answer  yes  or  no — in  a 
single  word."  Two  of  the  deputies  of  Zurich 
mounted  their  horses  at  once,  and  repaired 
with  all  speed  to  their  constituents. 

Their  arrival  threw  the  whole  town  into  the 
utmost  agitation.  If  the  authorities  of  Zurich 
should  refuse  to  give  up  the  prisoners,  the 
confederates  would  soon  appear  in  arms  at 
their  gates,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to  give 
them  up,  was,  in  effect,  to  consent  to  their 
death.  Opinions  were  divided.  Zwingle  in- 
sisted on  a  refusal.  "  Zurich,"  said  he, "  must 
remain  faithful  to  its  ancient  laws."  At  last 
a  kind  of  compromise  was  suggested.  **  We 
will  deliver  up  the  prisoners,"  said  they  to  the 
Diet,  "but  on  this  condition,  that  you  shall 
examine  them  regarding  the  affair  of  Ittingen 
alone,  and  not  with  reference  to  their  faith." 
The  Diet  agreed  to  this  proposition;  and  on 
the  Friday  before  St.  Bartholomew's  day, 
(August,  1524,)  the  three  Wirths  and  their 
friends  took  their  departure  from  Zurich  under 
the  escort  of  four  Councillors  of  State  and  a 
few  soldiers. 

The  deepest  concern  was  manifested  on 
this  occasion  by  the  whole  body  of  the  people. 
The  fate  which  awaited  the  two  old  men 
and  the  two  brothers  was  distinctly  foreseen. 
Nothing  but  sobs  was  heard  as  they  passed 
along.  "Alas!"  exclaims  a  contemporary 
writer,  "what  a  woeful  journey  was  that!"44 
The  churches  were  all  thronged.  "  God  will 
punish  us,"  cried  Zwingle,  "  He  will  surely 
punish  us.  Let  us  at  least  beseech  Him  to 
visit  those  poor  prisoners  with  comfort,  and 
strengthen  them  in  the  true  faith."45 

On  the  Friday  evening,  the  prisoners  arrived 
at  Baden,  where  an  immense  crowd  was 
awaiting  to  receive  them.  They  were  taken 
first  to  an  inn,  and  afterwards  to  the  jail. 
The  people  pressed  so  closely  round  to  see 


them  that  they  could  scarcely  move.  The 
father  who  walked  first,  turned  round  towards 
his  sons,  and  meekly  said,—"  See,  my  dear 
children,  we  are  like  those  of  whom  the 
Apostle  speaks, — men  appointed  to  death,  a 
spectacle  to  the  world,  to  angels  and  to  men." — 
(1  Cor.  iv.  9.)  Just  then  he  chanced  to  ob- 
serve, among  the  crowd,  the  bailiff  Am-Berg, 
his  mortal  enemy,  and  the  prime  author  of  all 
his  misfortunes.  He  went  up  to  him,  held 
out  his  hand,  and  grasping  Am-Berg's, — 
though  the  bailiff  would  have  turned  away,— 
said,  with  much  composure,  "There  is  a  God 
above  us,  and  He  knows  all  things." 

The  examination  began  the  next  morning, 
Wirth,  the  father,  was  the  first  who  was 
brought  before  the  tribunal.  Without  the 
least  consideration  for  his  character  or  for  his 
age,  he  was  put  to  the  torture;  but  he  per- 
sisted in  declaring  that  he  was  innocent  both 
of  the  pillage  and  the  burning  of  Ittingen.  A 
charge  was  then  brought  against  him  of  having 
destroyed  an  image  representing  St.  Anne. 
As  to  the  other  prisoners, — nothing  could  be 
substantiated  against  them,  except  that  Adrian 
Wirth  was  married,  and  that  he  was  accus- 
tomed to  preach  after  the  manner  of  Zwingle 
and  Luther;  and  that  John  Wirth  had  given 
the  holy  sacrament  to  a  sick  man  \vithout 
candle  or  bell  !46 

But  the  more  conclusively  their  innocence 
was  established,  the  more  furious  became  the 
excitement  of  their  adversaries.  From  morn- 
ing till  noon  of  that  day,  the  old  man  was 
made  to  endure  all  the  severity  of  torture. 
His  tears  were  of  no  avail  to  soften  the  hearts 
of  his  judges.  John  Wirth  was  still  more 
cruelly  tormented.  "Tell  us,"  said  they,  in 
the  midst  of  his  agonies,  "from  whom  didst 
thou  learn  thy  heretical  creed  1  Was  it 
Zwingle,  or  who  else,  that  taught  it  thee  !" 
And  when  he  was  heard  to  exclaim,  "  O 
merciful  and  everlasting  God  !  grant  me  help 
and  comfort!"  "Aha!"  said  one  of  the 
deputies,  "where  is  your  Christ  now?" 
When  Adrian  was  brought  forward,  Sebastian 
von  Stein,  a  deputy  of  Berne,  addressing  him 
thus  : — "  Young  man,  tell  us  the  truth,  for  if 
you  refuse  to  do  so,  I  swear  by  my  knighthood, 
— the  knighthood  I  received  on  the  very  spot 
where  God  suffered  martyrdom, — we  will 
open  all  the  veins  in  your  body,  one  by  one." 
The  young  man  was  then  hoisted  up  by  a  cord, 
and  while  he  was  swinging  in  the  air,  "  Young 
master,"  said  Stein,  with  a  fiendish  smile, 
"this  is  our  wedding  gifi  ;"47alluding  to  the 
marriage  which  the  youthful  ecclesiastic  had 
recently  contracted. 

The  examination  being  now  concluded,  the 
deputies  returned  to  their  several  cantons  to 
make  their  report,  and  did  not  assemble  again 
until  four  weeks  had  expired.  The  bailiff's 
wife, — the  mother  of  the  two  young  priests, — 
repaired  to  Baden,  carrying  a  child  in  her 
arms,  to  appeal  to  the  compassion  of  the 
judges.  John  Escher,  of  Zurich,  accom- 
panied her  as  her  advocate.  The  latter  re- 
cognized among  the  judges  Jerome  S locker, 


346 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


the  landamman,  of  Zug,  who  had  twice  been 
bailiff  of  Frauenfeld.  "Landamman,"  said 
he,  accosting  him,  "  you  remember  the  bailiff 
Wirth  ;  you  know  that  he  has  always  been 
an  honest  man."  "  It  is  most  true,  my  good 
friend  Escher,"  replied  Stocker;  "he  never  did 
any  one  an  injury  :  countrymen  and  strangers 
alike  were  sure  to  find  a  hearty  welcome  at 
his  table  ;  his  house  was  a  convent, — inn, — 
hospital,  all  in  one.48  And  knowing  this,  as  I 
do,  had  he  committed  a  robbery  or  a  murder, 
I  would  have  spared  no  effort  to  obtain  his 
pardon ;  since  he  has  burned  St.  Anne,  the 
grandmother  of  Christ,  it  is  but  right  that  he 
should  die  !"— "Then  God  take  pity  on  us!" 
ejaculated  Escher. 

The  gates  were  now  shut,  (this  was  on  the 
28th  of  September,)  and  the  deputies  of  Berne, 
Lucerne,  Uri,  Schwitz,  Underwald,  Zug, 
Glaris,  Friburg,  and  Soleure,  having  pro- 
ceeded agreeably  to  usage,  to  deliberate  on 
their  judgment  with  closed  doors  sentence  of 
death  was  passed  upon  the  bailiff  Wirth,  his 
son  John,  who,  of  all  the  accused,  was  the 
firmest  in  his  faith,  and  who  appeared  to  have 
gained  over  the  others,  and  the  bailiff  Rutiman. 
They  spared  the  life  of  Adrian,  the  younger  of 
Wirth's  sons,  as  a  boon  to  his  weeping  mother. 

The-  prisoners  were  now  brought  forth  from 
the  tower  in  which  they  had  been  confined. 
"  My  son,"  said  the  father  to  Adrian,  "  we 
die  an  undeserved  death,  but  never  do  thou 
think  of  avenging  it."  Adrian  wept  bitterly. 
"  My  brother,"  said  John,  "  where  Christ's 
word  comes  his  cross  must  follow."49 

After  the  sentence  had  been  read  to  them,  the 
three  Christian  sufferers  were  led  back  to 
prison;  John  Wirth  walking  first,  the  two 
bailiffs  next,  and  a  vicar  behind  them.  As 
they  crossed  the  castle  bridge,  on  which  there 
was  a  chapel  dedicated  to  St.  Joseph,  the 
vicai  called  out  to  the  two  old  men — "Fall  on 
your  knees  and  invoke  the  saints."  At  these 
words,  John  Wirth,  turning  round,  said, 
"  Father,  be  firm  !  You  know  there  is  but 
one  Mediator  between  God  and  man — Christ 
Jesus." — "  Assuredly,  my  son,"  replied  the 
old  man,  "  and  by  the  help  of  His  grace  I 
will  continue  faithful  to  Him,  even  to  the 
end."  On  this,  they  all  three  began  to  re- 
peat the  Lord's  Prayer,  "  Our  Father  who  art 
in  heaven"  . . .  And  so  they  crossed  the  bridge. 

They  were  next  conducted  to  the  scaffold. 
John  Wirth,  whose  heart  was  filled  with  the 
tenderest  solicitude  for  his  father,  bade  him  a 
solemn  farewell.  "  My  beloved  father,"  said 
he,  "  henceforth  thou  art  my  father  no  longer, 
and  I  am  no  longer  thy  son ; — but  we  are 
brothers  still  in  Christ  our  Lord,  for  whose 
name's  sake  we  are  doomed  to  suffer  death,50 
So  now,  if  such  be  God's  will,  my  beloved 
brother,  let  us  depart  to  be  with  Him  who  is 
the  father  of  us  all.  Fear  nothing  !" — 
"  Amen !"  answered  the  old  man,  "  and  may 
God  Almighty  bless  thee,  my  beloved  son 
and  brother  in  Christ." 

Thus,  on  the  threshold  of  eternity  did  father 
and  son  take  their  leave  of  each  other,  with 


joyful  anticipations  of  that  unseen  state  in 
which  they  should  be  united  anew  by  imper- 
ishable ties.  There  were  but  few  among  the 
multitude  around  whose  tears  did  not  flow 
profusely.  The  bailiff  Rutiman  prayed  in 
silence.51  All  three  then  knelt  down  "  in 
Christ's  name," — and  their  heads  were  se- 
vered from  their  bodies. 

The  crowd,  observing  the  marks  of  torture 
on  their  persons,  uttered  loud  expressions  of 
grief.  The  two  bailiffs  left  behind  them 
twenty-two  children,  and  forty-five  grand- 
children. Anna  was  obliged  to  pay  twelve 
golden  crowns  to  the  executioner  by  whom 
her  husband  and  son  had  been  deprived  of  life. 

Now  at  length  blood  had  been  spilt — inno- 
cent blood.  Switzerland  and  the  Reforma- 
tion were  baptized  with  the  blood  of  the  mar- 
tyrs. The  great  enemy  of  the  Gospel  had 
effected  his  purpose;  but  in  effecting  it  he 
had  struck  a  mortal  blow  against  his  own 
power.  The  death  of  the  Wirths  was  an  ap- 
pointed means  of  hastening  the  triumph  of 
the  Reformation. 

The  Reformers  of  Zurich  had  abstained 
from  abolishing  the  mass  when  they  suppressed 
the  use  of  images;  but  the  moment  for  doing 
so  seemed  now  to  have  arrived. 

Not  only  had  the  light  of  the  Gospel  been 
diffused  among  the  people — but  the  violence 
of  the  enemy  called  upon  the  friends  of  God's 
word  to  reply  by  some  striking  demonstration 
of  their  unshaken  constancy.  As  often  as 
Rome  shall  erect  a  scaffold,  and  heads  shall 
drop  upon  it,  so  often  shall  the  Reformation 
exalt  the  Lord's  holy  WTord,  and  crush  some 
hitherto  untouched  corruption.  When  Hottin- 
ger  was  executed,  Zurich  put  down  the  worship 
of  images,  and  now  that  the  Wirths  have  been 
sacrificed,  Zurich  shall  reply  by  the  abolition 
of  the  Mass.  While  Rome  fills  up  the  mea- 
sure of  her  severities,  the  Reformation  shall  be 
conscious  of  a  perpetual  accession  of  strength. 

On  the  llth  of  August,  1525,  the  three  pas- 
tors of  Zurich,  accompanied  by  Megander,  and 
Oswald  and  Myconius,  presented  themselves 
before  the  Great  Council,  and  demanded  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  Their 
discourse  was  a  weighty  one,  and  was  listened 
to  with  the  deepest  attention;"2— every  one  felt 
how  important  was  the  decision  which  the 
Council  was  called  upon  to  pronounce.  The 
mass — that  mysterious  rite  which  for  three 
successive  centuries  had  constituted  the  ani- 
mating principle  in  the  worship  of  the  Latin 
Church — was  now  to  be  abrogated, — the  cor- 
poreal presence  of  Christ  was  to  be  declared 
an  illusion,  and  of  that  illusion,  the  minds  of 
the  people  were  to  be  dispossessed ;  some 
courage  was  needed  for  such  a  resolution  as 
this,  and  there  were  individuals  in  the  Coun- 
cil who  shuddered  at  the  contemplation  of  so 
audacious  a  design.  Joachim  Am-Grut,  the 
under-secretary  of  state,  was  alarmed  by  the 
demand  of  the  pastors,  and  opposed  it  with  all 
his  might.  "The  words,  This  is  my  body" 
said  he,  "prove  beyond  all  dispute  that  the 
bread  is  the  very  body  of  Christ  himself." 


HISTORY    OF  THE  REFORMATION 


347 


Zwingle  argued  that  there  is  no  other  word 
in  the  Greek  language  than  s art.  (is)  to  express 
signifies,  and  he  quoted  several  instances  of 
the  employment  of  that  word  in  a  figurative 
sense.  The  Great  Council  was  convinced  by 
his  reasoning,  and  hesitated  no  longer.  The 
evangelical  doctrine  had  sunk  deep  into  every 
heart,  and  moreover,  since  a  separation  from 
the  Church  of  Rome  had  taken  place,  there 
was  a  kind  of  satisfaction  felt  in  making  that 
separation  as  complete  as  possible,  and  dig- 
ging a  gulf  as  it  were  between  the  Reforma- 
tion and  her.  The  Council  decreed  therefore 
that  the  mass  should  be  abolished,  and  it  was 
determined  that  on  the  following  day,  which 
was  Maunday  Thursday,  the  Lord's  Supper 
should  he  celebrated  in  conformity  to  the  apos- 
tolic model. 

Zwingle's  mind  had  been  deeply  engaged 
in  these  proceedings ;  and  at  night,  when  he 
closed  his  eyes,  he  was  still  searching  for  ar- 
guments with  which  to  confront  his  adversa- 
ries. The  subject  that  had  occupied  him  du- 
ring the  day,  presented  itself  to  him  again  in 
a  dream.  He  thought  that  he  was  disputing 
with  Am-Griit,  and  could  not  find  an  answer 
to  his  principal  objection.  Suddenly  some 
one  stood  before  him  in  his  dream  and  said, 
"  Why  dost  not  thou  quote  the  llth  verse  of 
the  12th  chapter  of  Exodus:  Ye  shall  eat  the 
Lamb  in  haste;  it  is  the  Lord's  Passover?" 
Zwingle  awoke,  rose  from  his  bed,  took  up 
the  Septuagint  translation,  and  turning  to  the 
verse  found  the  same  word  soti,  (is)  whose 
import  in  that  passage,  by  universal  admis- 
sion, can  be  no  other  than  signifies. 

Here  then,  in  the  very  constitution  of  the 
paschal  feast  under  the  old  covenant,  was  the 
phrase  employed  in  that  identical  sense  which 
Zwingle  assigned  to  it — who  could  resist  the 
conclusion  that  the  two  passages  are  parallel  1 

On  the  following  day,  Zwingle  took  the 
verse  just  mentioned  as  the  text  of  his  dis- 
course, and  reasoned  so  forcibly  from  it  that 
the  doubts  of  his  hearers  were  dispelled. 

The  incident  which  has  now  been  related, 
and  which  is  so  naturally  explained — and  the 
particular  expression*  used  by  Zwingle  to  inti- 
mate that  he  had  no  recollection  of  the  aspect 
of  the  person  whom  he  saw  in  his  dream,  have 
given  rise  to  the  assertion  that  the  doctrine 
promulgated  by  tl^e  Reformer  was  delivered 
to  him  by  the  devil ! 

The  altars  disappeared;  some  plain  tables, 
covered  with  the  sacramental  bread  and  wine, 
occupied  their  places,  and  a  crowd  of  eager 
communicants  was  gathered  round  them. 
There  was  something  exceedingly  solemn  in 
that  assemblage.  Our  Lord's  death  was  com- 
memorated on  three  different  days,  by  differ- 
ent portions  of  the  community: — on  Maunday 
Thursday,  by  the  young  people;  on  Good 
Friday,  the  day  of  his  passion,  by  those  who 
had  reached  the  middle  stage  of  life;  on 
Easter  Sunday,  by  the  aged.53 


*  Ater  fuerit  an  albus  nihil  memini,  somnlum 
enim  narro. 

45 


After  the  deacons  had  read  aloud  such  passa- 
ges of  Scripture  as  relate  to  this  sacrament,  the 
pastors  addressed  their  flock  in  the  language 
of  pressing  admonition, — charging  all  those 
whose  wilful  indulgence  in  sin  would  bring 
dishonour  on  the  body  of  Christ  to  withdraw 
from  that  holy  feast.  The  people  then  fell  on 
their  knees;  the  bread  was  carried  round  on 
large  wooden  dishes  or  platters,  and  every  one 
broke  off  a  morsel  for  himself;  the  wine  was 
distributed  in  wooden  drinking  cups;  the  re- 
semblance to  the  primitive  Supper  was  thought 
to  be  the  closer.  The  hearts  of  those  who 
celebrated  this  ordinance  were  affected  with 
alternate  emotions  of  wonder  and  joy.54 

Such  was  the  progress  of  the  Reformation  at 
Zurich.  The  simple  commemoration  of  our 
Lord's  death  caused  a  fresh  overflow  in  the 
Church,  of  love  to  God,  and  love  to  the  bre- 
thren. The  words  of  Jesus  Christ  were  once 
more  proved  to  be  'spirit  and  life.'  Whereas 
the  different  orders  and  sections  of  the  Church 
of  Rome  had  kept  up  incessant  disputes  among 
themselves,  the  first  effect  of  the  Gospel,  on 
its  re-appearance  in  the  Church,  was  the  re- 
vival of  brotherly  charity.  The  Love  which 
had  glowed  so  brightly  in  the  first  ages  of 
Christianity,  was  now  kindled  anew.  Men, 
who  had  before  been  at  variance,  were  found 
renouncing  their  long  cherished  enmity,  and 
cordially  embracing  each  othert  after  having 
broken  bread  together  at  the  table  of  the  Lord. 
Zwingle  rejoiced  at  these  affecting  manifesta- 
tions of  grace,  and  returned  thanks  to  God  that 
the  Lord's  Supper  was  again  working  those 
miracles  of  charity,  which  had  long  since 
ceased  to  be  displayed  in  connection  with  the 
sacrifice  of  the  mass.55 

"Our  city,"  said  he,  "continues  at  peace. 
There  is  no  fraud,  no  dissension,  no  envy,  no 
wrangling  among  us.  Where  shall  we  dis- 
cover the  cause  of  this  agreement  except  in 
the  Lord's  good  pleasure,  and  the  harmless- 
ness  and  meekness  of  the  doctrine  we  profess!-"56 

Charity  and  unity  were  there — but  not  uni- 
formity. Zwingle,  in  his  "Commentary  on 
true  and  false  religion"5*  which  he  dedicated 
to  Francis  the  First,  in  March,  1525,  the  year 
of  the  battle  of  Pavia,  had  stated  some  truths 
in  a  manner  that  seemed  adapted  to  recom- 
mend them  to  human  reason,  following  in  that 
respect  the  example  of  several  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished among  the  scholastic  theologians. 
In  this  way  he  had  attached  to  original  cor- 
ruption the  appellation  of  a  disease,  reserving 
the  name  of  sin  for  the  actual  violation  of  law  ,5S 
But  these  statements,  though  they  gave  rise 
to  some  objections,  yet  occasioned  no  breach 
of  brotherly  charity;  for  Zwingle,  while  he 
persisted  in  calling  original  sin  a  disease, 
added,  by  that  disease,  all  men  were  ruined, 
and  that  the  sole  remedy  was  in  Jesus  Christ.59 
Here  then  was  no  taint  of  Pelagian  error. 

But  whilst  in  Zurich  the  celebration  of  the 
sacrament  was  followed  by  the  re-establish- 
ment of  Christian  brotherhood,  Zwingle  and 
his  friends  had  to  sustain  a  harder  struggle 
than  ever  against  their  adversaries  without. 


348 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Zwingle  was  not  only  a  Christian  teacher,  he 
was  a  true  patriot  also;  and  we  know  how 
zealously  he  always  opposed  the  capitulations, 
and  foreign  pensions,  and  alliances.  He  was 
persuaded  that  this  extraneous  influence  was 
destructive  to  piety,  contributed  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  error,  and  was  a  fruitful  source  of  civil 
discord.  But  his  courageous  protests  on  this 
head  were  destined  to  impede  the  progress  of 
the  Reformation.  In  almost  every  canton,  the 
leading  men,  who  received  the  foreign  pen- 
sions, and  the  officers  under  whose  command 
the  youth  of  Switzerland  were  led  out  to  battle, 
were  knit  together  in  powerful  factions  and 
oligarchies,  which  attacked  the  Reformation, 
not  so  much  in  the  spirit  of  religious  animosity, 
as  in  the  belief  that  its  success  would  be  de- 
trimental to  their  own  pecuniary  and  political 
interests.  They  had  already  gained  a  triumph 
in  Schwitz,  and  that  canton,  in  which  Zwin- 
gle, Leo  Juda,  and  Oswald  Myconius  had 
preached  the  truth,  and  which  seemed  disposed 
to  follow  the  example  of  Zurich,  had,  on  a 
sudden,  renewed  the  mercenary  capitulations, 
and  closed  the  door  against  the  Gospel. 

In  Zurich  itself,  a  few  worthless  persons, 
instigated  to  mischief  by  foreign  agency, 
made  an  attack  upon  Zwingle,  in  the  middle 
of  the  night,  throwing  stones  at  his  house, 
breaking  the  windows,  and  calling  aloud  for 
"red  haired  Uli,  the  vulture  of  Claris," — so 
that  Zwingle  started  from  his  sleep,  and 
caught  up  his  sword.60  The  action  is  charac- 
teristic of  the  man. 

But  these  desultory  assaults  could  not 
counteract  the  impulse  by  which  Zurich  was 
carried  onward,  and  which  was  beginning  to 
vibrate  throughout  the  whole  of  Switzerland. 
They  were  like  pebbles  thrown  to  check  the 
course  of  a  torrent.  The  waters  of  the  tor- 
rent meanwhile  were  swelling,  and  the 
mightiest  of  its  obstacles  were  likely  soon  to 
be  swept  away. 

The  people  of  Berne  having  intimated  to 
the  citizens  of  Zurich,  that  several  of  the 
cantoris  had  refused  to  sit  with  them  any 
longer  in  the  Diet: — "Well,'1  replied  the 
men  of  Zurich,  with  calm  dignity,  raising 
(as  in  times  past  the  men  of  Rutli  had  done] 
their  hands  towards  heaven,  "we  are  per- 
suaded that  God  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 
Ghost,  in  whose  name  the  Confederation  has 
been  formed,  will  not  forsake  us,  and  will,  a 
last,  in  his  mercy,  make  us  to  sit  at  the  right 
hand  of  His  majesty."61 

With  such  a  faithful  spirit,  there  was 
nothing  to  fear  for  the  Reformation.  Bu 
would  it  make  similar  progress  in  the  other 
states  of  the  Confederation  ?  Might  not  Zu- 
rich be  single  on  the  side  of  the  word  of 
God?  Berne,  Basle,  and  other  cantons 
would  they  remain  in  their  subjection  to 
Rome?  It  is  this  we  are  now  to  see.  Le 
us  then  turn  towards  Berne,  and  contem 
plate  the  march  of  the  Reformation  in  the 
most  influential  of  the  confederated  states. 

No  where  was  the  contest  likely  to  be  so 
sharp  as  at  Berne,  for  the  Gospel  had  there 


both  powerful  friends  and  determined  oppo- 
nents. At  the  head  of  the  reforming  party 
;vas  the  bannaret  John  Weingarten,  Bar- 
holomew  May,  member  of  the  lesser  Coun- 
cil, his  sons,  Wolfgang  and  Claudius,  his 
grandsons,  James  and  Benedict,  and,  above 

,  the  family  of  the  Wattevilles.  James 
Watteville,  the  magistrate,  who,  since  1512, 
lad  presided  over  the  republic,  had  read  the 
writings  of  Luther  and  Zwingle,  at  the  time 
of  their  publication,  and  had  often  conversed 
concerning  the  Gospel  with  John  Haller, 
castor  at  Anseltingen,  whom,  he  had  pro- 
ected  from  his  persecutors. 

His  son,  Nicholas,  then  thirty-one  years 
)f  age,  had,  for  two  years,  filled  the  office  of 
Drovost  in  the  church  of  Berne;  and,  as  such, 
)y  virtue  of  papal  ordinances,  enjoyed  dis- 
inguished  privileges ;  so  that,  Berthold  Hal- 
er,  in  speaking  of  him,  would  call  him  "  oui 
Bishop."62 

The  prelates  and  the  Pope  used  every  ef- 
rbrt  to  bind  him  to  the  interests  of  Rome,63 
and  the  circumstances  in  which  he  was 
placed,  seemed  likely  to  keep  him  from  the 
knowledge  of  the  Gospel;  but  the  workings 
of  God's  Spirit  were  more  powerful  than  the 
flatteries  of  man.  "  Watteville,"  says  Zwin- 
gle,64 "  was  turned  from  darkness  to  the  sweet 
fight  of  the  Gospel."  As  the  friend  of  Ber- 
thold Haller,  he  was  accustomed  to  read  the 
letters  which  he  received  from  Zwingle,  for 
whom  he  expressed  the  highest  admiration.65 

It  was  natural  to  suppose  that  the  influence 
of  the  two  Wattevilles,  the  one  being  at  the 
head  of  the  state,  and  the  other  of  the  church, 
would  draw  after  it  the  republic  over  which 
they  presided.  But  the  opposite  party  was 
scarcely  less  powerful. 

Among  its  chiefs  were  the  schultheiss  of 
Erlach,  the  banneret  Willading,  and  many 
persons  of  high  family,  whose  interests  were 
identified  with  those  of  the  convents  placed 
under  their  administration.  Backing  these 
influential  leaders  was  an  ignorant  and  cor- 
rupted clergy,  who  went  the  length  of  calling 
Gospel  truth,  "  an  invention  of  hell."  "  Be- 
loved colleagues,"  said  the  counsellor  of 
Mullinen,  at  a  full  conference,  held  in  the 
month  of  July,  "be  on  your  guard,  lest  this 
Reformation  should  creep  in  upon  us.  There 
is  no  safety  at  Zurich  in  tme's  own  house: 
people  are  obliged  to  have  soldiers  to  guard 
them."  In  consequence,  they  invited  to 
Berne  the  lecturer  of  the  Dominicans  at 
Mentz,  John  Heim,  who,  taking  his  stand  in 
the  pulpit,  poured  forth  all  the  eloquence  of  St. 
Thomas  Aquinas  against  the  Reformation.66 

Thus,  then,  the  two  parties  were  in 
presence  of  each  other ;  a  struggle  seemed 
inevitable,  but  already  there  were  indications 
with  whom  the  victory  would  remain.  In 
fact,  a  common  faith  united  a  part  of  the 
people  to  those  distinguished  families  who 
espoused  the  Reformation.  Berthold  Haller 
exclaimed,  full  of  confidence  in  the  future, 
"Unless,  indeed,  the  wrath  of  God  should 
show  itself  against  us,  it  is  not  possible  that 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION, 


349 


the  word  of  the  Lord  should  be  banished 
from  the  city,  for  the  Bernese  are  hungering 
afier  it."67 

Two  acts  of  the  government  soon  appeared 
to  incline  the  balance  in  favor  of  the  new 
opinions.  The  Bishop  of  Lausanne  had 
given  notice  of  an  episcopal  visitation;  the 
Council  sent  a  message  to  him  by  the  pro- 
vost, Watteville,  desiring  him  to  abstain 
from  it.68  And,  in  the  meantime,  the  govern- 
ment put  forth  an  ordinance,  which,  whilst 
in  appearance  it  left  the  enemies  of  the  truth 
in  possession  of  some  of  their  advantages,  at 
the  same  time  sanctioned  the  principles  on 
which  the  Reformation  was  founded.  They 
directed  that  the  ministers  should  preach, 
clear  of  all  additions, — freely  and  openly, — 
ihe  Gospel  and  the  doctrine  of  God,  as  it  is 
found  in  the  books  of  the  Old  and  New  Tes- 
taments; and  that  they  should  not  allude  to 
any  doctrine,  disputation,  or  writing  coming 
from  Luther  or  other  teachers.69 

Great  was  the  surprise  of  the  enemies  of 
the  truth,  when  they  saAV  the  ministers  of 
the  Gospel  appealing  with  confidence  to  this 
decree.  This  ordinance,  which  was  to  fur- 
nish the  ground  for  all  those  that  succeeded, 
was,  legally  speaking,  the  commencement 
of  the  Reformation  at  Berne.  From  that 
time,  there  was  more  decision  in  the  progress 
of  this  canton  ;  and  Zwingle,  who  attentively 
observed  all  that  was  passing  in  Switzerland, 
was  able  to  write  to  the  provost  de  Watte- 
ville, "  Christians  are  all  exulting  on  account 
of  the  faith  which  the  pious  city  of  Berne 
has  just  received."70  '"The  cause  is  that  of 
Christ,"  exclaimed  the  friends  of  the  Gospel, 
and  they  exerted  themselves  to  advance  it 
with  increased  confidence.71  The  enemies  of 
the  Reformation,  alarmed  at  these  first  ad- 
vantages, closed  their  ranks,  and  resolved  on 
striking  a  blow  which  should  ensure  victory 
on  their  side.  They  conceived  the  project 
of  getting  rid  of  those  ministers  whose  bold 
preaching  was  turning  all  the  ancient  cus- 
toms upside  down ;  and  a  favorable  occasion 
was  not  long  wanting.  There  was,  at  Berne, 
in  the  place  where  now  stands  the  hospital  de 
P  lie,  a  convent  of  nuns  of  the  Dominican  or- 
der, consecrated  to  St.  Michael.  St.  Michael's 
day,  (29th  of  September,)  was  always  a  so- 
lemn festival  to  the  inmates  of  the  nunnery. 
On  this  anniversary,  many  of  the  clergy 
were  present,  and,  among  others,  Wittem-- 
bach  de  Bienne,  Sebastian  Meyer,  and  Ber- 
thold  Haller.  This  Litter,  having  entered 
into  conversation  with  the  nuns,  among 
whom  was  Clara,  the  daughter  of  Claudius 
May,  (one  of  those  who  maintained  the  new 
doctrines,)  he  remarked  to  her,  in  the  presence 
of  her  grandmother,  "  the  merits  of  the  mo- 
jiastic  state  are  but  imaginary, whilst  marriage 
is  honourable,  and  instituted  by  God  himself." 
Some  nuns,  to  whom  Clara  related  this  con- 
versation of  Berthold,  received  it  with  out- 
cries. It  was  soon  rumoured  in  the  city  that 
Haller  had  asserted  that  "  the  nuns  were  all 


children  of  the  devil."  The  opportunity  that 
the  enemies  of  the  Reformation  had  waited 
for,  was  now  arrived,  and  they  presented 
themselves  before  the  lesser  Council.  Re- 
ferring to  an  ancient  law,  which  enacted  that 
whosoever  should  carry  off  a  nun  from  her 
convent  should  lose  his  head,  they  proposed 
that  the  "  sentence  should  be  mitigated"  so 
far,  as  that,  without  hearing  the  three  ac- 
cused ministers  in  their  defence,  they  should 
be  banished  for  life !  The  lesser  Council 
granted  the  petition,  and  the  matter  was  im- 
mediately carried  to  the  grand  Council. 

Thus,  then,  Berne  was  threatened  with  the 
loss  of  her  Reformers.  The  intrigues  of  the 
Popish  party  seemed  successful.  But  Rome, 
triumphant  when  she  played  her  game  with 
the  higher  orders,  was  beaten  when  she  had 
to  do  with  the  people  or  their  representatives. 
Hardly  were  the  names  of  Haller,  of  Meyer, 
of  Wittembach — those  names  held  in  venera- 
tion by  all  the  Swiss, — pronounced  in  the 
grand  Council,  before  an  energetic  opposition 
was  manifested  against  the  lesser  Council  and 
the  clergy.  "We  cannot,"  said  Tillman, 
"condemn  the  accused  unheard!  .  .  .  Surely 
their  own  testimony  may  be  received  against 
that  of  a  few  women."  The  ministers  were 
called  up.  There  seemed  no  way  of  settling 
matters.  "Let  us  admit  the  statements  of 
both  parties,"  said  John  VVeingarten.  They 
did  so,  and  discharged  the  accused  ministers, — 
at  the  same  time  desiring  them  to  confine 
themselves  to  the  duties  of  their  pulpits,  and 
not  to  trouble  themselves  concerning  the 
cloisters.  But  the  pulpit  was  all  they  wanted  : 
their  accusers  had  taken  nothing  by  their 
motion.  It  was  counted  a  great  victory  gainea 
by  the  Reforming  party,  insomuch  that  one  of 
the  leading  men  exclaimed,  "It  is  all  over 
now — Luther's  work  must  go  forward."72 

And  go  forward  it  did, — and  that  in  places 
where  it  could  least  have  been  expected.  At 
Konigsfield  upon  the  river  Aar,  near  the  castle 
of  Hapsburcr,  stood  a  monastery  adorned  with, 
all  the  magnificence  of  the  middle  ages,  and  in 
which  reposed  the  ashes  of  many  of  that  illus- 
trious house  which  had  so  often  given  an 
Emperor  to  Germany.  To  this  place  tho 
noble  families  of  Switzerland  and  of  Suabia 
used  to  send  their  daughters  to  take  the  veil. 
It  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  this  convent 
that  the  Emperor  Albert  had  fallen  by  the 
hand  of  his  nephew,  John  of  Suabia,  on  the 
1st  of  May,  1308;  and  the  beautiful  stained 
windows  of  the  church  at  Konigsfeld  repre- 
sented the  horrible  tortures  which  had  been 
inflicted  upon  the  relations  and  dependants  of 
the  perpetrators  of  the  murder.  Catherine  of 
Waldburg-Truohses,  abbess  of  the  convent  at 
the  period  of  the  Reformation,  numbered 
among  her  nuns  Beatrice  Landenberg,  sister 
of  the  Bishop  of  Constance,  Agnes  Mullinen, 
Catherine  Bonnstetten,  and  Margaret  Watte- 
ville, sister  of  the  provost.  The  liberty  en- 
joyed in  this  convent,  a  liberty  which  in 
earlier  times  had  given  occasion  to  scandalous 
disorders,  had  favoured  the  introduction  not 


350 


HISTORY  OF   THE  REFORMATION. 


only  of  the  Bible,  but  of  the  writings  of  Luther 
and  Zwingle;  and  soon  a  new  spring  of  life 
and  joy  changed  the  aspect  of  its  interior. 
Nigh  to  that  cell  to  which  Queen  Agnes, 
daughter  of  Albert,  had  retired,  after  bathing 
in  torrents  of  blood  "  as  in  Maydews ;"  and 
where,  dividing  her  time  between  spinning 
wool  and  embroidering  tapestry  for  the  church, 
she  had  mingled  thoughts  of  vengeance  with 
devotional  exercises, — Margaret  Watteville 
had  only  thoughts  of  peace, — read  the  Scrip- 
tures,— and  found  time,  in  her  spare  moments, 
to  compound,  of  certain  salutary  ingredients, 
an  excellent  electuary.  Retiring  to  her  cell, 
the  youthful  nun  took  courage  to  write  to  the 
Reformer  of  Switzerland .  Her  letter  discovers 
to  us,  better  than  any  reflections  could  do,  the 
Christian  spirit  which  existed  among  those 
pious  women, — still,  even  in  our  days,  so 
much  calumniated. 

"  Grace  and  peace,  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
be  given  and  multiplied  towards  you  always, 
by  God  our  heavenly  Father,"  was  the  lan- 
guage of  the  nun  of  Konigsfeld  to  Zwingle  : 
"  Very  learned,  reverend,  and  most  dear  Sir, 
I  pray  you  to  take  in  good  part  this  letter 
which  I  now  address  to  you.  The  love  of 
Christ  constrains  me; — especially  since  I 
have  learned  >,hat  the  doctrines  of  grace  are 
spreading  fr:oi  day  to  day  through  your 
preaching  of  the  word  of  God.  For  this 
cause  I  give  thanks  to  the  Eternal  God,  for 
that  he  has  enlightened  us  anew,  and  has  sent 
us,  by  His  Holy  Spirit,  so  many  heralds  of 
His  blessed  word ;  and  at  the  same  time  I 
present  before  Him  my  earnest  prayers,  that 
He  will  be  pleased  to  clothe  with  His  strength, 
both  you  and  all  those  who  publish  His  glad 
tidings, — and  that  arming  you  against  all 
enemies  of  the  truth,  He  will  cause  His 
Divine  Word  to  grow  in  all  men.  Most 
learned  Sir,  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending  to 
your  reverence  this  little  mark  of  my  affection ; 
I  pray  you  do  not  despise  it,  for  it  is  an  offering 
of  Christian  love.  If  this  electuary  shoulid 
be  useful  to  you,  and  you  should  wish  to  have 
more,  pray  let  me  know,  for  it  would  be  a  joy 
to  my  heart  to  do  any  thing  that  would  be 
agreeable  to  you.  I  am  writing  not  my  own 
feelings  only,  but  those  of  all  in  our  convent 
of  Konigsfeld  who  love  the  Gospel.  They 
salute  you  in  Jesus  Christ,  and  we  together 
cease  not  to  commend  you  to  His  Almighty 
protection.73 

"Saturday  before  Lcelare,  1523." 

Such  was  the  pious  letter  which  the  nun  of 
Konigsfeld  wrote  to  the  Reformer  of  Switzer- 
land. 

A  convent  into  which  the  light  of  the  Gos- 
pel had  penetrated  in  such  power,  could  not 
Jong  continue  to  adhere  to  monastic  observ- 
ances. Margaret  Watteville  and  her  sisters, 
persuaded  that  they  should  better  serve  God 
in  their  families  than  in  a  cloister,  solicited 
permission  to  leave  it.  The  Council  of  Berne, 
in  some  alarm,  took  measures  to  bring  the 
nuns  to  reason,  and  the  provincial  and  abbess 
alternately  tried  promises  and  threats,  but  the 


sisters,  Margaret,  Agnes,  and  Catherine,  and 
their  friends,  could  not  be  dissuaded.  On 
this,  the  discipline  of  the  convent  was  re- 
laxed.— the  nuns  being  exempted  from  fasting 
and  matins,  and  their  allowance  increased. 
"  We  desire,"  said  they,  in  reply  to  the  Coun- 
cil, "  not « the  liberty  of  the  flesh?  but  that  of 
the  spirit.  We,  your  poor,  unoffending  pri- 
soners, beseech  you  to  take  compassion  on  us." 
— "  Our  prisoners !  our  prisoners,"  exclaimed 
the  banneret,  Krauchthaler ;  "  /  have  no  wish 
to  detain  them  prisoners  !"  This  speech,  com- 
ing from  a  firm  defender  of  the  convents, 
decided  the  Council.  The  gates  were  open- 
ed ;  and  in  a  short  time  afterwards  Catherine 
Bonnstetten  married  William  von  Diesbach. 
Nevertheless,  Berne,  instead  of  openly 
taking  part  with  the  Reformation,  did  but  hold 
a  middle  course,  and  pursue  a  system  of  vacil- 
lation. An  incident  soon  occurred  which 
made  this  apparent.  Sebastian  Meyer,  lec- 
turer of  the  Franciscans,  put  forth  a  recanta- 
tion of  Romish  errors,  which  produced  an 
immense  sensation;  and,  in  which,  depicting 
the  condition  of  the  inmates  of  convents,  he 
said,  "The  living  in  them  is  more  impure, 
the  falls  more  frequent,  the  recoveries  more 
tardy,  the  habitual  walk  more  unsteady,  the 
moral  slumber  in  them  more  dangerous,  the 
grace  toward  offenders  more  rare,  and  the 
cleansing  from  sin  more  slow,  the  death  more 
despairing,  and  the  condemnation  more  se- 
vere."74 At  the  very  time  when  Meyer  was 
thus  declaring  himself  against  the  cloisters, 
John  Heim,  lecturer  of  the  Dominicans,  ex- 
claimed from  the  pulpit,  "  JVo/  Christ  has  not, 
as  the  Evangelicals  tells  us,  made  satisfaction 
once  for  a//,  to  his  Father.  God  must  still 
further  every  day  be  reconciled  to  men  by 
good  works  and  the  sacrifice  of  the  mass." 
Two  burghers,  who  happened  to  be  in  the 
church,  interrupted  him  with  the  words, 
"  That's  not  true."  The  interruption  caused 
a  great  disturbance  in  the  church ;  and  Heim 
remained  silent.  Some  pressed  him  to  go  on ; 
but  he  left,  the  pulpit  without  finishing  his 
sermon.  The  next  day  the  Grand  Council 
struck  a  blow  at  once  against  Rome  and  the 
Reformation  !  They  banished  from  the  city 
the  two  leading  controversialists,  Meyer  and 
Heim.  It  was  remarked  of  the  Bernese, 
"  They  are  neither  clear  nor  muddy,"75— taking 
in  a  double  sense  the  name  of  Luther,  which 
in  old  German  signified  clear.* 


*  Romish  writers,  and  particularly  M.  de  Haller, 
have  mentioned,  following  Salat  and  Tschudi, 
enemies  of  the  Reformation,  a  pretended  letter  of 
Zwingle,  addressed,  at  this  juncture,  to  Kolb  at 
Berne.  It  is  as  follows  : — "  Health  and  blessing 
from  God  our  Saviour.  Dear  Francis,  move 
gently  in  the  matter.  At  first  only  throw  one 
sour  pear  to  the  bear,  amongst  a  great  many 
sweet  ones  ;  afterwards  two,  then  three  ;  and  as 
soon  as  he  begins  to  eat  them,  throw  more  and 
more, — sweet  and  bitter  all  together.  Empty  the 
sack  entirely.  Soft,  hard,  sweet,  bitter,  he  will 
eat  them  all,  and  will  no  longer  allow  either  that 
they  be  taken,  or  he  driven  away. — Zurich,  Mon- 
day before  St.  George,  1525. 

"  Your  servant  in  Christ,  ULRICH  ZWINGLE." 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


351 


But  it  was  in  vain  to  attempt  to  smother  of  Konigsfeld,  was,  about  the  same  time 

•!-»/»  ,•  „  TI_-  T.    .     _  t      _  li_j   *_    T : rii       i .  _r/^i     • =t 


the  Reformation  at  Berne.  It  made  progress 
on  all  sides.  The  nuns  of  the  convent  de 
Tile  had  not  forgotten  Mailer's  visit.  Clara 
May,  and  many  of  her  friends,  pressed  in 
their  consciences  to  know  what  to  do,  wrote 
to  the  learned  Henry  Bullinger.  In  answer, 
he  said,  "Saint  Paul  enjoins  young  women 
not  to  take  upon  them  vows,  but  to  marry, 
instead  of  living  in  idleness,  under  a  false 
show  of  piety.  (1  Tim.  v.  13,  14.)  Follow 
Jesus  in  humility,  charity,  patience,  purity, 
and  kindness."76  Clara,  looking  to  heaven  for 
guidance,  resolved  to  act  on  the  advice,  and 
renounce  a  manner  of  life  at  variance  with  the 
word  of  God, — of  man's  invention, — and  beset 
with  snares.  Her  grandfather  Bartholomew, 
who  had  served  for  fifty  years  in  the  field  and 
the  council-hall,  heard  with  joy  of  the  resolu- 
tion she  had  formed.  Clara  quitted  the  con- 
vent. 

The  provost,  Nicholas  Watteville,  con- 
nected by  strong  ties  of  interest  to  the  Roman 
hierarchy,  and  who  was  to  have  been  nomi- 
nated to  the  first  vacant  bishopric  in  Switzer- 
land, also  gave  up  his  titles,  revenues,  and 
expectations,  that  he  might  keep  a  clear  con- 
science ;  and,  breaking  through  all  the  en- 
tanglements in  which  the  popes  had  sought 
to  bind  him,  he  too  entered  into  that  state, 
which  had  been,  from  the  beginning,  instituted 
by  God.  Nicholas  Watteville  took  to  wife 
Clara  May;  and  }iis  sister  Margaret,  the  nun 


We  can  oppose  convincing  arguments  against 
the  authenticity  of  this  letter.  First, — In  1525, 
Kolb  was  pastor  at  Wertheimer.  He  did  not 
come  to  Berne  until  1527.— (See  Zw.  Epp.  526.) 
M.  de  Haller  substitutes,  indeed,  but  quite  arbi- 
trarily, 1527  for  1525.  This  correction,  doubtless, 
had  its  object;  but,  unfortunately,  in  making  it, 
M.  de  Haller  puts  himself  in  direct  contradiction 
of  Salat  and  Tschudi,  who,  though  they  do  not 
agree  as  to  the  day  on  which  this  letter  was  men- 
tioned in  the  diet,  agree  as  the  year,  which,  with 
both,  is  clearly  1525.  Secondly, — There  is  no 
agreement  as  to  the  way  in  which  the  letter  itself 
got  abroad.  According  to  one  account,  it  was 
intercepted  ;  another  version  tells  us  that  Kolb's 
parishioners  communicated  it  to  an  inhabitant  of 
the  small  cantons,  who  happened  to  be  at  Berne. 
Thirdly, — The  original  is  in  German.  Now 
Zwingle  wrote  always  in  Latin  to  his  friends  who 
could  understand  that  language  :  moreover,  he 
used  to  salue  them  as  brother,  and  not  as  servant. 
Fourthly, — In  reading  Zwingle' s  correspondence 
it  is  impossible  not  to  perceive  that  his  style  is 
quite  different  from  that  of  the  pretended  letter. 
Zwingle  never  would  have  written  a  letter  to  say 
BO  little.  His  letters  in  general  are  long  and  full 
of  news.  To  call  the  little  jeu  d'esprit  picked  up 
by  Salat  a  letter,  is  but  trifling.  Fifthly, — Salat 
deserves  but  little  confidence  as  an  historian  ;  and 
Tschudi  appears  to  have  copied  him,  with  a  few 
variations.  Possibly  a  man  of  the  small  can- 
tons may  have  had  communication,  from  some 
inhabitant  of  Berne,  of  the  letter  from  Zwingle 
to  Haller,  which  we  have  before  mentioned, 
wherein  Zwingle  employs,  with  a  good  deal  of 
dignity,  the  comparison  of  the  bears, — which  is 
found  in  all  authors  of  that  age.  This  may  have 
given  the  idea  to  some  wit  to  invent  this  letter, 
which  has  been  supposed  to  have  passed  from 
Zwingle  to  Kolb. 


united  to  Lucius  Tscharner  of  Coira. 

Every  thing  gave  intimation  of  the  victory 
which  the  Reformation  would  soon  obtain  at 
Berne.  A  city  not  less  important,  and  which 
then  ranked  as  the  Athens  of  Switzerland — 
Basle,  was  also  beginning  to  take  part  in 
the  memorable  struggle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
ury. 

Each  of  the  cities  of  the  Confederation  had 
ts  own  peculiar  character.  Berne  was  dis- 
tinguished as  the  place  of  residence  of  the 
hief  families  ;  and  the  question  was  one  that 
seemed  likely  to  be  decided  by  the  part  taken, 
ay  certain  of  the  leading  nobles.  At  Zurich, 
the  ministers  of  the  Word,  such  men  as 
Zwingle,  Leo  Juda,  Myconius,  and  Schmidt, 
exercised  a  commanding  influence  over  a 
powerful  middle  class  of  society.  Lucerne 
was  the  city  of  arms, — a  centre  of  military 
organization.  Basle  was  the  seat  of  learning, 
and  its  accompaniment,  —  printing-presses. 
Erasmus,  the  acknowledged  head  of  the  re- 
public of  letters  in  the  sixteenth  century,  had 
there  fixed  his  residence,  and,  preferring  the 
liberty  it  afforded  him  to  the  flattering  invita- 
tions of  popes  and  kings,  he  had  become  a 
centre  of  attraction  to  a  concourse  of  men  of 
learning. 

However,  a  man  inferior  to  Erasmus  in  natu- 
ral genius,  but  humble,  gentle,  and  pious,  was, 
ere  long,  to  exercise,  in  that  very  city,  an  in- 
fluence more  powerful  than  that  possessed  by 
this  prince  of  scholars.  Christopher  von 
Utenheim,  bishop  of  Basle,  who  agreed  in 
judgment  with  Erasmus,  sought  to  surround 
himself  with  men  disposed  to  co-operate  in  a 

With  this 
Capito  and 


sort  of  half-way   Reformation, 
view  he  had  called  to  his  aid 


(Ecolampadius.  The  latter  had  a  something 
savouring  of  monkery  in  his  habit  of  mind, 
and  this  often  clashed  with  the  views  of  the 
philosopher.  CEcolampadius,  however,  on 
his  part,  soon  became  enthusiastically  at- 
tached to  Erasmus ;  and  it  is  probable  he 
would  have  lost  all  independence  of  mind  in 
this  intimacy,  if  Providence  had  not  separated 
him  from  his  idol.  He  returned,  in  1517,  to 
his  native  city,  Weinsberg.  Here  he  was 
disgusted  with  the  disorders  and  the  profanity 
which  prevailed  among  the  priests;  and  he 
has  left  a  noble  record  of  the  serious  spirit 
which  from  that  time  actuated  him,  in  his 
work  entitled  "The  Humours  of  Easter," 
which  appears  to  have  been  written  about  this 
period.77 

Called  to  Augsburg,  towards  the  end  of 
1518,  to  fill  the  post  of  preacher  in  its  cathe- 
dral, he  found  that  city  still  under  the  effects 
of  the  memorable  discussion  which  had  been 
held  there,  in  the  previous  May,  between 
Luther  and  the  Pope's  legate.  It  was  neces- 
sary that  he  should  choose  his  side,  and 
(Ecolampadius  did  not  hesitate  to  declare 


*  Zw.  Epp.  annotatio,  p.  451.  It  is  from  this 
union  that  the  Tscharners  of  Berne  derive  their 
descent. 


352 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


himself  on  the  side  of  the  Reformer.  Snch 
candour  on  his  part  soon  drew  down  upon  him 
.much  opposition,  and  being  convinced  that  his 
natural  timidity,  and  the  feehleness  of  his 
voice,  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  suc- 
ceed in  public,  he  looked  around  him  for  a 
place  of  retreat,  and  his  thoughts  rested  on  a 
convent  of  monks  of  Saint  Bridget,  near  Augs- 
burg, renowned  for  the  piety,  as  well  as  for 
the  profound  and  liberal  studies  of  its  monks. 
Feeling  the  need  of  repose,  of  leisure,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  of  quiet  occupation  and 
prayer,  he  addressed  himself  to  this  commu- 
nity, and  inquired,  "  Can  I  live  in  your  con- 
vent according  to  the  word  of  God"1?"  The 
answer  being  in  the  affirmative,  CEcolampa- 
dius  entered  its  gates  on  the  23d  April,  1520, 
having  expressly  stipulated  that  he  should  be 
free,  if  ever  the  ministry  of  the  word  of  God 
should  require  his  service  elsewhere. 

It  was  well  that  the  Reformer  of  Basle 
should,  like  Luther,  become  acquainted  with 
that  monastic  life,  which  presented  the  fullest 
exhibition  of  the  working  of  Roman  Catholi- 
cism. But  rest  was  what  he  could  not  find 
there ;  his  friends  blamed  the  step ;  and  he 
himself  declared  frankly  that  Luther  was 
nearer  to  the  truth  than  his  adversaries.  No 
wonder,  therefore  that  Eck  and  other  Romish 
doctors  pursued  him  with  menaces  even  in 
this  his  quiet  retreat. 

At  the  time  we  are  recording,  (Ecolampa- 
dius  was  neither  one  of  the  Reformed,  nor  yet 
a  blind  follower  of  Rome;  what  he  most  de- 
sired was  a  sort  of  purified  Catholicism, 
\vhich  is  no  where  to  be  found  in  history, — ! 
but  the  idea  of  which  has,  to  many,  served  as 
a  bridge  of  passage  to  better  things.  He  set 
himself  to  correct,  by  reference  to  the  word 
of  God,  the  statutes  of  his  order.  "  I  conjure 
you,"  said  he,  to  the  confraternity,  "not  to 
think  more  highly  of  your  statutes,  than  of 
the  ordinances  and  commandments  of  the 
Lord."  "  We  have  no  wish,"  replied  his 
brethren,  "for  other  rules  than  those  of  the 
Saviour.  Take  our  books,  and  mark,  as  in  the 
presence  of  Christ  himself,  whatever  you  find 
therein  contrary  to  his  word."  (Ecolarnpa- 
dius  began  the  task  imposed;  but  he  was 
almost  wearied  by  it.  "  O  Almighty  God  !" 
he  exclaimed,  "  what  abominations  has  not 
Rome  sanctioned  in  these  statutes." 

Hardly  had  he  pointed  out  some  of  them, 
when  the  anger  of  the  fraternity  was  aroused. 
u  Thou  heretic — thou  apostate,"  was  their  cry, 
"thou  deservest  to  be  thrown  into  a  lonesome 
dungeon  for  the  rest  of  thy  days."  They  would 
not  allow  him  to  come  to  prayers.  Meanwhile, 
outside  the  walls,  still  greater  danger  awaited 
him.  Eck,  and  his  party,  had  not  relinquish- 
ed their  schemes.  "  In  three  days,"  it  was 
told  him,  "they  will  be  here  to  arrest  you." 
44 Do  you  intend,"  asked  he,  "to deliver  me  up 
to  assassins'?"  The  monks  were  silent  and 
irresolute  .  .  . ;  neither  willing  to  save  him, 
lior  yet  to  give  him  up.  At  this  juncture,  some 
friends  of  CEcolampadius  approached  the  con- 
vent, bringing  with  them  horses  to  conduct 


him  to  a  place  of  safety.  At  the  news,  the 
monks  decided  to  allow  the  departure  of  one 
who  had  brought  the  seeds  of  trouble  into 
their  convent.  " Farewell"  said  he.  Be- 
hold him  at  liberty  ! 

He  had  remained  nearly  two  years  in  the 
convent  of  Saint  Bridget. 

CEcolampadius  was  saved — he  began  to 
breathe.  "  I  have  sacrificed  the  monk,'*  said 
he,  writing  to  a  friend,  "  and  have  regained 
the  Christian."  But  his  flight  from  the  con- 
vent, and  his  heretical  writings  were  every 
where  proclaimed.  People  on  all  sides  drew 
back  at  his  approach.  He  knew  not  which 
way  to  turn,  when  Sickingen  offered  him  an 
asylum.  This  was  in  the  spring  of  the  year 
1522.  He  accepted  it. 

His  mind,  oppressed  during  his  confine- 
ment within  the  monastery,  recovered  its 
elasticity  amongst  the  noble  warriors  of 
Ebernburg.  "Christ  is  our  liberty  !"  burst 
from  his  lips,  "and  that  which  men  consider 
as  their  greatest  misfortune, — death  itself, — 
is  for  us  a  real  gain."  He  directly  com- 
menced reading  to  the  people  the  Gospel's 
and  Epistle's  in  German.  "No  sooner  will 
these  trumpets  sound  abroad,"  said  he,  "  than 
the  walls  of  Jericho  will  crumble  to  the 
ground." 

Thus  the  most  humble  man  of  his  time  was 
preparing,  in  a  fortress  on  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine,  in  the  midst  of  unpolished  warriors, 
for  that  change  of  worship  which  Christianity 
was  shortly  to  undergo.  Nevertheless,  Ebern- 
burg was  not  a  field  large  enough  for  his 
plans ;  besides,  he  felt  the  need  of  other  so- 
ciety than  such  as  he  was  in  the  midst  of. 
Cratander,  the  bookseller,  invited  him  to  take 
up  his  abode  at  Basle  ;  Sickingen  offered  no 
impediment;  and  GEcolampadius,  glad  at  the 
thought  of  seeing  his  old  friends,  arrived  there 
on  the  16th  November,  1522.  After  having 
lived  there  some  time,  simply  as  a  man  of 
learning,  without  any  public  vocation,  he  was 
nominated  vicar  of  the  church  of  St.  Mar- 
tin, and  his  acceptance  of  this  humble  en- 
gagement perhaps  decided  the  Reformation 
at  Basle.78  Whenever  CEcolampadius  was  to 
preach,  a  great  crowd  filled  the  church.79  At 
the  same  time,  the  public  lectures  given  by 
him,  and  by  Pelican,  were  crowned  with  so 
much  success,  that  Erasmus  himself  felt 
constrained  to  exclaim,  "  CEcolampadius 
triumphs  I"80 

"  In  fact,  this  gentle,  and  firm  man,"  says 
Zwingle,  "  diffused,  all  around  him,  the  sweet 
savour  of  Christ;  and  all  who  assembled 
about  him  grew  in  the  truth."81  Often  a  re- 
port prevailed  that  he  was  on  the  point  of 
being  obliged  to  quit  Basle,  and  begin  again 
his  hazardous  flights.  On  these  occasions 
his  friends, — and  above  all  Zwingle, — would 
be  in  consternation  ;  but  then  came  tidings  of 
fresh  advantages  gained  by  (Ecolampadius, 
dissipating  their  fears,  and  raising  their  hopes. 
The  renown  of  his  labours  spread  even  to 
Wittemberg,  and  rejoiced  Luther,  who  would 
often  talk  with  Melancthon  concerning  him. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


353 


But  the  Saxon  Reformer  was  not  without 
anxiety  on  his  account.  Erasmus  was  at 
Basle, — and  Erasmus  was  the  friend  of  (Eco- 
lampadius  .  .  .  Luther  thought  it  his  duty  to 
put  one  whom  he  loved  on  his  guard.  "I 
tear  much,"  wrote  he,  "  that,  like  Moses, 
Erasmus  will  die  in  the  country  of  Moah,  and 
never  lead  us  into  the  land  of  promise."82 

Erasmus  had  retired  to  Basle,  as  to  a  quiet 
city,  situated  in  the  centre  of  the  intellectual 
activity  of  the  age, — from  whence,  by  means 
of  the  printing-press  of  Frobenius,  he  could 
act  upon  France,  Germany,  Switzerland, 
Italy,  and  England.  But'he  liked  not  to  be 
interfered  with;  and  if  the  neighbourhood  of 
CEcolampadius  was  not  entirely  agreeable  to 
him,  another  man  there  was  whose  presence 
inspired  him  with  still  more  apprehension. 
Ulric  Hutten  had  followed  (Ecolampadius 
to  Basle.  For  some  time  he  had  been  at- 
tacking the  Pope,  as  one  knight  tilts  with 
another.  *'  The  axe,"  said  he,  "  is  already 
laid  at  the  root  of  the  tree.  Faint  not,  my 
countrymen,  in  the  heat  of  the  battle:  the 
lot  is  cast;  the  charge  is  begun  .  .  .  Hurrah 
for  liberty!"  He  laid  aside  the  Latin,  and 
now  wrote  only  in  German;  for  his  object 
was  to  get  at  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

His  views  were  grand  and  generous.  Ac- 
cording to  his  plan,  there  was  to  be  a  yearly 
meeting  of  bishops,  to  regulate  the  interests 
of  the  church.  Christian  institutions,  and 
above  all,  a  Christian  spirit,  was  to  go  forth 
from  Germany,  as  formerly  from  Judea,  and 
spread  through  the  whole  world.  Charles 
V.  was  the  young  hero  destined  to  realise 
this  golden  age;  but  Hutten's  hopes  having 
been" blasted  in  that  quarter,  he  turned  to- 
wards Sickingen,  and  sought  from  knight- 
hood that  which  the  Imperial  authority 
refused  him. 

Sickingen,  as  a  leading  chieftain,  had 
acted  a  distinguished  part  in  Germany ;  but 
soon  after  the  nobles  had  besieged  him  in  the 
castle  of  Landstein,  and  the  ancient  walls 
of  that  fortress  had  yielded  to  the  strange 
power  of  cannon  and  musketry, — then  only 
recently  invented.  The  taking  of  Landstein 
had  been  the  final  defeat  of  the  power  of  the 
knights, — the  triumph  of  the  art  of  modern 
warfare  over  that  of  the  middle  ages.  Thus, 
the  last  exploits  of  the  knights  had  been  on 
the  side  of  the  Reformation,  while  the  ear- 
liest use  of  the  newly-invented  engines  was 
against  it.  The  steel-clad  warriors,  whose 
bodies  fell  beneath  the  unlooked-for  storm  of 
balls,  made  way  for  other  soldiery.  Other 
conflicts  were  opening.  A  spiritual  knight- 
hood was  taking  the  place  of  the  Du  Gues- 
clins  and  Bayards ;  and  those  battered  ram- 
parts, broken  walls,  and  expiring  warriors, 
told,  more  plainly  than  Luther  had  been 
able  to  do,  that  it  was  not  by  such  allies  or 
such  weapons  that  the  Gospel  of  the  Prince 
of  Peace  was  destined  to  prevail. 

The  hopes  of  Hutten  had  died  with  the 
fall  of  Landstein,  and  the  ruin  of  the  power 
of  the  knights  As  he  stood  by  the  corpse 


of  his  friend  Sickingen,  he  bade  adieu  to  his 
dream  of  brighter  days  to  come,  and  losing 
j  all  confidence  in  men,"  he  sought  only  for  re- 
tirement and  repose.  In  quest  of  these,  he 
visited  Erasmus  in  Switzerland.  An  early 
friendship  had  subsisted  between  them ;  but 
the  rough  and  overbearing  knight,  regardless 
of  the  opinions  of  others,  quick  to  grasp  the 
sword,  and  dealing  his  blows  on  all  sides, 
wherever  he  came,  could  scarcely  be  ex- 
pected to  "  walk  together"  with  the  fastidi- 
ous and  timid  Erasmus,  with  all  his  refine- 
ment, politeness,  love  of  praise,  his  readiness 
to  sacrifice  all  for  the  sake  of  it,  and  his  fear, 
above  all,  of  controversy. 

On  his  arrival  at  Basle,  Hutten,  poor,  suf- 
fering in  bodily  health,  and  a  fugitive,  im 
mediately  sought  out  his  old  friend.  But 
Erasmus  shrunk  from  the  thought  of  re- 
ceiving at  his  table  a  man  who  was  placed 
under  ban  by  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor, — & 
a  man  who,  in  his  conversation,  would 
spare  no  one,  and,  besides  borrowing  money 
of  him,  would  no  doubt  be  followed  by  others 
of  the  "  Gospel  party,"  whom  Erasmus 
dreaded  more  and  more.  He  declined  to 
see  him, — and  the  magistrates  of  Basle  de- 
sired Hutten  to  leave  the  city.  Wounded  to 
the  quick,  and  irritated  by  the  timid  pru- 
dence of  his  friend,  Hutten  repaired  to  Mul- 
hausen,  and  there  circulated  a  violent  diatribe 
against  Erasmus, — to  which  the  latter  put 
forth  a  reply  replete  with  talent.  The  knight 
had,  as  it  were,  with  both  hands,  seized  his 
sword,  and  felled  his  adversary  to  the  earth; 
the  philosopher,  recovering  his  feet,  had  re- 
plied to  the  strokes  of  his  adversary  by  peck- 
ings  with  his  beak.84 

Hutten  was  again  compelled  to  flight. 
He  reached  Zurich,  and  there  found  a  kind 
reception  at  the  hospitable  hearth  of  Zwin- 
gle.  Intrigues  again  obliged  him  to  quit  that 
city;  and  after  passing  some  time  at  the 
baths  of  Pfeffers,  he  repaired,  provided  with 
a  letter  from  the  Swiss  Reformer,  to  the 
pastor,  John  Schnapp,  who  resided  in  the 
little  island  of  Uffhan,  on  the  lake  of  Zurich. 
That  humble  minister  of  God's  word  received 
the  sick  and  homeless  knight  with  the  ten- 
derest  charity.  And  in  that  tranquil  and 
unknown  seclusion,  Ulric  Hutten,  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  men  of  his  age,  expired 
about  the  end  of  August,  after  an  agitated 
life,  in  the  course  of  which  he  had  been  ex- 
pelled by  one  party,  persecuted  by  another, 
and  deserted  by  nearly  all; — having  all  his 
life  contended  against  superstition,  without, 
as  it  would  seem,  ever  arriving  at  the  know- 
ledge of  the  truth.  The  poor  minister,  who 
had  gained  some  experience  in  the  healing 
art,  had  bestowed  upon  him  the  utmost  at- 
tention. He  had  left  behind  him  neither 
money  nor  furniture,  nor  books, — nothing, 
save  his  pen.85  So  broken  was  that  steel-clad 
arm  that  he  dared  to  put  forward  to  sup- 
port the  ark  of  God. 

But  there  was  one  man  in  Germany  more 
formidable  in  the  eyes  of  Erasmus  than  the 


354 


HISTORY  OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


ill-fated  knight, — and  that  man  was  Luther. 
The  time  had  come  when  the  two  great 
combatants  of  the  age  were  to  measure  their 
strength  in  the  lists.  They  were  the  leaders 
of  two  very  different  reformations.  Whilst 
Luther  was  bent  on  a  complete  reformation, 
Erasmus,  as  the  advocate  of  a  middle  course, 
was  seeking  certain  concessions  from  the 
hierarchy,  that  might  have  the  effect  of  con- 
ciliating the  opposing  parties.  Luther  was 
disgusted  with  the  vacillation  and  inconsis- 
tency of  Erasmus.  "  You  are  trying  to  walk 
on  eggs  without  breaking  them,"  said  he.86 

At  the  same  time,  he  met  these  vacilla- 
tions of  Erasmus  with  the  most  entire  and 
unfaltering  decision.  "  We  Christians,"  said 
he,  "  ought  to  be  well  persuaded  of  what  we 
teach,  and  to  be  able  to  say  yes  or  no.  To 
object  to  our  affirming  with  full  conviction 
what  we  believe,  is  to  strip  us  of  our  faith 
itself.  The  Holy  Spirit  is  no  spirit  of  doubt.87 
And  he  has  written  in  our  hearts  a  firm  and 
peaceful  assurance,  which  makes  us  as  sure 
of  the  object  of  faith  as  we  are  of  our  exis- 
tence." 

These  words  suffice  to  show  on  which 
side  strength  was  to  be  found.  To  effect  a 
change  in  religion,  there  is  need  of  firm  and 
living  faith.  A  salutary  revolution  in  the 
Church  is  never  to  be  derived  from  philoso- 
phic views  and  thoughts  of  man.  To  restore 
fertility  to  the  earth  after  a  long  drought,  the 
lightning  must  strike  the  cloud,  and  the 
windows  of  heaven  must  be  opened.  Criti- 
cal acuteness,  philosophy,  and  even  history, 
may  prepare  the  ground  for  a  true  faith,  but 
.never  can  they  fill  its  place.  Vainly  would 
you  cleanse  the  aqueduct  or  build  up  your 
embankments,  so  long  as  the  rain  cometh 
not  down  from  heaven.  The  learning  of 
man  without  faith  is  but  as  the  dry  chan- 
nel. 

Much  and  essentially  as  Luther  and  Eras- 
mus differed  one  from  the  other,  a  hope  was 
long  cherished  by  Luther's  friends,  and  even 
by  himself,  that  both  would  one  day  be  united 
in  resistance  of  Rome.  Expressions,  dropt 
in  his  caustic  humour,  were  commonly  re- 
ported, which  showed  the  philosopher  dis- 
senting, in  his  opinion,  from  the  most  devoted 
adherents  of  Catholicism.  For  instance,  it 
is  related,  that,  when  in  England,  he  was 
one  day  in  earnest  conversation  with  Thomas 
More  on  the  subject  of  transubstantiation. 
"  Only  believe,"  said  More,  "  that  you  re- 
ceive the  body  of  Christ,  and  you  really  have 
it."  Erasmus  was  silent.  Shortly  after  this, 
when  Erasmus  was  leaving  England,  More 
lent  him  a  horse  to  convey  him  to  the  port 
where  he  was  to  embark;  but  Erasmus  took 
it  abroad  with  him.  When  More  heard  of 
it,  he  reproached  him  with  much  warmth; 
but  the  only  answer  Erasmus  gave  him  was 
in  the  following  quatrain  : — * 


*  There  is  surely  profanity  as  well  as  levity  in 
this.  May  the  reader  be  preserved  from  any  sym- 
pathy with  such  a  way  of  dealing  with  a  belief 
which,  right  or  wrong,  is  reverential. — TR. 


"  Only  believe  thou  sharest  Christ's  feast,  say  you. 
And  never  doubt  the  fact  is  therefore  true  : 
So  write  I  of  thy  horse  ; — if  thou  art  able 
But  to  believe  it,  he  is  in  thy  stable."88 

Erasmus's  sentiments  having  got  wind,  not 
only  in  Germany  and  England,  but  in  other 
countries,  it  was  said  at  Paris  that  "Luther 
wanted  to  force  open  the  door,  of  which, 
Erasmus  had  already  picked  the  lock."89 

The  position  taken  by  Erasmus  was  a  dif- 
ficult one.  "  I  will  not  be  unfaithful  to  the 
cause  of  Christ,"  wrote  he  to  Zwingle,  "at 
least  so  far  as  the  times  will  allow."50  Just 
in  proportion  as  he  saw  Rome  rising  up 
against  the  favourers  of  the  Reformation,  he 
prudently  drew  back  from  them.  All  par- 
ties looked  to  him.  Pope,  emperor,  kings, 
nobles,  men  of  learning,  and  even  his  most 
intimate  friends,  entreated  him  to  take  up 
his  pen  against  the  Reformer.91  "  You  can- 
not possibly  undertake  a  work  more  accept- 
able to  God  and  more  worthy  of  your  ge 
nius,"  wrote  the  Pope.92 

Erasmus  for  a  long  time  held  out  against 
these  solicitations.     He  could  not  conceal 
from  himself  that  the  cause  of  the  Reforma 
lion  was  that  of  Religion  as  well  as  of  Learn 
ing.     Moreover,  Luther  was   an  adversary 
he  dreaded  to  find  himself  opposed  to.     "  It 
is  an  easy  thing  for  you  to  say,  Write  against 
Luther,"  said  lie  to  a  Romish  divine,  "  but 
the  matter  is  full  of  hazard."93  He  knew  not 
which  way  to  move. 

This  hesitation  on  the  part  of  Erasmus 
drew  upon  him  the  most  violent  of  both  par- 
ties. Luther  himself  scarcely  knew  how  to 
make  his  respect  for  Erasmus's  learning 
consist  with  the  indignation  his  timid  policy 
awakened  in  him.  He  resolved  to  break 
through  the  painful  restraint  he  had  hitherto 
imposed  on  himself,  and  wrote  to  him,  in 
April,  1524,  a  letter  which  he  commissioned 
Camerarius  to  deliver  to  him. 

"  You  have  not  yet  received  from  the  Lord 
the  courage  requisite  for  marching  side  by 
side  with  us  against  the  Papists.  We  bear 
with  your  weakness.  If  learning  prospers, 
and  if,  by  its  means,  the  treasury  of  Scripture 
is  unlocked  to  all  comers,  it  is  a  gift  which 
God  has  given  us  by  you — a  noble  gift,  for 
which  our  praise  ascends  to  heaven.  But 
do  not  desert  the  post  assigned  you,  to  take 
up  your  quarters  in  our  camp.  No  doubt 
your  eloquence  and  genius  might  be  useful 
to  us;  but,  since  your  courage  fails  you,  re- 
main where  you  are.  If  I  could  have  my 
will,  those  who  are  acting  with  me  should 
leave  your  old  age  in  peace,  to  fall  asleep  in 
the  Lord.  The  greatness  of  our  cause  has 
long  ago  surpassed  your  strength.  But  then, 
dear  Erasmus,  cease,  I  pray  you,  to  scatter, 
with  open  hands,  the  biting  satire  you  are  so 
skilled  to  clothe  in  flowery  rhetoric,  for  the 
slightest  stroke  of  your  pen  inflicts  more 
pain  than  the  being  ground  to  powder  by  all 
the  Papists  put  together.  Be  satisfied  to  be 
a  spectator  of  our  tragedy:94  only  abstain  from 
writing  against  me,  and  I  will  not  attack  you ." 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


355 


Here  we  see  Luther,  whose  spirit  breath 
ed  the  breath  of  conflict,  asking  for  peace 
and  amity !  Erasmus,  the  man  of  peace 
broke  it. 

This  communication  of  the  Re  former  was 
received  by  Erasmus  as  the  keenest  of  in- 
sults, and  if  he  had  not  previously  resolved 
on  publishing  against  Luther,  it  is  probable 
that  resolution  was  then  taken.  "  Perhaps, 
was  his  reply, "  perhaps  Erasmus  will  better 
serve  the  Gospel  by  writing  against  you,  than 
certain  senseless  writers  on  your  own  side, 
whose  doctrines  do  not  allow  me  to  be  any 
longer  a  mere  spectator  of  the  tragedy."95 

But  other  motives  were  not  wanting. 
Henry  VIII.  and  the  leading  nobility  of 
England,  pressed  him  to  declare  himself 
openly  against  the  Reformation,  and  Eras- 
mus, in  a  moment  of  more  than  usual  bold- 
ness, gave  a  promise  to  that  effect.  His 
questionable  position  had,  besides,  become  a 
source  of  continual  trouble  to  him;  he  loved 
ease,  and  the  necessity  he  was  continually 
brought  under  of  vindicating  his  conduct 
was  a  constant  disturbance.  He  loved  the 
praise  of  men,  and  he  heard  himself  charged 
with  fearing  Luther,  and  being  unable  to 
answer  him — he  clung  to  the  uppermost 
seat, — and  the  plain  monk  of  Wittemberg 
had  dethroned  the  powerful  Erasmus  from 
his  pre-eminence.  It  was  his  aim,  by  a  bold 
step,  to  regain  the  place  he  had  lost.  The 
established  Christianity  of  his  age,  with  one 
voice,  invited  him  to  the  attempt.  A  man 
of  large  capacity,  and  of  the  highest  reputa- 
tion in  that  age,  was  wanted  to  oppose  to 
the  Reformation.  Erasmus  gave  himself  to 
the  work. 

But  with  what  weapons  will  he  arm  for 
the  encounter  ?  Will  he  call  forth  the  former 
thunders  of  the  Vatican?  Will  he  under- 
take the  vindication  of  the  corruptions  which 
are  the  disgrace  of  the  Papacy!  Erasmus 
could  not  act  such  a  part.  The  grand  move- 
ment which  then  swelled  all  hearts,  after  the 
death-like  stupor  of  so  many  centuries,  filled 
him  with  joy,  and  he  would  have  shrunk 
from  shackling  its  progress.  Unable  to  be 
the  champion  of  Roman  Catholicism  in  that 
which  it  has  added  to  Christianity,  he  under- 
took the  defence  of  it  in  the  particulars 
wherein  it  has  taken  away  from  it.  Erasmus 
chose  for  the  ground  of  his  attack  upon 
Luther,  that  point  wherein  Catholicism 
makes  common  cause  with  Rationalism,  the 
doctrine  of  Free  Will,  or  the  power  of  man 
by  nature.  Accordingly,  although  under- 
taking thus  to  defend  the  Church,  Erasmus 
was  also  gratifying  the  men  of  this  world ; 
and,  although  fighting  the  battle  on  behalf 
of  the  Pope,  he  was  also  contending  on  the 
side  of  the  philosophic  party.  It  has  been 
said  that  he  acted  injudiciously  in  thus  re- 
stricting himself  loan  intricate  and  unprofit- 
able question.*  Luther, — the  Reformers 


"It  is    humbling    to   mankind,"    says   M. 
Nisard — see  Revue  des  deux  mondes,  iii.  p.  411, 
— "  to  contemplate  men  capable  of  grasping  eternal 
46 


generally,— and,  indeed,  that  age  were  of  a 
different  opinion;  and  we  agree  with  them. 
"1  must  acknowledge,"  said  Luther,  "that, 
in  this  great  controversy,  you  alone  have 
taken  the  bull  by  the  horns.  I  thank  you 
with  all  my  heart,  for  I  prefer  to  be  occupied 
with  that  theme  rather  than  such  secondary 
questions  as  Pope,  purgatory,  and  indul- 
gences, with  which  the  enemies  of  the  Gos- 
pel have  hitherto  dogged  my  steps."96 

His  own  experience,  and  the  attentive 
study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  of  St. 
Augustine,  had  convinced  Luther  that  the 
powers  of  man's  nature  are  so  strongly  in- 
clined to  evil,  that,  in  his  own  strength,  he 
can  attain  no  more  than  an  outward  decency, 
of  no  value  or  sufficiency  in  the  sight  of  God.. 
He  had,  at  the  same  time,  recognised  that  it 
was  God,  who,  by  his  Holy  Spirit,  bestow- 
ing freely  on  man  the  gift  of  'faith,'  com- 
municated to  him  a  real  righteousness. 
This  doctrine  had  become  the  vital  principle 
of  his  religion,  the  predominant  tenet  of  his 
theology,  and  the  pivot  on  which  the  entire 
Reformation  turned. 

Whilst  Luther  maintained  that  every  thing 
good  in  man  came  down  from  God,  Erasmus 
sided  with  those  who  thought  that  this  good 
came  out  from  man  himself.  God  or  man — 
good  or  evil — these  are  no  unimportant 
themes  ;  and  if  there  is  '  triviality,'  it  is  as- 
suredly not  in  such  solemn  questions. 

It  was  in  the  autumn  of  1524,  that  Erasmus 
published  his  famous  tract,  entitled  "  Diatribe 
on  the  Freedom  of  the  Will,"  and  as  soon  as 
it  saw  the  light,  the  philosopher  could  hardly 
credit  his  own  boldness.  With  his  eyes 
rivetted  on  the  arena,  he  watched,  with  trem- 
bling, the  gauntlet  he  had  flung  to  his  adver- 
sary. "The  die  is  cast,"  he  wrote  to  Henry 
VIII.,  with  emotion ;  "  the  book  on  free  will 
is  published.  I  have  done  a  bold  thing, 
believe  me.  I  expect  nothing  less  than  to  be 
stoned  for  it.  But  I  take  comfort  from  your 
majesty's  example,  whom  the  rage  of  these 
people  has  not  spared."97 

His  alarm  soon  increased  to  such  a  degree, 
that  he  bitterly  lamented  the  step  he  had 
taken.  "  Why,"  he  ejaculated,  "  why  was  I 
not  permitted  to  grow  old  in  the  mount  of  the 
Muses !  Here  am  I,  at.  sixty  years  of  age, 
forcibly  thrust  forward  into  the  arena,  and  I 
am  throwing  the  cestus  and  the  net,  instead  of 
handling  the  lyre!  I  am  aware,"  said  he  to 
the  Bishop  of  Rochester,  "  that  in  writing 
upon  free  will,  I  was  going  out  of  my  sphere; 
you  congratulate  me  on  my  triumphs.  Ah  ! 
I  do  not  know  over  whom.  The  faction  (the 
Reformation)  gathers  strength  daily.98  Was 
it  then  my  fate,  at  my  time  of  life,  to  pass 
from  my  place  as  a  friend  of  the  Muses,  to 
hat  of  a  miserable  gladiator!" 

Doubtless  it  was  no  small  matter  for  the 
timid  Erasmus  to  have  stood  forth  against 
Luther;  nevertheless,  he  had  not  spoken  out 
with  any  extraordinary  boldness.  He  seems, 


ruths,  fencing  and  debating  in  such  trivialities, 
like  gladiators  fighting  with  flies." 
2H 


366 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


in  his  book,  to  ascribe  but  little  to  man's  will, 
and  to  leave  to  grace  the  greater  part  of  the 
work;  but  then  he  chooses  his  arguments  so 
as  to  make  it  seern  as  if  man  did  every  thing, 
and  God  nothing.  Not  daring  openly  to  ex- 
press his  opinions,  he  seems  to  affirm  one 
thing,  and  to  prove  another;  so  that  one  may 
be  allowed  to  suppose  that  he  believed  what 
he  proved,  not  what  he  asserted. 

He  distinguishes  three  several  sentiments 
opposed  to  different  degrees  of  Pelagianism  : 
"  Some  think,"  said  he,  "  that  man  can 
neither  will,  nor  begin,  still  less  perform  any 
thing  good,  without  the  special  and  constant 
aid  of  Divine  grace;  and  this  opinion  seems 
probable  enough.  Others  teach  that  the  will 
of  man  has  no  power  but  for  evil,  and  that  it 
is  grace  alone  that  works  any  good  in  us; 
and,  lastly,  there  are  some  who  assert  that 
there  never  has  been  any  free  will,  either  in 
angels,  or  in  Adam,  or  in  us,  whether  before 
or  after  grace  received ;  but  that  God  works 
in  man  whether  it  be  good  or  evil,  and  that 
every  thing  that  happens,  happens  from  an 
absolute  necessity."99 

Erasmus,  whilst  seeming  to  admit  the  first 
of  these  opinions,  uses  arguments  that  are 
opposed  to  it,  and  which  might  be  employed 
by  the  most  determined  Pelagian.  It.  is  thus 
that,  quoting  the  passages  of  Scripture,  in 
which  God  offers  to  man  the  choice  between 
good  and  evil,  he  adds:  "Man  then  must 
needs  have  a  power  to  will  and  to  choose;  for 
it  would  be  folly  to  say  to  any  one,  Choose! 
were  it  not  in  his  power  to  do  so  1" 

Luther  feared  nothing  from  Erasmus: 
"Truth,"  said  he,  "  is  more  powerful  than 
words.  The  victory  will  remain  with  him 
who  with  stammering  lips  shall  teach  the 
truth,  and  not  to  him  who  eloquently  puts 
forward  a  lie."100  But  when  he  received  Eras- 
mus' book  in  the  month  of  October,  1524,  he 
considered  it  to  be  so  feebly  argued,  that  he 
hesitated  whether  to  answer  it.  "What!" 
he  exclaimed,  "  all  this  eloquence  in  so  bad  a 
cause  !  It  is  as  if  a  man  should  serve  up  mud 
on  gold  and  silver  dishes.101  One  cannot  get 
any  hold  upon  you.  You  are  like  an  eel  that 
slips  through  one's  fingers ;  or,  like  the  fabled 
Proteus,  who  changes  his  form  when  in  the 
very  arms  of  him  who  would  strangle  him." 

Luther  making  no  reply,  the  monks  and 
theologians  of  the  schools  broke  forth  in  exul- 
tation :  "  Well,  where  is  your  Luther  now  1 
Where  is  the  great  Maccabeus  1  Let  him 
enter  'be  lists  !  let  him  come  forward  !  Ah  ! 
ah  !  b-3  has  at  last  found  his  match  !  He  has 
had  9.  lesson  to  keep  in  the  back  ground  !  he 
h?s  '.earnt  to  be  silent.  n02 

J. -other  saw  that  he  must  answer  Erasmus; 
but  »t  was  not  till  the  end  of  the  year  1525 
that  he  prepared  to  do  so;  and  Melancthon 
having  told  Erasmus  that  Luther  would  write 
with  moderation,  the  philosopher  was  greatly 
alarmed.  "  If  I  write  with  moderation,"  said 
he,  "it  is  my  natural  character;  but  there  is 
in  Luther's  character  the  indignation  of  the 
son  of  Peleus.  And  how  can  it  be  otherwise  ? 


The  vessel  that  braves  such  a  storm  as  that 
which  rages  round  Luther,  needs  anchor, 
ballast,  and  rudder  to  keep  it  from  bearing 
down  out  of  its  course — If  therefore  he  should 
answer  more  temperately  than  suits  his  char- 
acter— the  sycophants  will  exclaim  that  we 
understand  one  another." — We  shall  see  that 
Erasmus  was  soon  relieved  from  this  last  fear. 

The  doctrine  of  God's  election  as  the  sole 
cause  of  man's  salvation,  had  long  been  dear 
to  the  Reformer: — but  hitherto  he  had  only 
considered  its  practical  influence.  In  his 
answer  to  Erasmus  he  investigated  it  especi- 
ally in  a  speculative  point  of  view,  and 
laboured  to  establish,  by  such  arguments  as 
seemed  to  him  most  conclusive,  that  God 
works  every  thing  in  man's  conversion,  and 
that  our  heart  is  so  alienated  from  the  love  of 
God,  that  it  can  only  have  a  sincere  desire 
after  righteousness  by  the  regenerating  action 
of  the  Holy  Spirit. 

"To  call  our  will  a  Free  will,"  said  he, 
"  is  to  imitate  those  princes  who  accumulate 
long  titles,  styling  themselves  sovereigns  of 
this  or  that  kingdom,  principality,  and  distant 
island,  (of  Rhodes,  Cyprus,  and  Jerusalem,) 
over  which  they  do  not  exercise  the  least 
authority."  Nevertheless,  Luther  here  makes 
an  important  distinction  which  shows  that  he 
by  no  means  participated  in  the  third  opinion 
which  Erasmus  had  raised  to  notoriety  by 
attributing  it  to  him.  "  Man's  will,"  said  he, 
"  may  indeed  be  said  to  be  free,  not  indeed  in 
relation  to  what  is  above  him, — that  is,  to 
God, — but  in  relation  to  what  is  beneath 
him, — that  is,  to  the  things  of  this  world.  In 
any  matter  affecting  my  property,  rny  lands, 
my  house,  or  my  farm,  I  find  myself  able  to 
act,  do,  and  manage  freely ;  but  in  every  thing 
that  has  reference  to  his  salvation,  man  is  a 
captive;  he  is  subject  to  the  will  of  God, — or 
rather  to  that  of  the  devil.103  Show  me,"  cries 
he,  "only  one  among  all  those  who  teach  the 
doctrine  of  free  will,  who  has  been  able  in 
himself  to  find  strength  to  endure  a  slight 
insult,  a  passionate  assault,  nay,  even  the 
hostile  look  of  his  enemy,  and  that  joyfully, — 
and  without  so.  much  as  asking  whether  he  is 
willing  to  give  up  his  body,  his  life,  his 
goods,  his  honor,  and  all  that  he  has, — I  will 
acknowledge  that  you  have  gained  your 
cause."104 

Luther  had  too  much  penetration  not  to 
discern  the  contradictions  into  which  his  ad- 
versary had  fallen.  He,  therefore,  in  his 
answer,  laboured  to  enclose  the  philosopher 
in  the  net  in  which  he  had  entangled  himself. 
"  If  the  passages  you  quote,"  said  he,  "  estab- 
lish the  principle  that  it  is  easy  for  us  to  do 
good,  wherefore  is  it  that  we  are  disputing1? 
And  what  need  can  we  have  of  Christ  or  the 
Holy  Spirit?  Christ  would  then  have  shed 
his  blood  without  necessity  to  obtain  for  us  a 
power  which  we  already  had  in  our  own 
nature."  In  truth  the  passages  quoted  by 
Erasmus  are  to  be  understood  in  quite  a  dif- 
ferent sense.  This  much  debated  question  is 
more  simple  than  it  at  first  sight  appears. 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


357 


When  the'Bible  says  to  man,  *  Choose,'  it  is 
because  it  assumes  the  assistance  of  God's 
grace,  by  which  alone  he  can  obey  the  com- 
mand. God,  in  giving  the  commandment 
gives  also  the  strength  to  fulfil  it.  If  Christ 
said  to  Lazarus, '  Come  forth,'  it  was  not  that 
Lazarus  could  restore  himself  to  life,  but  that 
Christ,  in  commanding-  him  to  come  forth, 
gave  him  the  ability  to  do  so,  and  accom- 
panied his  word  with  his  creative  power. 
He  speaks,  and  it  is  done.  Moreover  it  is 
quite  true  that  the  man  to  whom  God  speaks, 
must  will  to  do;  it  is  he  himself,  and  not 
another,  that  must  will ; — he  can  receive  this 
will  from  none  but  God ;  but  surely  in  him 
it  must  be;  and  the  very  command  which 
God  brings  to  him,  and  which,  according  to 
Erasmus,°proves  the  power  to  be  in  man, 
is  so  perfectly  reconcilable  with  Gcd's  work- 
ing, that  it  is,  in  fact,  the  very  means  by 
which  that  work  of  God  is  wrought  out.  It 
is  by  saying  to  the  man  "  Be  converted," 
that  God  converts  him. 

But  the  idea  which  Luther  especially 
kept  in  view  in  his  answer  is,  that  the  pas- 
sages quoted  by  Erasmus  are  designed  not 
to  make  known  to  men  this  pretended  power 
which  is  attributed  to  them,  but  to  show 
them  their  duty,  and  their  total  inability  to 


fulfil  it. 
Luther, 


How  often  does  it  happen,"  says 
that  a  father  calls  to  him  his  feeble 


child,  saying,  'Will  you  come,  my  son? 
come  then,' — in  order  that  the  child  may 
learn  to  call  for  his  assistance  and  allow 
himself  to  be  carried."105 

After  having  combated  Erasmus's  argu- 
ments in  favour  of  free  will,  Luther  defends 
his  own  against  the  attacks  of  his  oppo- 
nent. "  Dear  Diatribe,"  says  he,  ironically, 
"  mighty  heroine,  you  who  pride  yourself 
on  having  explained  away  those  words  of 
our  Lord  in  St.  John's  Gospel/  Without  me 
yc,  can  do  NOTHING,'  although  you  acknow- 
ledge their  force  and  call  them.  Luther's 
Achilles,  listen  to  me — Unless  you  prove 
that  this  word  nothing  not  only  may,  but 
must  signify  a  little,  all  your  sounding 
words,  all  your  famous  examples,  have  no 
more  effect  than  if  a  man  were  to  attempt  to 
oppose  a  mighty  conflagration  with  a  hand- 
ful of  straw.  What  matter  to  us  such  as- 
sertions as,  This  may  mean,  this  may  be 
thus  understood,  whilst  you  ought  to  prove 
to  us  that  it  must  be  so  understood.  Unless 
you  do  this  we  take  the  declaration  in  its 
literal  meaning,  and  laugh  at  all  your  exam- 
ples, your  fine  exordiums,  and  self-compla- 
cent boastings."106 

Subsequently,  Luther  shows,  still  from  the 
Scriptures,  that  the  grace  of  God  does  all  in 
Conversion.  He  concludes  thus:  •' In  short, 
since  the  Scripture  every  where  contrasts 
Christ  with  that  which  has  not  the  spirit  of 
Christ;  since  it  declares  that  everything 
which  is  not  Christ,  and  in  Christ,  is  under 
the  power  of  delusion,  darkness,  the  devil, 
death,  sin,  and  the  wraih  of  God  ;  it  follows 


of  Christ  is  against  your  doctrine  of  free 
will.  Now  such  passages  are  innumerable, 
the  Holy  Scriptures  are  full  of  them."107 

We  perceive  that  the  discussion  which 
arose  between  Luther  and  Erasmus,  is  the 
same  as  that  which  occurred  a  century  later 
between  the  Jansenists  and  Jesuits, — be- 
tween Pascal  and  Molina.*  Wherefore, 
then,  while  the  Reformation  has  had  such 
immense  results,  did  Jansenism,  though 
adorned  by  the  finest  geniuses,  go  out  in 
weakness T  It  is  because  Jansenism  went 
back  to  St.  Augustine,  and  rested  for  support 
on  the  Fathers;  whilst  the  Reformation  went 
back  to  THE  BIBLE,  and  was  based  on  the 
word  of  God;— because  Jansenism  made  a 
compromise  with  Rome,  and  would  have 
pursued  a  middle  course  between  truth  and 
error;  whereas,  the  Reformation,  relying  on 
God  alone,  cleared  the  soil,  swept  away  the 
incrustations  of  past  ages,  and  laid  bare  the 
primitive  rock.  To  stop  half  way  in  any 
work  is  useless ;  in  every  undertaking  we 
must  go  through.  Hence,  while  Jansenism 
has  passed  away,  Evangelical  Christianity 
presides  over  the  destinies  of  the  world. 

After  having  energetically  refuted  the  er- 
rors of  Erasmus,  Luther,  renders  a  high 
sounding,  but  perhaps  somewhat  malicious, 
homage  to  his  genius.  "I  confess,"  says 
he,  "  that  you  are  a  great  man :  in  whom 
have  we  ever  beheld  more  learning,  intelli- 
gence, or  readiness,  both  in  speaking  and 
writing?  As  to  me,  1  possess  none  of  these 
qualities;  in  one  thing  only  can  I  glory — I 
am  a  Christian.  May  God  raise  you  infi- 
nitely above  me  in  the  knowledge  of  His  Gos- 
pel, so  that  you  may  surpass  me  in  that  respect 
as  much  as  you  already  do  in  every  other."103 

Erasmus  was  incensed  beyond  measure 
by  the  perusal  of  Luther's  answer,  and 
looked  upon  his  encomiums  as  the  honey  of 
a  poisoned  cup,  or  the  embrace  of  a  serpent 
at  the  moment  he  fixes  his  deadly  fang.  He 
immediately  wrote  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
demanding  justice ;  and,  when  Luther  wished 
to  appease  him,  he  lost  his  usual  temper, 
and,  in  the  words  of  one  of  his  most  zealous 
apologists,  began  "  to  pour  forth  invectives 
in  a  feeble  voice  and  with  hoary  hairs."109 

Erasmus  was  conquered.  Moderation 
had,  till  this  occasion,  been  his  strength  ; 
and  now  this  left  him.  Anger  was  the  only 
weapon  he  could  oppose  to  Luther's  energy. 
The  wisdom  of  the  philosopher,  on  this  oc- 
casion, failed  him.  He  replied,  publicly,  in 
his  Hyperapistes,  in  which  he  accuses  the 
Reformer  of  barbarism,  falsehood,  and  blas- 
phemy. The  philosopher  even  ventured  on 
prophecy:  "I  predict,"  said  he,  "  that  no 
name  under  heaven  will  hereafter  be  more 
execrated  than  Luther's."  The  jubilee  of 
1817  has  replied  to  this  prophecy,  after  a 
lapse  of  three  centuries,  by  the  enthusiasm 


*  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  I  do  not 
speak  of  personal  discussions  between  these  two 
men,  of  whom,  the  one  died  in  1600,  and  the 


that  every  passage  in  the  Bible  which  speaks  i  other  was  not  born  till  1623. 


359 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


and  acclamations  of  the  entire  Protestant 
world. 

Thus,  while  Luther,  with  the  Bible  in  his 
hand,  was  placing  himself  in  the  van  of  his 
age,  Erasmus,  in  opposition  to  him,  sought 
that  station  for  himself  and  philosophy.  Of 
these  two  chiefs,  which  has  been  followed? 
Both,  undoubtedly.  Nevertheless,  Luther's 
influence  on  the  nations  of  Christendom  has 
been  infinitely  greater  than  that  of  Erasmus. 
Even  those  who  did  not  well  comprehend 
the  matter  in  dispute,  seeing  the  full  con- 
viction of  one  antagonist,  and  the  doubts  of 
the  other,  could  not  refrain  from  believing 
that  the  former  had  truth  on  his  side,  and 
that  the  latter  was  in  the  wrong.  It  has 
been  said  that  the  three  last  centuries,  the 
16th,  17th  and  18th.  may  be  considered  as  a 
protracted  battle  of  three  days'  duration.110 
We  willingly  adopt  the  comparison,  but  not 
the  part  that  is  allotted  to  each  of  these  days. 
The  same  struggle,  it  is  said,  marked  the 
sixteenth  and  the  eighteenth  centuries.  On 
the  first  day,  as  on  the  last,  we  are  told  that 
it  was  philosophy  that  broke  the  ranks.  The 
sixteenth  century  philosophical!  Strange 
mistake!  No,  each  of  those  days  had  its 
marked  and  peculiar  characteristic.  On  the 
first,  the  Word  of  God,  the  Gospel  of  Christ 
triumphed,  and  Rome  was  defeated;  and 
Philosophy,  in  the  person  of  Erasmus,  and 
her  other  champions,  shared  in  the  defeat. 
On  the  second,  we  admit  that  Rome,  her  au- 
thority, her  discipline,  and  her  doctrine,  are 
again  seen  on  the  point  of  obtaining  the  vic- 
tory, through  the  intrigues  of  a  far-famed 
society,  and  the  power  of  the  scaffold,  aided 
by  certain  leaders  of  eminent  character,  and 
others  of  lofty  genius.  The  third  day,  human 
Philosophy  arises  in  all  its  pride,  and  finding 
the  battle  field  occupied,  not  by  the  Gospel, 
but  by  Rome,  it  quickly  storms  every  en- 
trenchment, and  gains  an  easy  conquest. 
The  first  day's  battle  was  for  God,  the  second 
for  the  Priest,  the  third  for  Reason — what 
shall  the  fourth  be?  .  .  .  .  The  confused 
struggle,  the  hard  fought  conflict,  as  we  be- 
lieve, of  all  these  powers  together,  which 
will  end  in  the  triumph  of  Him  to  whom 
triumph  belongs. 

But  the  battle  which  the  Reformation 
fought  in  the  great  day  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury was  not  one  and  single, — but  manifold. 
The  Reformation  had  to  combat  at  once 
several  enemies ;  and  after  having  protested 
against  the  decretals  and  the  sovereignty  of 
the  Popes, — then  against  the  cold  apoph- 
thegms of  rationalists,  philosophers,  and 
school-men, — it  took  the  field  against  the 
reveries  of  enthusiasm  and  the  hallucinations 
of  mysticism  ;  opposing  alike  to  these  three 
powers  the  sword  and  the  buckler  of  God's 
Holy  Revelation. 

We  cannot  but  discern  a  great  resem- 
blance,— a  striking  unity, — between  these 
three  powerful  adversaries.  The  false  sys- 
tems which,  in  every  age,  have  been  the  most 
adverse  to  evangelical  Christianity,  have  ever 


been  distinguished  by  their  making- religions 
knowledge  to  emanate  from  man  himself. 
Rationalism  makes  it  proceed  from  reason; 
Mysticism  from  a  certain  internal  illumina- 
tion ;  Roman  Catholicism  from  an  illumina- 
tion derived  from  the  Pope.  These  three 
errors  look  for  truth  in  man;  Evangelical 
Christianity  looks  for  it  in  God  alone:  and 
while  Rationalism,  Mysticism,  and  Roman 
Catholicism  acknowledge  a  permanent  inspi- 
ration in  men  like  ourselves,  and  thus  make 
room  for  every  species  of  extravagance  anc 
schism, — Evangelical  Christianity  recognises 
this  inspiration  only  in  the  writings  of  the 
Apostles  and  Prophets,  and  alone  presents 
that  great,  noble,  and  living  unity  which  con- 
tinues to  exist  unchanged  throughout  all  ages 

The  office  of  the  Reformation  has  been  tc 
re-establish  the  rights  of  the  word  of  God,  i 
opposition,  not  only  to  Roman  Catholicism 
but  also  to  Rationalism  and  Mysticism. 

The  fanaticism  of  the  Anabaptists,  which 
had  been  extinguished  in  Germany,  by  Lu- 
ther's return  to  Wittemberg,  re-appeared  in 
vigour  in  Switzerland,  where  it  threatened 
the  edifice  which  Zwingle,  Haller,  and 
QEcolampadius  had  erected  on  the  foundation 
of  the  word  of  God.  Thomas  Miinzer,  obliged 
to  quit  Saxony  in  1521,  had  reached  the  fron- 
tiers of  Switzerland.  Conrad  Grebel,  whose 
ardentand  restless  disposition  we  have  already 
remarked,  had  joined  him,  as  had  also  Felix 
Mantz,  a  canon's  son,  and  several  other  natives 
of  Zurich.  Grebel  endeavoured  to  gain  over 
Zwingle.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  latter  had 
gone  further  than  Luther;  he  saw  a  party 
spring  up  which  desired  to  proceed  to  yet 
greater  lengths.  "  Let  us,"  said  Grebel, 
"  form  a  community  of  true  believers;  for  it 
is  to  them  alone  that  the  promise  belongs ; 
and  let  us  establish  a  church,  which  shall  be 
without  sin.'*111 "  It  is  not  possible,"  replied 
Zwingrle,  "to  make  a  heaven  upon  earth; 
and  Christ  has  taught  us  to  let  the  tares  grow 
among  the  wheat."112 

Grebel,  unsuccessful  with  the  Reformer, 
wished  to  appeal  from  him  to  the  people. 
"The  whole  community  of  Zurich,"  said  he, 
"is  entitled  to  decide  finally  in  all  matters  of 
faith."  But  Zwingle  dreaded  the  influence 
which  violent  enthusiasts  might  exercise  in  a 
popular  assembly.  He  believed  that,  except 
on  some  extraordinary  occasions,  where  the 
people  might  be  called  on  to  give  their  sup- 
port, it  was  more  desirable  to  confide  the 
interests  of  religion  to  a  college,  which  might 
be  considered  the  chosen  representatives  of 
the  church.  Consequently,  the  Council  of 
Two  Hundred,  which  then  exercised  the 
supreme  political  authority  in  Zurich,  was 
also  entrusted  with  the  ecclesiastical  power, 
on  the  express  condition  that  it  should  con- 
form, in  all  things,  to  the  rule  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures.  Undoubtedly  it  would  have  been 
preferable  to  have  organised  the  church  com- 
plete, and  called  on  it  to  name  representatives, 
,to  whom  no  interests  save  the  religious 
I  interests  of  the  people  should  be  confided ; 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


359 


for  he  who  is  qualified  for  affairs  of  state,  may 
be  very  unskilful  in  administering  those  of 
the  church, — just  as  the  reverse  of  this  is  also 
true.  Nevertheless,  the  inconvenience  was 
not  then  so  serious  as  it  would  be  in  our  days, 
for  the  members  of  the  Grand  Council  had 
heartily  embarked  in  the  religious  movement. 
However  this  may  be,  Zwingle,  in  his  appeal 
to  the  church,  would  not  bring  it  too  promi- 
nently forward  ;  and  preferred  a  system  of  re- 
presentation to  the  active  sovereignty  of  the 
general  body.  It  is  the  same  policy  which, 
after  three  centuries,  the  states  of  Europe  have 
adopted,  in  reference  to  earthly  politics. 

Meeting  with  a  repulse  from  Zwingle,  Gre- 
bel  turned  in  another  direction.  Roubli,  an 
aged  minister  of  Basle,  Brodtlein,  minister  at 
Zollikon,  and  Lewis  Herzer,  welcomed  his 
•advances.  They  resolved  on  forming  an  in- 
dependent body  in  the  centre  of  the  general 
community, — a  church  within  the  church.  A 
new  baptism  was  to  be  their  instrument  for 
gathering  their  congregation,  which  was  to 
consist  exclusively  of  true  believers.  "The 
baptism  of  infants,"  said  they,  "is  a  hor- 
rible abomination, — a  flagrant  impiety,  in- 
vented by  the  evil  spirit  and  by  Pope  Nicho- 
las II."113. 

The  Council  of  Zurich,  in  some  alarm, 
directed  that  a  public  discussion  should  be 
held ;  and  as  the  Anabaptists  still  refused  to 
relinquish  their  errors,  some  of  them,  who 
were  natives  of  Zurich,  were  imprisoned,  and 
others,  who  were  foreigners,  were  banished. 
But  persecution  only  inflamed  their  zeal.  "It 
is  not  by  words  alone,"  cried  they,  "but  by 
our  blood,  that  we  are  ready  to  bear  testimony 
to  the  truth  of  our  cause."  Some  of  them, 
girding  themselves  with  ropes  or  rods  of  osier, 
ran  through  the  streets,  crying,  "  Yet  a  few 
days  and  Zurich  will  be  destroyed  !  Woe  to 
thee,  Zurich!  woe!  woe!"  Several  there 
were  who  uttered  blasphemies:  "Baptism," 
said  they,  "is  but  the  washing  of  a  dog.  To 
baptize  a  child  is  of  no  more  use  than  baptiz- 
ing a  cat."114 Fourteen  men,  including  Felix 
Mantz,  and  seven  women,  were  arrested,  and, 
in  spite  of  Zwingle's  entreaties,  imprisoned, 
on  an  allowance  of  bread  and  water,  in  the 
heretics'  tower.  After  a  fortnight's  confine- 
ment they  managed,  by  removing  some  planks 
in  the  floor,  to  effect  their  escape  during  the 
night.  "  An  angel,"  they  said,  "  had  opened 
their  prison  doors,  and  set  them  free."116 

They  were  joined  by  George  Jacob  of 
Coria,  a  monk,  who  had  absconded  from  his 
convent,  and  who  was  surnamed  Blaurock,  as 
it  would  seem  from  his  constantly  wearing  a 
blue  dress.  His  eloquence  had  obtained  for 
him  the  appellation  of  a  second  Paul.  This 
intrepid  monk  travelled  from  place  to  place, 
constraining  many,  by  the  fervour  of  his  ap- 
peals, to  receive  his  baptism.  One  Sunday, 
at  Zollikon,  whilst  the  deacon  was  preaching, 
the  impetuous  Anabaptist,  suddenly  interrupt- 
ing him,  exclaimed  in  a  voice  of  thunder, 
*'  It  is  written,  My  house,  is  a  house  of  prayer, 
but  ye  have  made  it  a  den  of  thieves,"  Then, 


raising  the  staff  he  carried  in  his  hand,  he 
struck  it  four  times  violently  on  the  ground. 

"  I  am  a  door,"  exclaimed  he ;  "  by  me  if 
any  man  enter  in  he  shall  find  pasture.  I  am 
a  good  shepherd.  My  body  I  give  to  the 
prison ;  my  life  to  the  sword,  the  axe,  and  the 
wheel.  1  am  the  beginning  of  the  baptism 
and  of  the  bread  of  the  Lord."116 

While  Zwingle  was  attempting  to  stem  the 
torrent  of  Anabaptism  at  Zurich,  it  quickly 
inundated  St.  Gall.  Grebel  arrived  there, 
and  was  received  by  the  brethren  with  accla- 
mations; and  on  Palm  Sunday  he  proceeded 
to  the  banks  of  the  Sitter,  attended  by  a  great 
number  of  his  adherents,  whom  he  there 
baptized. 

The  news  soon  spread  through  the  neigh- 
bouring cantons,  and  a  great  multitude  from 
Zurich,  Appenzell,  and  various  other  places, 
flocked  to  "  the  little  Jerusalem." 

Zwingle  was  deeply  afflicted  by  this  agita- 
tion. He  saw  a  storm  descending  on  the 
land  where  the  seeds  of  the  gospel  had  as  yet 
scarcely  begun  to  take  root.117  Resolving  to 
oppose  these  disorders,  he  composed  a  tract 
"on  Baptism,"  which  the  Council  of  St. 
Gall,  to  whom  he  dedicated  it,  caused  to  be 
read  in  the  churchinthe  hearingof  the  people.118 

"  Dearbrethren  in  the  Lord,"  said  Zwingle, 
"  the  waters  of  the  torrents  which  rush  from 
our  rocks  hurry  with  them  every  thing  within 
their  reach.  At  first,  small  stones  only  are 
put  in  motion,  but  these  are  driven  violently 
against  larger  ones,  until  the  torrent  acquires 
such  strength  that  it  carries  away  every  thing 
it  encounters  in  its  course,  leaving  behind 
lamentations,  vain  regrets,  and  fertile  meadows 
changed  into  a  wilderness.  The  spirit  of  dis- 
putation and  self-righteousness  acts  in  a  simi- 
lar manner,  it  occasions  disturbances,  banishes 
charity,  and  where  it  found  fair  and  pros- 
perous churches,  leaves  behind  it  nothing  but 
mourning  and  desolate  flocks." 

Thus  wrote  Zwingle — the  child  of  the 
mountains  of  the  Tockenburg.  "  Give  us  the 
word  of  God,"  exclaimed  an  Anabaptist  who 
was  present  in  church,  "and  not  the  word  of 
Zwingle."  Immediately  confused  voices 
arose  :  "  Away  with  the  book  !  away  with 
the  book !"  cried  the  Anabaptists.  Then 
rising,  they  quitted  the  church,  exclaiming, 
"Do  you  keep  the  doctrine  of  Zwingle;  as 
for  us,  we  will  keep  the  word  of  God."119 

Then  it  was  that  this  fanaticism  broke  forth 
in  lamentable  disorders.  Alledging,  in  excuse, 
that  the  Saviour  had  exhorted  us  to  become  as 
little  children,  these  poor  creatures  began  to 
go  dancing  through  the  streets,  clapping  their 
hands,  footing  it  in  a  circle,  seating  themselves 
on  the  ground  together,  and  tumbling  each 
other  in  the  sand.  Some  there  were  who 
threw  the  New  Testament  into  the  fire,  ex- 
claiming, "  The  letter  killeth,the  spirit  giveth 
life  ;"  and  several,  falling  into  convulsions, 
pretended  to  have  revelations  from  the  Holy 
Spirit. 

In  a  solitary  house  situated  on  theMullegg, 
near  St.  Gall,  lived  an  aged  farmer,  John, 
2H2 


360 


HISTOflY   OP  THE  REFORMATION. 


Schucker,  with  his  five  sons.  The  whole 
family,  including  the  servants,  had  received 
the  new  baptism ;  and  two  of  the  sons, 
Thomas  and  Leonard,  were  distinguished  for 
their  fanaticism.  On  the  7th  of  February, 
1526,  being  Shrove  Tuesday,  they  invited  a 
large  party  of  Anabaptists  to  their  house,  and 
the  father  had  a  calf  killed  for  the  feast.  The 
good  cheer,  the  wine,  and  their  numbers  alto- 
gether, heated  their  imaginations;  and  they 
spent  the  whole  night  in  fanatical  excitement, 
convulsions,  visions,  and  revelations.120 

In  the  morning,  Thomas,  still  agitated  by 
that  night  of  disorder,  and  having  even, — -as 
it  would  seem, — lost  his  senses,  took  the 
calf's  bladder,  and  placing  part  of  the  gall  in 
it,  in  imitation  of  the  symbolical  language  of 
the  prophets,  approached  his  brother  Leonard, 
and  said  to  him  gloomily,  "Thus  bitter  is  the 
death  thou  art  to  suffer!"  Then  he  added, 
"  Brother  Leonard,  fall  on  thy  knees ;"  Leo- 
nard knelt  down  ; — presently,  "  Brother  Leo- 
nard, arise  !"  Leonard  arose.  Their  father, 
brothers,  and  the  other  Anababtists,  looked  on 
with  astonishment,  asking  themselves  what 
God  would  do.  Soon  Thomas  resumed : 
"Leonard,  kneel  down  again!"  Leonard 
obeyed.  The  spectators,  terrified  at  the 
gloomy  countenance  of  the  wretched  Thomas, 
said  to  him,  "  Reflect  on  what  thou  art  about 
to  do;  take  care  that  no  mischief  happens." 
— "  Fear  not,"  answered  Thomas,  "  nothing 
will  happen  without  the  will  of  the  Father." 
At  the  same  moment  he  hastily  snatched  a 
sword,  and  bringing  it  down  with  all  his  force 
on  the  neck  of  his  brother,  who  was  kneeling 
before  him,  like  a  criminal  before  the  execu- 
tioner, he  severed  his  head  from  his  body, 
crying  out,  "  Now  is  the  will  of  the  Father 
accomplished!"  The  bystanders  recoiled  in 
horror;  the  farm  resounded  with  shrieks  and 
lamentations.  Thomas,  who  had  nothing  on 
him  but  his  shirt  and  drawers,  rushed  out  of 
the  house  bare-footed,  and  with  his  head  un- 
covered, and  running  towards  St.  Gall  with 
frenzied  gestures,  entered  the  house  of  the 
•burgomaster,  Joachim  Vadain,  with  haggard 
looks,  shouting,  "  I  proclaim  to  thee  the°day 
of  the.  Lord."  The  dreadful  tidings  spread 
throughout  St.  Gall— "  He  has  killed  his  bro- 
ther as  Cain  killed  Abel,"  said  thecrowd.121The 
criminal  was  seized. — "True,"  he  repeated 
continually,  "I  did  it, but  it  was  God  who  did 
it  by  my  hand."  On  the  16th  of  February,  the 
unhappy  wretch  was  beheaded  by  the  execu- 
tioner. Fanaticism  had  run  its  course  to  the 
utmost.  Men's  eyes  were  opened,  and,  to 
adopt  the  words  of  an  early  historian,  "  the 
same  blow  took  off  the  head  of  Thomas 
Schucker,  and  of  Anabaptism  in  St.  Gall." 

At  Zurich,  however,  it  still  prevailed.  On 
the  6th  of  November,  in  the  preceding  year,  a 
public  discussion  had  taken  place,  in  order  to 
content  the  Anabaptists,  who  were  constantly 
complaining  that  the  innocent  were  con- 
demned unheard.  The  three  following  theses 
were  put  forth  by  Zwing-le  arid  his  friends, 
as  subjects  of  the  conference,  and  trium- 


phantly maintained  by  them  in  the  Council 
hall. 

"The  children  of  believing  parents  are 
children  of  God,  even  as  those  who  were 
born  under  the  Old  Testament ;  and  conse- 
quently they  may  receive  Baptism." 

"  Baptism  is,  under  the  New  Testament, 
what  Circumcision  was  under  the  Old.  Con- 
sequently, Baptism  is  now  to  be  administered 
to  children,  as  Circumcision  was  formerly." 

"  The  custom  of  repeating  Baptism  cannot 
be  justified  either  by  examples,  precepts,  or 
arguments  drawn  from  Scripture :  and  those 
who  are  re-baptised,  crucify  Jesus  Christ 
afresh." 

But  the  Anabaptists  did  not  confine  them- 
selves to  questions  purely  religious ;  they  de- 
manded the  abolition  of  tithes,  "since,"  said 
they,  *»  they  are  not  of  divine  appointment." 
Zwingle  replied  that  the  tithes  were  neces- 
sary for  the  maintenance  of  the  churches  and 
schools.  He  desired  a  complete  religious  re- 
formation, but  he  was  resolved  not  to  allow 
the  least  invasion  of  public  order  or  political 
institutions.  This  was  the  limit  at  which  he 
discerned,  written  by  the  hand  of  God,  that 
word  from  heaven,  "  Thus  far  shalt  thou  go, 
and  no  farther."  (Jobxxxviii.il*)  Some- 
i  where,  it  was  necessary  to  make  a  stand  ;  and 
it  was  at  this  point  that  Zwingle  and  the  Re- 
formers took  their  stand,  in  spite  of  the  efforts 
made  by  rash  and  impetuous  men  to  hurry 
them  beyond  it. 

But  when  the  Reformers  themselves  stop- 
ped, they  could  not  stop  the  enthusiasts,  who 
seem  as  if  brought  into  contact  with  them  in 
order  to  set  off  by  contrast  their  wisdom  and 
sober-mindedness.  It  was  not  enough  for  the 
Anabaptists  to  have  formed  their  church  ;— - 
in  their  eyes  that  church  was  itself  the  State. 
Did  any  one  summon  them  before  the  tri- 
bunals,— they  refused  to  recognise  the  civil 
authority,  maintaining  that  it  was  a  remnant 
of  Paganism,  and  that  they  would  obey  no 
power  but  that  of  God!  They  taught  that 
it  was  unlawful  for  Christians  to  fill  public 
offices  or  bear  the  sword, — and,  resembling  in 
another  respect  certain  irreligious  enthusiasts 
of  our  own  days,  they  esteemed  "a  commu- 
nity of  goods"  as  the  perfection  of  humanity.123 

Thus  the  evil  was  increasing;  Civil  So- 
ciety was  endangered.  It  arose  to  cast  out 
from  its  bosom  those  elements  that  threatened 
it  with  destruction.  The  Government,  in  its 
alarm,  suffered  itself  to  be  hurried  into  strange 
measures.  Resolved  on  making  an  example, 
they  condemned  Maniz  to  be  drowned.  On 
the  5th  January,  1527,  he  was  put  into  a  boat ; 
his  mother,  (the  aged  concubine  of  his  father, 
the  canon,)  together  with  his  brother,  mingled 
in  the  crowd  which  accompanied  him  to  the 
water's  edge.  "  Be  faithful  unto  death," 
was  their  exhortation.  At  the  moment  when 
the  executioner  prepared  to  throw  Mantz  into 
the  lake,  his  brother  burst  into  tears  ;  but  his 
mother,  calm  and  undaunted,  witnessed,  with 
eyes  dry  and  flashing  fire,  the  martyrdom  of 
her  son.124 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


361 


The  same  day,  Blaurock  was  scourged 
with  rods.  As  he  was  led  outside  the  city, 
he  shook  his  blue  dress,  and  the  dust  from  off 
his  feet,  against  it.123This  unhappy  man  was, 
it  would  appear,  burnt  alive  two  years  after 
this  by  the  Roman  Catholics  of  the  Tyrol. 

Undoubtedly,  a  spirit  of  rebellion  existed 
among  the  Anabaptists;  undoubtedly,  the 
ancient  ecclesiastical  law,  which  condemned 
heretics  to  capital  punishments,  was  still  in 
force,  and  the  Reformation  could  not,  in  the 
space  of  one  or  two  years,  reform  every  thing ; 
nor  can  we  doubt  that  the  Catholic  states 
would  have  accused  their  Protestant  neigh- 
bours of  encouraging  insubjection,  if  the  latter 
had  not  resorted  to  severe  measures  against 
these  enthusiasts  ;  but  though  such  conside- 
rations serve  to  account  for  the  rigour  of  the 
magistrate,  they  never  can  justify  it.  Mea- 
sures might  be  taken  against  an  infringement 
of  the  civil  constitution,  but  religious  errors, 
being  combated  by  the  teachers  of  religion, 
should  be  altogether  exempt  from  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  civil  tribunals.  Such  opinions  are  not 
to  be  expelled  by  whippings,  nor  are  they 
drowned  in  the  waters  into  which  those  who 
profess  them  may  be  cast :  they  again  come 
forth  from. the  depth  of  the  abyss  ;  and  the 
fire  but  serves  to  kindle  in  those  who  adhere 
to  them  a  fiercer  enthusiasm,  and  thirst  for 
martyrdom.  Zwingle,  whose  sentiments  on 
this  subject  we  have  already  seen,  took  no 
part  in  these  severities.126 

But  it  was  not  only  on  the  subject  of  bap- 
tism that  dissensions  were  to  arise;  yet  more 
serious  differences  appeared,  touching  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Lord's  Supper. 

The  human  mind,  freed  from  the  yoke 
which  had  so  long  weighed  it  down,  made  use 
of  its  liberty;  and,  if  Romanism  is  hemmed 
in  by  the  shoals  of  despotic  authority,  Pro- 
testanism  has  to  steer  clear  of  those  of  anar- 
chy. One  characteristic  distinction  of  Pro- 
testanism  is  progress,  while  that  of  Romanism 
is  immobility. 

Roman  Catholicism,  possessing  in  the 
papal  authority  a  means  of,  at  any  time,  estab- 
lishing new  doctrines,  appears,  at  first  view,  to 
have  in  it  a  principle  eminently  favourable  to 
change.  It  has,  indeed,  largely  availed  itself 
of  this  power,  and,  century  after  century,  we 
see  Rome  bringing  forward,  or  confirming  new 
dogmas.  But  its  system  once  completed,  Ro- 
man Catholicism  has  declared  itself  the  cham- 
pion of  immobility.  Therein  lies  its  safety  . 
it  resembles  a  shaky  building,  from  which 
nothing  can  be  taken  without  bringing  the 
whole  down  to  the  ground.  Permit  the  priests 
to  marry,  or  strike  a  blow  against  the  doctrine 
of  transubstantiation,  and  the  whole  system 
totters — the  entire  edifice  falls  to  pieces. 

It  is  not  thus  with  Evangelical  Christianity. 
Its  principle  is  much  less  favourable  to  change, 
much  more  so  to  progress  and  life.  On  the 
one  hand,  it  recognises  no  other  fountain  of 
truth  than  Scripture,  one  and  immutably  the 
same,  from  the  very  beginning  of  the  Church 
to  the  end  of  time;  how,  then,  should  it  vary, 


as  Popery  has  varied]  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  every  individual  Christian  is  to  draw 
foi  himself  from  this  fountain;  and  hence 
spring  progress  and  liberty.  Accordingly, 
Evangelical  Christianity,  although  in  the 
nineteenth  century  the  same  that  it  was  in 
the  sixteenth,  and  in  the  first,  is, — at  all 
times, — full  of  spontaneity  and  action;  and  is, 
at  this  moment,  filling  the  wide  world  with 
its  researches  and  its  labours,  its  Bibles 
and  its  missionaries,  with  light,  salvation, 
and  life ! 

It  is  a  gross  error  which  would  class  to- 
gether, and  almost  confound,  rationalism  and 
mysticism  with  Christianity,  and,  in  so  doing, 
charge  upon  it  the  extravagances  of  both. 
Progress  belongs  to  the  nature  of  Christian 
Protestantism  :  it  has  nothing  in  common  with 
immobility  and  a  state  of  deadness ;  but  its 
movement  is  that  of  healthful  vitality,  and  not 
the  aberration  of  madmen,  or  the  restlessness 
of  disease.  We  shall  see  this  character  mani- 
festing itself  in  relation  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
Lord's  Supper. 

What  ensued  might  have  been  expected. 
This  doctrine  had  been  understood  in  very  va- 
rious ways  in  the  early  ages  of  the  Church  : 
and  the  difference  of  opinion  continued  up  to 
the  time  when  the  doctrine  of  transubstantia- 
tion and  the  scholastic  theology  began,  at 
about  the  same  pericd,  their  reign  over  the 
mind  of  the  middle  at,?s.  But  that  dominion 
was  now  shaken  to  its  base,  and  the  former 
differences  were  again  to  appear. 

Zwingle  and  Luther,  who  had  at  first  gone 
forward,  each  in  his  separate  course, — the  one 
in  Switzerland  the  other  in  Saxony, — were 
one  day  to  find  themselves  brought,  as  it  were, 
face  to  face.  The  same  mind,  and,  in  many 
respects,  the  same  character,  might  be  dis- 
cerned in  them.  Both  were  full  of  love  for 
truth  and  hatred  of  injustice;  both  were  na- 
turally violent;  and  in  both  that  violence  was 
tempered  by  sincere  piety.  But  there  was 
one  feature  in  the  character  of  Zwingle  which 
tended  to  carry  him  beyond  Luther.  He  loved 
liberty,  not  only  as  a  man,  but  as  a  republican, 
and  the  fellow-countryman  of  Tell.  Accus- 
tomed to  the  decision  of  a  free  state,  he  was 
not  stopped  by  considerations  before  which 
Luther  drew  back.  He  had,  moreover,  given 
less  time  to  the  study  of  the  theology  of  the 
schools,  and  found  himself,  in  consequence, 
less  shackled  in  his  modes  of  thinking.  Both 
ardently  attached  to  their  own  convictions, — 
both  resolute  in  defending  them, — and  little 
accustomed  to  bend  to  the  convictions  of 
others,  they  were  now  to  come  in  contact,  like 
two  proud  chargers  rushing  from  opposite 
ranks  encountering  on  the  field  of  battle. 

A  practical  tendency  predominated  in  the 
character  of  Zwingle  and  of  the  Reformation 
which  he  had  begun,  and  this  tendency  was 
directed  to  two  great  ends — simplicity  in  wor- 
ship and  sanctification  in  life.  To  adapt  the 
form  of  worship  to  the  wants  of  the  soul, 
seeking  not  outward  ceremonies,  but  things 
invisible,  was  Zwingle's  first  object.  The 


36*2 


HISTORY   OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


idea  of  Christ's  real  presence  in  the  Eucharist,  I  tiori,  the  glorified  body  of  Christ' exists  in 


which  had  given  rise  to  so  many  ceremonies 
and  superstitions  in  the  Church,  must,  there- 
fore, be  abolished.  But  the  other  great  desire 
of  the  Swiss  Reformer  led  him  directly  to  the 
same  result.  He  judged  that  the  Romish 
doctrine  respecting  the  Supper,  and  even  that 
held  by  Luther,  implied  a  belief  of  a  certain 
mystical  influence,  which  belief,  he  thought, 
stood  in  the  way  of  sanctification ; — he  feared 
lest  the  Christian,  thinking  that  he  received 
Christ  in  the  consecrated  bread,  should  no 
longer  earnestly  seek  to  be  united  to  him  by 
faith  in  the  heart.  "  Faith,"  said  he,  "  is  not 
knowledge,  opinion,  imagination; — it  is  a 
reality  .127It  involves  in  it  a  real  participation 
in  divine  things."  Thus,  whatever  the  ad- 
versaries of  Zwingle  may  have  asserted,  it  was 
no  leaning  towards  rationalism,  but  a  deep  re- 
ligious view  of  the  subject  which  conducted 
him  to  the  doctrines  he  maintained. 

The  result  of  Zwingle's  studies  were  in  ac- 
cordance with  these  tendencies.  In  studying 
the  Scriptures,  not  only  in  detached  passages, 
but  as  a  whole,  and  having  recourse  to  clas- 
sical antiquity  to  solve  the  difficulties  of  lan- 
guage, he  arrived  at  the  conviction,  that  the 
word  "  is"  in  the  words  of  institution  of  this 
sacrament,  should  be  taken  in  the  sense  of 
*'  signifies  ,•"  and,  as  early  as  the  year  1523, 
he  wrote  to  a  friend,  that  the  bread  and  wine 
in  the  Lord's  Supper  are  exactly  what  the 
water  is  in  baptism.123 "In  vain,"  added  he, 
"  would  you  plunge  a  thousand  times  under 
the  water  a  man  who  does  not  believe.  Faith 
is  the  one  thing  needful." 

Luther,  at  first,  set  out  from  principles 
nearly  similar  to  those  of  the  Reformer  of  Zu- 
rich. "It  is  not  the  sacrament  which  sancti- 
fies," said  he,  "it  is  faith  in  the  sacrament." 
But  the  extravagances  of  the  Anabaptists, 
whose  mysticism  spiritualzied  every  thing, 
produced  a  great  change  in  his  views.  When 
he  saw  enthusiasts,  who  pretended  to  inspira- 
tion, destroying  images,  rejecting  baptism, 
and  denying  the  presence  of  Christ  in  the 
Eucharist,  he  was  affrighted ;  he  had  a  kind 
of  prophetic  presentiment  of  the  dangers  which 
would  threaten  the  Church  if  this  tendency 
to  over-spiritualize,  should  gain  the  ascendant ; 
hence  he  took  a  totally  different  course,  like 
the  boatman,  who,  to  restore  the  balance  of 
his  foundering  skiff,  throws  all  his  weight  on 
the  side  opposed  to  the  storm. 

Thenceforward,  Luther  assigned  to  the  sac- 
raments a  higher  importance.  He  maintained 
they  were  not  only  signs  by  which  Christians 
were  outwardly  distinguished,  but  evidences 
of  the  Divine  will,  adapted  to  strengthen  our 
faith.  He  went  farther:  Christ,  according  to 
him,  desired  to  give  to  believers  a  full  assur- 
ance of  salvation,  and,  in  order  to  seal  this 
promise  to  them  with  most  effect,  had  added 
thereto  his  real  body  in  the  bread  and  wine. 
"Just,"  continued  he,  "as  iron  and  fire, 
though  two  different  substances,  meet  and  are 
blended  in  a  red  hot  bar,  so  that  in  every  part 


every  part  of  the  bread." 

Thus,  at  this  period  of  his  career,  Luther 
made,  perhaps,  a  partial  return  to  the  scho- 
lastic theology.  He  had  openly  divorced 
himself  from  il  on  the  doctrine  of  jusification 
by  faith ,-  but  on  the  doctrine  of  this  Sacra- 
ment, he  gave  up  but  one  point,  viz.  Iran- 
substantiation,  and  retained  the  other,  the 
•eal presence.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  say 
that  he  would  rather  receive  the  mere  blood 
with  the  Pope,  than  the  mere  wine  with 
Zwingle. 

Luther's  great  principle  was  never  to  de- 
part from  the  doctrines  or  customs  of  the 
Church,  unless  the  words  of  Scripture  abso- 
lutely required  him  to  do  so.  "  Where  has 
Christ  commanded  us  to  elevate  the  host, 


and   exhibit  it  to  the 
Carlstadt's  question. 


people?"  had   been 
1  Where  has  he  for- 


bidden it1?"  was  Luther's  reply.  Herein 
lies  the  difference  of  the  two  Reformations 
we  are  considering.  The  traditions  of  the 
Church  were  dear  to  the  Saxon  Reformer. 
If  he  separated  from  them  on  many  points, 
it  was  not  till  after  much  conflict  of  mind, 
and  because,  above  all,  he  saw  the  necessity 
of  obeying  the  word  of  God.  But  wherever 
the  letter  of  God's  word  appeared  to  him  in 
accordance  with  the  tradition  and  practice  of 
the  Church,  he  adhered  to  it  with  unaltera- 
ble resolution.  Now  this  was  the  case  in  the 
question  concerning  the  Lord's  Supper.  He 
did  not  deny  that  the  word  "is"  might  be 
taken  in  the  sense  ascribed  to  it  by  Zwingle. 
He  admitted,  for  example,  that  it  must  be 
so  understood  in  the  passage,  "  That  rock 
was  Christ,"  (1  Cor.  x.  4 ;)  but  what  he  did 
deny  was  that  the  word  should  be  taken  in 
this  sense  in  the  institution  of  the  Lord's 
Supper. 

In  one  of  the  later  schoolmen  Occam,129 
whom  he  preferred  to  all  others,  he  found 
an  opinion  which  he  embraced.  With  Oc- 
cam, he  gave  up  the  continually  repeated 
miracle,  in  virtue  whereof,  according  to  the 
Romish  Church,  the  body  and  blood  take  the 
place  of  the  bread  and  wine  after  every  act 
of  consecration  by  the  priest, — and  with 
Occam,  substituted  for  it  a  universal  miracle, 
wrought  once  for  all,— that  is,  the  ubiquity 
or  omnipresence  of  Christ's  body.  "Christ," 
said  he,  "is  present  in  the  bread  and  wine, 
because  he  is  present  every  where, — and  in 
an  especial  manner  where  he  wills  to  be."13 

The  inclination  of  Zwingle  was  the  reverse 
of  Luther's.  He  attached  less  importance 
to  the  preserving  a  union,  in  a  certain  sense, 
with  the  universal  church,  and  thus  main- 
taining our  hold  upon  the  tradition  of  past 
ages.  As  a  theologian,  he  looked  to  Scrip- 
ture alone ;  and  thence  only  would  he  freely, 
and  without  any  intermediary  channel,  de- 
rive his  faith ;  not  stopping  to  trouble  himself 
with  what  others  had  in  former  times  be- 
lieved. As  a  republican,  he  looked  to  the 


of  it  there  is  at  once  iron  and  fire ;  so,  d  for-  \  commune  of  Zurich.    His  mind  was  occu- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


363 


pied  with  the  idea  of  the  church  of  his  own 
time,  not  with  that  of  other  days.  He  re- 
lied especially  on  the  words  of  St.  Paul, — 
"  Because  there  is  but  one  bread,  we  being 
many  are  One  body;*  and  he  saw  in  the 
supper  the  sign  of  a  spiritual  communion 
between  Christ  and  all  Christians.  "  Who- 
ever," said  he,  "  acts  unworthily,  is  guilty 
of  sin  against  the  body  of  Christ,  of  which  he 
is  a  member."  Such  a  thought  had  a  great 
practical  power  over  the  minds  of  commu- 
nicants; and  the  effects  it  wrought  in  the 
lives  of  many,  was  to  Zwingle  the  confirma- 
tion of  it. 

Thus  Luther  and  Zwingle  had  insensibly 
separated  from  one  another.  Nevertheless 
peace,  perhaps,  might  have  continued  be- 
tween them,  if  the  turbulent  Carlstadt,  who 
spent  some  time  in  passing  to  and  fro  be- 
tween Germany  and  Switzerland,  had  not 
inflamed  their  conflicting  opinions. 

A  step,  taken  with  a  view  to  preserve 
peace,  led  to  the  explosion.  The  Council 
of  Zurich,  wishing  to  put  a  stop  to  contro- 
versy, prohibited  the  sale  of  Carlstadt's  wri- 
tings. Zwingle,  though  he  disapproved  the 
violence  of  Carlstadt,  and  blamed  his  mystic 
and  obscure  expressions,131upon  this,  thought 
it  right  to  defend  his  doctrine,  both  from  the 
pulpit  and  before  the  Council;  and  soon  af- 
terwards he  wrote  a  letter  to  the  minister, 
Albert  of  Reutlingen,  in  which  he  said: 
"  Whether  or  not  Christ  is  speaking  of  the 
sacrament  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  St.  John's 
gospel,  it  is,  at  least,  evident,  that  he  therein 
teaches  a  mode  of  eating  his  flesh  and  drink- 
ing his  blood,  in  which  there  is  nothing  cor- 
poreal."132 He  then  endeavoured  to  prove 
that  the  Supper  of  the  Lord,  by  reminding 
the  faithful,  according  to  Christ's  design,  of 
his  body  which  '  was  broken'  for  them,  is 
the  procuring  cause  of  that  spiritual-mandu- 
cation,  which  is  alone  truly  beneficial  to 
them. 

Nevertheless,  Zwingle  still  shrunk  from  a 
rupture  with  Luther.  He  trembled  at  the 
thought  that  distressing  discussions  would 
rend  asunder  the  little  company  of  believers 
forming  in  the  midst  of  effete  Christendom. 
Not  so  with  Luther.  He  did  not  hesitate  to 
include  Zwingle  in  the  ranks  of  those  en- 
thusiasts with  whom  he  had  already  broken 
so  many  lances.  He  did  not  reflect  that  if 
images  had  been  removed  from  the  churches 
of  Zurich,  it  had  been  done  legally,  and  by 
public  authority.  Accustomed  to  the  forms 
of  the  German  principalities,  he  knew  but 
little  of  the  manner  of  proceeding  in  the 
Swiss  republics;  and  he  declared  against  the 
grave  Swiss  divines,  just  as  he  had  done 
against  the  Miintzers  and  the  Carlstadts. 

Luther  having  put  forth  his  discourse 
"against  celestial  prophets,"  Zwingle's  re- 
solution was  taken ;  and  he  published  almost 


*  The  passage  referred  to  is  1  Cor.  x.  17,  and 
the  original  stands  thus : — 'On  e7j  aprog,  ?v  troy 
jroXXoi  ia^v.     (Tr.) 

47 


immediately  after,  his  Letter  to  Albert,  and 
his  Commentary  on  true  and  false  Religion, 
dedicated  to  Francis  I.  In  it  he  said,  "Since 
Christ,  in  the  sixth  of  John,  attributes  to 
faith  the  power  of  communicating  eternal 
life,  and  uniting  the  believer  to  him  in  the 
most  intimate  of  all  unions,  what  more  can 
we  need  ?  Why  should  we  think  that  he 
would  afterwards  attribute  that  efficacy  to 
His  flesh,  when  He  himself  declares  that  the 
flesh  profiteth  nothing?  So  far  as  the  suf- 
fering death  for  us,  the  flesh  of  Christ  is  of 
unspeakable  benefit  to  us, — for  it  saves  us 
from  perdition ; — but  as  being  eaten  by  us,  it 
is  altogether  useless.'7 

The  contest  began.  Pomeranus.  Luther's 
friend,  took  the  field,  and  attacked  the  Evan- 
gelist of  Zurich  somewhat  too  contemptu- 
ously. Then  it  was  that  (Ecolampadius 
began  to  blush  that  he  had  so  long  struggled 
with  his  doubts,  and  preached  doctrines 
which  were  already  giving  way  in  his  owa 
mind.  Taking  courage,  he  wrote  from 
Basle  to  Zwingle.  "The  dogma  of  the 
'  real  presence'  is  the  fortress  and  stronghold 
of  their  impiety;  so  long  as  they  cleave  to 
this  idol,  none  can  overcome  them."  After 
this,  he,  too,  entered  the  lists,  by  publishing 
a  tract  on  the  import  of  the  Lord's  words, 
"  This  is  my  body."* 

The  bare  fact  that  (Ecolampadius  had 
joined  the  Reformer  of  Zurich,  excited  an 
immense  sensation,  not  only  at  Basle,  but 
throughout  all  Germany.  Luther  was  deeply 
affected  by  it.  Brentz,  Schnepff,  and  twelve 
other  ministers  in  Suabia,  to  whom  (Eco- 
lampadius had  dedicated  his  tract,  and  who 
had  almost  all  been  disciples  under  him, 
testified  the  most  lively  sorrow.  In  taking 
up  the  pen  to  answer  him,  Brentz  said, 
'<  Even  at  this  moment,  when  I  am  separa- 
ting from  him  for  just  reasons,  I  honour  and 
admire  him  as  much  as  it  is  possible  to  do. 
The  tie  of  love  is  not  severed  because  we 
differ  in  judgment."  And  he  proceeded,  in 
concert  with  his  friends,  to  publish  the  cele- 
brated Suabian  Syngramma,  in  which  he 
replied  to  the  arguments  of  (Ecolampadius 
with  boldness,  but  with  respect  and  affec- 
tion. "  If  an  emperor,"  say  the  authors  of 
the  Syngramma,  "  were  to  give  a  baton  or  a 
wand  to  a  judge,  saying,  'Take — this  is  the 
power  of  judging :' — the  wand,  no  doubt,  is 
a  mere  sign ;  but,  the  words  being  added 
thereto,  the  judge  has  not  merely  the  sign  of 
the  power,  he  has  the  power  itself." 

The  true  children  of  the  Reformation 
might  admit  this  illustration.  The  Syn- 
gramma was  received  with  acclamations, 
and  its  authors  were  looked  upon  as  the  de- 
fenders of  the  truth.  Several  divines,  and 
even  some  laymen,  in  their  desire  to  share  in 
their  glory,  undertook  the  defence  of  the  doc- 
trine that  was  assailed,  and  wrote  against 
(Ecolampadius. 


*  He  retained  the  usual  signification  of  the  word 
is,  but  he  understood,  by  body,  a  sign  of  the  body 


364 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


Then  it  was  Strasburg  interposed,  and 
sought  to  mediate  between  Switzerland  and 
Germany.  Capito  and  Bucer  were  disposed 
for  peace ;  and,  in  their  view,  the  question 
under  discussion  was  of  secondary  import- 
ance. Accordingly  stepping  between  the  two 
parties,  they  sent  George  Cassel,  one  of  their 
colleagues,  to  Luther,  to  conjure  him  not  to 
snap  the  link  of  brotherhood  which  united 
him  with  the  Swiss  divines. 

No  where  does  Luther's  character  display 
itself  more  strikingly  than  in  this  controversy 
on  the  Lord's  Supper.  Never  did  it  more 
clearly  appear  with  what  firmness  he  main- 
tained the  convictions  he  believed  to  be  those 
of  a  Christian, — with  what  faithfulness  he 
established  them  on  the  authority  of  Scrip- 
ture alone, — his  sagacity  in  defending  them, 
and  his  animated,  eloquent,  and  often  over- 
powering argumentation.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  never  was  there  a  more  abundant  exhi- 
bition of  the  obstinacy  with  which  he  brought 
up  every  argument  for  his  own  opinion,  the 
little  attention  he  gave  to  his  opponents'  rea- 
soning, and  the  uncharitable  haste  with  which 
he  attributed  their  errors  to  the  wickedness  of 
their  hearts,  and  the  machinations  of  the 
devil.  To  the  mediator  of  Strasburg  he 
said, — "Either  the  one  party  or  the  other, — 
either  the  Swiss  or  we, — must  be  ministers  of 
Satan." 

Such  were  what  Capito  termed  "the  furies 
of  the  Saxon  Orestes  ;"  and  these  furies  were 
succeeded  by  exhaustion.  Luther's  health 
suffered.  One  day  he  fainted  in  the  arms  of 
his  wife  and  friends ;  and,  for  a  whole  week, 
he  was  as  if  "in  death  and  hell."133 He  had 
lost  Jesus  Christ,  he  said,  and  was  driven 
hither  and  thither  by  tempests  of  despair. 
The  world  was  about  to  pass  away,  and  prodi- 
gies announced  that  the  last  day  was  at  hand. 

But  these  divisions  among  the  friends  of 
the  Reformation  were  to  have  after  conse- 
quences yet  more  to  be  deplored.  The  Ro- 
mish divines  in  Switzerland  especially  boasted 
of  being  able  to  oppose  Luther  to  Zwingle. 
And  yet,  if, — now  that  three  centuries  have 
passed  away, — the  recollection  of  these  divi- 
sions should  teach  Evangelical  Christians  the 
precious  lesson  of  Unity  in  diversity,  and 
Love  in  liberty,  they  will  not  have  happened 
in  vain.  Even  at  the  time, — the  Reformers, 
by  thus  opposing  one  another,  proved  that 
they  were  not  governed  by  blind  hatred  of 
Rome,  but  that  Truth  was  the  great  object  of 
their  hearts.  It  must  be  admitted  that  there 
is  something  generous  in  such  conduct;  and 
its  disinterestedness  did  not  fail  to  produce 
some  fruit,  and  extort  from  enemies  them- 
selves a  tribute  of  interest  and  esteem. 

But  we  may  go  further,  and  here  again  we 
discern  the  Sovereign  hand  which  governs  all 
events,  and  allows  nothing  to  happen  but 
what  makes  part  of  its  own  wise  plan.  Not- 
withstanding his  opposition  to  the  Papacy, 
Luther  had  a  strong  conservative  instinct. 
Zwingle,  on  the  contrary,  was  predisposed  to 
radical  reforms.  Both  these  divergent  tenden- 


cies were  needed.  If  Luther  and  his  follow- 
ers had  been  alone  in  the  work,  it  would  have 
stopped  short  in  its  progress;  and  the  princi- 
ciple  of  Reformation  would  not  have  wrought 
its  destined  effect.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
Zwingle  had  been  alone, — the  thread  would 
have  been  snapped  too  abruptly,  and  the  Re- 
formation would  have  found  itself  isolated 
from  the  ages  which  had  gone  before. 

These  two  tendencies,  which,  on  a  superfi- 
cial view,  might  seem  present  only  to  conflict 
together,  were,  on  the  contrary,  ordained  to 
be  the  complement  of  each  other, — and  now 
that  three  centuries  have  passed  away,  we 
can  say  that  they  have  fulfilled  their  mission. 

Thus,  on  all  sides,  the  Reformation  had  to 
encounter  resistance;  and,  after  combating 
the  rationalist  philosophy  of  Erasmus,  and 
the  fanatical  enthusiasm  of  the  Anabaptists, 
it  had,  in  addition,  to  settle  matters  at  home. 
But  its  great  and  lasting  struggle  was  against 
the  Papacy  ; — and  the  assault,  commenced  in 
the  cities  of  the  plain,  was  now  carried  to  the 
most  distant  mountains. 

The  summits  of  Tockenburg  had  heard  the 
sound  of  the  Gospel,  and  three  ecclesiastics 
were  prosecuted  by  order  of  the  bishop,  as 
tainted  with  heresy.  "  Only  convince  us  by 
the  word  of  God,"  said  Militus,  Doring,  and 
Farer,  "and  we  will  humble  ourselves,  not 
only  before  the  chapter,  but  before  the  very 
least  of  the  brethren  of  Jesus  Christ.  Other- 
wise, we  will  obey  no  one ;  not  even  the 
greatest  among  men."134 

The  genuine  spirit  of  Zwingle  and  of  the 
Reformation  speaks  out  in  these  words.  It 
was  not  long  before  a  new  incident  occurred 
to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  mountaineers.  A 
meeting  of  the  people  took  place  on  St.  Ca- 
therine's day;  the  townsmen  gathered  in 
groups,  and  two  men  of  Schwitz,  whose  busi- 
ness had  called  them  to  the  Tockenburg,  were 
seated  together  at  one  of  the  tables.  They 
entered  into  conversation: — "Ulric  Zwin- 
gle," exclaimed  ore  of  them,  "  is  a  heretic 
and  a  robber."  The  Secretary  Steiger  de- 
fended the  Reformation.  Their  loud  voices 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  meeting.  George 
Bruggman,  uncle  to  Zwingle,  who  was  seated 
at  an  adjoining  table,  angrily  left  his  seat, 
exclaiming,  "Surely  they  are  speaking  of 
Master  Ulric;"  on  which  the  guests  all  rose 
up  and  followed,  apprehending  a  disturbance.135 
The  tumult  increased  ;  the  bailiff  hastily  col- 
ected  the  Town-council  in  the  open  street, 
and  Bruggman  was  requested,  for  the  sake  of 
jeace,  to  content  himself  with  saying,  "If 
pou  do  not  retract  your  words,  it  is  yourselves 
who  are  liars  and  thieves."  "  Recollect  what 
you  have  just  said,"  answered  the  men  of 
Schwitz,  "  we  will  not  forget  it."  This  said, 
they  mounted  their  horses,  and  set  forward  at 
full  speed  for  Schwitz.'36 

The  government  of  Schwitz  addressed  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Tockenburg,  a  letter, 
which  spread  terror  wherever  it  came.  "  Stand 
firm  and  fear  nothing,"137  wrote  Zwingle  to  the 
Council  of  his  native  place:  "Let  not  the 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


335 


lies  they  circulate  concerning  me  disturb  you.  ' 
There  is  no  brawler  but  has  the  power  to  call 
me  heretic  ;  but  do  you  avoid  all  insulting 
language,  tumults,  excesses,  and  mercenary 
war.  Relieve  the  poor;  espouse  the  cause 
of  the  oppressed ;  and  whatever  insults  may 
be  heaped  upon  you,  hold  fast  your  confidence 
in  Almighty  God."* 

Zwingle's  exhortations  had  the  desired 
effect.  The  Council  were  still  hesitating; 
but  the  people  gathering  together  in  their 
several  parishes,  unanimously  resolved  that 
the  Mass  should  be  abolished  and  the  word  of 
God  adhered  to.138 

The  progress  of  the  work  was  not  less 
marked  in  Rhetia,  from  whence  Salandronius 
had  been  compelled  to  take  his  departure,  but 
where  Comander  was  preaching  with  much 
boldness.  It  is  true  that  the  Anabaptists,  by 
their  fanatical  preachings  in  the  country  of 
the  Grisons,  had  at  first  been  a  great  hind- 
rance to  the  progress  of  the  Reformation. 
The  people  had  split  into  three  parties.  Some 
had  embraced  the  doctrines  of  those  pretended 
prophets :  others  in  silent  astonishment  me- 
ditated with  anxiety  on  the  schism  that  had 
declared  itself.  And,  lastly,  the  partisans  of 
Rome  were  loud  in  their  exultations.139 

A  meeting  was  held  at  Ilantz,  in  the 
Grison  league,  for  the  purpose  of  a  discus- 
sion. The  supporters  of  the  Papacy,  on  one 
hand,  the  favourers  of  the  Reformation  on 
the  o!  her,  collected  their  forces.  ,  The  bishop's 
vicar  at  first  laboured  to  avoid  the  dispute. 
"  Such  disputations  are  attended  with  consi- 
derable expenses,"  said  he;  "  I  am  ready  to 
put  down  ten  thousand  florins,  in  order  to 
defray  them,  but  I  expect  the  opposite  party 
to  do  as  much."  "  If  the  bishop  has  ten 
thousand  florins  at  his  disposal,"  exclaimed 
the  rough  voice  of  a  countryman  in  the  crowd, 
"it  is  from  us  he  has  extorted  them;  to  give 
such  poor  priests  as  much  more  would  be  a 
little  too  bad."  "  We  are  a  poor  set  of  peo- 
ple," said  Comander,  the  pastor  of  Coira, 
"  we  can  scarcely  pay  for  our  soup,  where 
then  can  we  raise  ten  thousand  florins."14 
Every  one  laughed  at  this  stratagem,  and  the 
business  proceeded. 

Among  those  present  were  Sebastian  Hof- 
meister  and  James  Amman  of  Zurich.  They 
held  in  their  hands  the  Holy  Scriptures,  in 
Hebrew  and  Greek.  The  bishop's  vicar 
moved  that  strangers  be  desired  to  withdraw. 
Hofmeister  understood  this  to  be  directed 
against  him.  "We  have  come  provided," 
said  he,  "with  a  Hebrew  and  Greek  Bible, 
in  order  that  none  may  in  any  way  do  violence 
to  the  Scripture.  However,  sooner  than  stand 
in  the  way  of  the  conference  we  are  willing 
to  retire."  "  Ah !"  cried  the  curate  of  Dint- 


*  Verbis  diris  abstinete  ....  opem  ferte  egenis 
....  spem  certissimam  in  Deo  reponatis  omnipo- 
tente.  (Ibid.)  Either  the  date  of  one  of  the  let- 
ters, 14th  and  23d  of  1524,  must  be  a  mistake,  or 
one  letter  from  Zwingle  to  his  fellow-countrymen 
of  the  Tockenburg  must  be  lost. 


zen,  as  he  glanced  at  the  books  the  two  Zu- 
rich ers  held  in  their  hands,  "if  the  Hebrew 
and  Greek  languages  had  never  obtained 
entrance  into  our  country,  there  would  be 
fewer  heresies  among  us."141  "St.  Jerome," 
observed  another,  "  has  translated  the  Bible 
or  us,  and  we  don't  want  the  Jewish  books." 
'If  the  Zurichers  are  excluded,"  said  the 
banneret  of  Ilantz,  the  commune  will  move  in 
the  affair."  "Well,"  replied  the  others, 
let  them  listen,  but  let  them  be  silent."  The 
Zurichers  were  accordingly  allowed  to  remain, 
and  their  Bible  with  them. 

Comander,  rising  in  his  place,  read  from 
he  first  of  his  published  theses — "  The  Chris- 
tian Church  is  born  of  the  word  of  God.  Its 
duty  is  to  hold  fast  that  WTord,  and  not  to 
ive  ear  to  any  other  voice."  He  proceeded 
to  establish  what  he  advanced  by  numerous 
jassages  from  the  Scriptures.  "He  went 
soldly  forward,"  says  an  eye-witness,  "plant- 
no-  his  foot,  at  every  step,  with  the  firmness 
ofan  ox's  tread."142'"  This  will  last  all  day," 
said  the  vicar. — "When  he  is  at  table  with 
friends,  listening  to  those  who  play  the 
flute,  he  does  not  grudge  the  time,"  remarked 
Hofmeister.143 

Just  then  one  of  the  spectators  left  his  seat, 
and  elbowing  his  passage  through  the  crowd, 
forced  his  way  up  to  Comander,  waving  his 
arms,  scowling  on  the  Reformer,  and  knitting 
bis  brows.  He  seemed  like  one  beside  him- 
self; and  as  he  bustled  up  to  Comander, 
many  thought  he  was  going  to  strike  him.144 
He  was  a  schoolmaster  of  Coira.  "  I  have 
written  down  various  questions  for  you  to 
answer,"  said  he  to  Comander:  "answer 
them  directly."  "I  stand  here,"  said  the 
Reformer  of  the  Grisons,  "  to  defend  my 
teaching.  Do  you  attack  it,  and  I  will  answer 
you  ;  or,  if  not,  go  back  to  your  place.  I 
will  reply  to  you  when  I  have  done."  The 
schoolmaster  deliberated  for  an  instant. 
"Well,"  said  he,  at  last,— and  returned  to 
his  seat. 

It  was  proposed  to  proceed  to  consider  the 
doctrine  of  the  Sacrament.  The  abbot  of  St. 
Luke's  declared  that  it  was  not  without  awe 
that  he  approached  such  a  subject;  and  the 
vicar  devoutly  crossed  himself  in  fear. 

The  schoolmaster  of  Coira,  who  had  before 
showed  his  readiness  to  attack  Comander, 
with  much  volubility  began  to  argue  for  the 
received  doctrine  of  the  Sacrament,  grounding 
what  he  said  on  the  words,— "  This  is  my 
body."  "My  dear  Berre,"  said  Comander 
to  him,  "how  do  you  understand  these 
words,— John  is  Elias  V  "I  understand," 
replied  Berre,  who  saw  Comander's  object  in 
the  question,  "  I  understand  that  he  was  truly 
and  essentially  Elias."  "  And  why  then," 
continued  Comandpr,  "did  John  the  Baptist 
himself  say  to  the  Pharisees  that  he  was  not 
Elias?"  The  schoolmaster  was  silent;  and 
at  last  ejaculated, — "  It  is  true."  All  laughed, 
— even  the  friends  who  had  urged  him  to 
speak. 

The  abbot  of  Saint  Luke's  spoke  at  much 


366 


HISTOR-Y    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


length  on  the  Supper ;  and  the  conference  was 
finally  closed.  Seven  priests  embraced  the 
Gospel.  The  most  perfect  religious  liberty 
\vas  proclaimed  ;  and  in  several  of  the  churches 
the  Romish  worship  was  abolished.  "Christ," 
to  use  the  words  of  Salandronius,  "grew  up 
eveiy  where  in  the  mountains,  like  the  tender 
grass  of  the  spring,  and  his  ministers  were 
like  living  fountains,  watering  those  Alpine 
pastures."145 

The  Reformation  was  advancing,  with  yet 
more  rapid  strides,  in  Zurich.  Dominicans, 
Augustines,  Capucins,  so  long  opposed  to 
each  other,  were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
living  together; — an  anticipated  purgatory 
for  these  poor  monks.  In  place  of  those  de- 
generated institutions  were  founded  schools, 
an  hospital,  a  theological  seminary.  Learn- 
ing and  charity  every  where  took  the  place 
of  sloth  and  selfishness. 

These  triumphs  of  the  Reformation  could 
not  escape  notice.  The  monks,  the  priests, 
and  their  prelates,  not  knowing  how  to  move, 
every  where  felt  that  the  ground  was  passing 
from  under  their  feet;  and  that  the  Church 
was  on  the  point  of  sinking  under  its  unpre- 
cedented dangers.  The  oligarchs  of  the  can- 
tons,— the  hired  supporters  of  foreign  capitu- 
lations, perceived  there  was  no  time  to  be 
lost,  if  they  wished  to  preserve  their  own 
privileges;  and  at  the  moment  when  the 
Church,  in  her  terror,  was  sinking  into  the 
earth,  they  again  tendered  her  the  support  of 
their  arms  bristling  with  steel.  A  John  Faber 
was  reinforced  by  a  Stein  or  John  Hug  of 
Lucerne,  and  the  civil  authority  came  forward 
to  assist  that  power  of  the  hierarchy  which 
opens  his  mouth  to  blaspheme  and  makes  war 
against  the  saints.  Rev.  xiii. 

Public  opinion  had  for  a  long  while  de- 
manded a  conference.  No  other  way  appeared 
of  quelling  the  people.146"  Only  convince  us 
from  the  Scriptures,"  said  the  Council  of 
Zurich  to  the  Diet,  "and  we  will  fall  in  with 
your  desires."  "The  Zurichers,"  said  the 
people,  "have  given  you  their  promise;  if 
you  are  able  to  refute  them  from  the  Scriptures, 
why  not  do  it?  And  if  not  able,  why  not 
yourselves  conform  to  the  Bible?" 

The  conferences  at  Zurich  had  had  a  mighty 
influence ;  it  seemed  politic  to  oppose  to  them 
a  conference  held  in  a  city  in  the  interest  of 
Rome;  taking  at  the  same  time  all  necessary 
precautions  to  secure  the  victory  to  the  Pope's 
party. 

It  is  true  that  the  same  party  had  declared 
such  discussions  unlawful, — but  a  door  of 
evasion  was  found  to  escape  that  difficulty; 
for,  said  they,  all  that  it  is  proposed  to  do  is 
to  declare  and  condemn  the  pestilent  doctrine 
of  Zwingle.*  This  difficulty  obviated,  they 
looked  about  them  for  a  sturdy  disputant  and 
Doctor  Eck  offered  himself.  He  had  no  fear 
of  the  issue.  "Zwingle,  no  doubt,  has  more 
knowledge  of  cows  than  of  books,"  observed 
he,  as  Hofmeister  reports.147 


*  Diet  of  Lucerne,  13th  of  March,  1526. 


The  Grand  Council  of  Zurich  despatched 
a  safe-conduct  for  Eck  to  repair  direct  to 
Zurich ;  but  Eck  answered  that  he  would 
await  the  answer  of  the  Confederation. 
Zwingle,  on  this,  proposed  to  dispute  at  St. 
Gall,  or  at  Schaffhausen,  but  the  Council, 
grounding  its  decision  on  an  article  in  the 
federal  compact,  which  provided  that  any 
person  accused  of  misdemeanor  should  be  tried 
in  the  place  of  his  abode,  enjoined  Zwingle  to 
retract  his  offer. 

The  Diet  at  length  came  to  the  decision 
that  a  conference  should  take  place  at  Baden, 
and  appointed  the  16th  of  May,  1526.  This 
meeting  promised  important  consequences; 
for  it  was  the  result  and  the  seal  of  that  alliance 
that  had  just  been  concluded  between  the 
power  of  the  Church  and  the  aristocrats  of 
the  Confederation.  "See,"  said  Zwingle  to 
Vadian,  "  what  these  oligarchs  and  Faber  are 
daring  enough  to  attempt."148 

Accordingly,  the  decision  <to  be  expected 
from  the  Diet  was  a  question  of  deep  interest 
in  Switzerland.  None  could  doubt  that  a 
conference  held  under  such  auspices  would  be 
any  thing  but  auspicious  to  the  Reformation. 
Were  not  the  five  cantons  most  devoted  to 
the  Pope's  views  paramount  in  influence  in 
Baden?  Had  they  not  already  condemned 
Zwingle's  doctrine,  and  pursued  it  with  fire 
and  sword  ?  At  Lucerne  had  he  not  been 
burnt  in  effigy  with  every  expression  of  con- 
tempt ?  At  Friburg  had  not  his  writings  been 
consigned  to  the  flames?  Throughout  the 
five  cantons  was  not  his  death  demanded  by 
popular  clamour  ?  The  cantons  that  exercised 
a  sort  of  suzerainty  in  Baden,  had  they  not 
declared  that  Zwingle  should  be  seized  if  he 
set  foot  on  any  part  of  their  territory  ?149Had 
not  Uberlinger,  one  of  their  chiefs,  declared 
that  he  only  wished  he  had  him  in  his  power 
that  he  might  hang  him,  though  he  should  be 
called  an  executioner  as  long  as  he  lived?150 
And  Doctor  Eck  himself,  had  he  not  for  years 
past  called  for  fire  and  sword  as  the  only 
methods  to  be  resorted  to  against  heretics? — 
What  then  must  be  the  end  of  this  conference, 
and  what  result  can  it  have  but  the  death  of 
the  Reformer? 

Such  were  the  fears  that  agitated  the  com- 
mission appointed  at  Zurich,  to  examine  into 
the  matter.  Zwingle,  beholding  their  agita- 
tion rose  and  said,  "You  know  what  happen- 
ed at  Baden  to  the  valiant  men  of  Stammheim, 
and  how  the  blood  of  the  Wirths  stained  the 
scaffold — and  yet  we  are  summoned  to  -the 
very  place  of  their  execution !  Let  Zurich, 
Berne,  Saint  Gall,  or,  if  they  will,  Basle, 
Constance,  or  Schaffhausen  be  chosen  for 
the  conference;  let  it  be  agreed  that  none  but 
essential  points  shall  be  discussed,  that  the 
word  of  God  shall  be  the  only  standard  of 
authority  which  nothing  shall  be  allowed  to 
supersede,  and  then  I  am  ready  to  come  for- 
ward."151 

Meanwhile,  fanaticism  was  already  aroused 
and  was  striking  down  her  victims.  On  the 
10th  of  May,  1526,  that  is,  about  a  week  be- 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REFORMATION. 


367 


fore  the  discussion  at  Baden,  a  consistory, 
headed  by  the  same  Faber  who  challenged 
Zwingle,  condemned  to  the  flames,  as  a  here- 
tic, an  evangelical  minister  named  John 
Hiigle,  pastor  of  Lindau,  who  sang  the  Te 
JDeum  while  walking  to  the  place  of  execu- 
tion.152 At  the  same  time,  another  minister, 
named  Peter  Spengler  was  drowned  at  Fri- 
burg,  by  order  of  the  bishop  of  Constance. 

Gloomy  tidings  reached  Zwingle  from  all 
sides.  His  brother-in-law,  Leonard  Tremp, 
wrote  to  him  from  Berne:  "  Iconjureyou  as  you 
value  your  life,  not  to  repair  to  Baden.  I  know 
that  they  will  not  respect  yoursafe  conduct."153 

It  was  confidently  asserted  that  a  project 
had  been  formed  to  seize,  gag,  and  throw  him 
into  a  boat  which  should  carry  him  off  to 
some  secret  place.154Taking  into  consideration 
these  threats  of  danger  and  death,  the  Council 
of  Zurich  resolved  that  Zwingle  should  not  go 
to  Baden.155 

The  day  for  the  discussion  being  fixed  for 
the  19th  of  May,  the  disputants  and  represen- 
tatives of  the  cantons  and  bishops  slowly  col- 
lected. First,  on  the  side  of  the  Roman  Ca- 
tholics, appeared  the  pompous  and  boastful 
Eck ;  on  the  Protestant  side,  the  modest  and 
gentle  CEcolampadius.  The  latter  was  fully 
sensible  of  the  perils  attending  this  discus- 
sion:— "Long  had  he  hesitated,"  says  an 
ancient  historian,  "like  a  timid  stag,  worried 
by  furious  dogs;"  at  length  he  decided  on 
proceeding  to  Baden ;  first  making  this  solemn 
protestation — "  I  recognise  no  other  rule  of 
judgment  than  the  word  of  God."  He  had, 
at  first,  much  wished  that  Zwingle  should 
share  his  perils  ;15ebut  he  soon  saw  reason  to 
believe  that  if  the  intrepid  doctor  had  shown 
himself  in  that  fanatical  city,  the  anger  of  the 
Roman  Catholics,  kindling  at  the  sight  of 
him,  would  have  involved  them  both  in  de- 
struction. 

The  first  step  was  to  determine  the  laws 
which  should  regulate  the  controversy.  Eck 
proposed  that  the  deputies  of  the  Forest  Can- 
tons should  be  authorised  to  pronounce  the 
final  judgment, — a  proposal  which,  if  it  had 
been  adopted,  would  have  decided  beforehand 
the  condemnation  of  the  reformed  doctrines. 
Thomas  Plater,  who  had  come  from  Zurich 
to  attend  the  conference,  was  despatched  by 
OEcolampadius  to  ask  Zwingle's  advice.  Ar- 
riving at  night,  he  was  with  difficulty  ad- 
mitted into  the  Reformer's  house.  Zwingle, 
waking  up  and  rubbing  his  eyes,  exclaimed, 
"  You  are  an  unseasonable  visitant, — what 
news  do  you  bring?  For  these  six  weeks 
past  I  have  had  no  rest ;  thanks  to  this  dis- 
pute."157 Plater  stated  what  Eck  required 
"And  how,"  replied  Zwingle,  "can  those 
peasants  be  made  to  understand  such  matters] 
they  would  be  much  more  at  home  in  milking 
their  cows."158 

On  the  2Tst  of  May  the  conference  began. 
Eck  and  Faber,  accompanied  by  prelates, 
magistrates,  and  doctors,  robed  in  damask  and 
silk,  and  bedizened  with  rings,  chains,  and 
crosses,  repaired  to  thechurch.159Eck  haughtily 


ascended  a  pulpit  superbly  decorated,  whilst 
the  humble  CEcolampadius,  meanly  clad,  sat 
facing  his  adversary  upon  a  rudely  construct- 
ed platform.  "During  the  .whole  time  the 
conference  lasted,"  says  the  chronicler  Bul- 
inger,  "  Eck  and  his  party  were  lodged  in  the 
>arsonage  house  of  Baden,  faring  sumptuous- 
y,  living  gaily  and  disorderly,  drinking  freely 
he  wine  with  which  they  were  supplied  by 
he  abbot  of  Wettingen.1GOEck,  it  was  said, 
takes  the  baths  of  Baden,  but  it  is  in  wine 
hat  he  bathes.  The  Reformers,  on  the  con- 
rary,  made  but  a  sorry  appearance,  and  were 
scoffed  at  as  a  troop  of  mendicants.  Their 
manner  of  life  afforded  a  striking  contrast  to 
that  of  the  Pope's  champions.  The  landlord 
of  the  Pike^  the  inn  at  which  CEcolampadius 
odged,  curious  to  see  how  the  latter  spent  his 
time  in  his  room,  reported  that  whenever  he 
ooked  in  on  him,  he  found  him  either  reading 
or  praying.  It  must  be  confessed,  said  he, 
that  he  is  a  very  pious  heretic." 

The  discussion  lasted  eighteen  days;  and 
every  morning  the  clergy  of  Baden  went  in 
olemn  procession,  chaunting  litanies,  in  order 
to  ensure  victory.  Eck  was  the  only  one  who 
spoke  in  defence  of  the  Romish  doctrines. 
He  was  at  Baden  exactly  what  he  was  at 
Leipsic,  with  the  same  German  twang,  the 
same  broad  shoulders  and  sonorous  voice,  re- 
minding one  of  a  town  crier,  and  in  appear- 
ance more  like  a  butcher  than  a  divine.  He 
was  vehement  in  disputing,  according  to  his 
usual  custom;  trying  to  wound  his  opponents 
insulting  language,  and  even  now  and  then, 
breaking  out  in  an  oath.'61The  president  nevei 
called  him  to  order — 

Eck  stamps  his  feet,  and  claps  his  hands, 

He  raves,  he  swears,  he  scolds ; 
"  I  do,"  cries  he,  "  what  Rome  commands, 

And  teach  what'er  she  holds."162 

CEcolampadius,  on  the  contrary,  with  his 
serene  countenance,  his  noble  and  patriarchal 
air,  spoke  with  so  much  mildness,  but  at  the 
same  time  with  so  much  ability  and  courage, 
that  even  his  antagonists,  affected  and  im- 
pressed, whispered  to  one  another,  "  Oh  that 
the  tall  sallow  man  were  on  our  side.'"163 
Sometimes,  indeed,  he  was  moved  at  behold- 
ing the  hatred  and  violence  of  his  auditors  : 
"Oh,"  said  he,  "with  what  impatience  do 
they  listen  to  me ;  but  God  will  not  forego  His 
glory,  and  it  is  that  only  that  we  seek."164 

CEcolampadius  having  combated  Eck's  first 
thesis,  which  turned  on  the  real  presence, 
Haller,  who  had  reached  Baden,  after  the 
commencement  of  the  discussion,  entered  the 
lists  against  the  second.  Little  used  to  such 
discussions  constitutionally  timid,  fettered 
by  the  instructions  of  his  government,  and 
embarrassed  by  the  presence  of  its  chief  ma» 
gistrate,  Gaspard  Mullinen,  a  bitter  enemy  of 
the  Reformation,  Haller  had  none  of  the  con- 
fident bearing  of  his  antagonist ;  but  he  had 
more  real  strength.  When  Haller  had  con- 
cluded, CEcolampadius  again  entered  the  lists, 
and  pressed  Eck  so  closely,  that  the  lattet 
2  1 


3G8 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


was  compelled  to  fall  back  upon  the  custom 
of  the  church.  "  In  our  Switzerland,"  an- 
swered (Ecolampadius,  "custom  is  of  no 
force  unless  it  be  according  to  the  constitu- 
tion; now,  in  all  matters  of  faith,  the  Bible 
is  our  constitution." 

The  third  thesis,  regarding  invocation  of 
saints;  the  fourth,  on  images;  the  fifth,  on 
purgatory,  were  successively  discussed.  No 
one  came  forward  to  dispute  the  two  last 
theses,  which  bore  reference  to  original  sin 
and  baptism. 

Zwingle  took  an  important  part  in  the 
whole  of  the  discussion.  The  Catholic  party 
had  appointed  four  secretaries,  and  prohi- 
bited all  other  persons  from  taking  notes  on 
pain  of  death.165  Nevertheless,  a  student  from 
the  Valais,  named  Jerome  Walsch.  gifted 
with  a  retentive  memory,  carefully  impressed 
upon  his  mind  all  that  he  heard,  and  upon 
leaving  the  assembly  privately  committed  his 
recollections  lo  writing.  Thomas  Plater,  and 
Zimmermann  of  Winterthur,  carried  these 
notes  to  Zwingle  every  day,  as  also  letters 
from  (Ecolampadius,  and  brought  back  the 
Reformer's  answers.  The  gates  of  Baden 
were  guarded  by  halberdiers,  and  it  was 
only  by  inventing  different  excuses  that  the 
two  messengers  could  evade  the  questions 
of  the  soldiers,  who  were  at  a  loss  to  com- 
prehend why  these  youths  so  frequently  en- 
tered and  quitted  the  city.*  Thus  Zwingle, 
though  absent  from  Baden  in  bodily  pre- 
sence, was  with  them  in  spirit. 

He  advised  and  strengthened  his  friends, 
and  refuted  his  adversaries.  "Zwingle," 
says  Oswald  Myconius,  "  has  laboured  more 
in  meditating  upon  and  watching  the  con- 
test, and  transmitting  his  advice  to  Baden, 
than  he  could  have  done  by  disputing  in 
person  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies."166 

During  the  whole  time  of  the  conference 
the  Roman  Catholics  were  in  a  ferment, 
publishing  abroad  the  report  of  advantages 
gained  by  them.  "(Ecolampadius,"  cried 
they,  "  vanquished  by  Eck,  lies  prostrate  on 
the  field,  and  sues  for  quarter  ;167the  Pope's 
authority  will  be  every  where  restored."168 
These  statements  were  industriously  circu- 
lated throughout  the  cantons,  and  the  many, 
prompt  to  believe  every  rumour,  gave  credit 
to  these  vauntings  of  the  partisans  of  Rome. 

The  discussion  being  concluded,  the  monk 
Murner  of  Lucerne,  nicknamed  the  "  tom- 
cat," came  forward  and  read  forty  articles 
of  accusation  against  Zwingle.  "  I  thought," 
said  he,  "  that  the  dastard  would  appear  and 
answer  for  himself,  but  he  has  not  done  so : 
I  am  therefore  justified  by  every  law,  both 
human  and  divine,  in  declaring  forty  times 
over,  that  the  tyrant  of  Zurich  and  all  his 


*  When  I  was  asked,  "  What  are  you  going  to 
do?"  I  replied,  "I  am  carrying  chickens  to  sell 
to  the  gentlemen  who  are  come  to  the  baths :" — 
the  chickens  were  given  me  at  Zurich,  and  the 
guards  could  not  understand  how  it  was  that  I 
always  got  them  so  fresh,  and  in  so  short  -a  time. 
^Plater's  Autobiography.) 


partisans  are  rebels,  liars,  perjured  persons, 
adulterers,  infidels,  thieves,  robbers  of  tem- 
ples, fit  only  for  the  gallows;  and  that  any 
honest  man  must  disgrace  himself  if  he  hold 
any  intercourse  with  them,  of  what  kind  so- 
ever." Such  was  the  opprobrious  language 
which,  at  that  time,  was  honoured  with  the 
name  of  "Christian  controversy,"  by  divines 
whom  the  Church  of  Rome  herself  might 
well  blush  to  acknowledge. 

Great  agitation  prevailed  at  Baden ;  the 
general  feeling  was  that  the  Reformers  were 
overcome  not  by  force  of  arguments,  but  by 
power  of  lungs.169Only  (Ecolampadius  and 
ten  of  his  friends  signed  a  protest  against  the 
theses  of  Eck,  whilst  they  were  adopted  by 
no  less  than  eighty  persons,  including  those 
who  had  presided  at  the  discussion,  and  all 
the  monks  of  Wittengen.  Haller  had  left 
Baden  before  the  termination  of  the  con- 
ference. 

The  majority  of  the  Diet  then  decreed, 
that  as  Zwingle,  the  leader  in  these  perni- 
cious doctrines,  refused  to  appear,  and  as 
the  ministers  who  had  come  to  Baden  har- 
dened themselves  against  conviction,  both 
the  one  and  the  others  were  in  consequence 
cast  out  from  the  bosom  of  the  church.170 

But  this  celebrated  contest,  which  had  ori- 
ginated in  the  zeal  of  the  oligarchs  and  the 
clergy,  was  yet  in  its  effects  to  be  fatal  to 
both.  Those  who  had  contended  for  the 
Gospel,  returning  to  their  homes,  infused 
into  their  fellow-citizens  an  enthusiasm  for 
the  cause  they  had  defended ;  and  Berne  and 
Basle,  two  of  the  most  influential  cantons  of 
the  Helvetic  confederation,  began  thence- 
forth to  fall  away  from  the  ranks  of  the 
Papacy. 

It  was  to  be  expected  that  (Ecolampadius 
would  be  the  first  to  suffer,  the  rather  as  he 
was  not  a  native  of  Switzerland;  and  it  was 
not  without  some  fear  that  he  returned  to 
Basle.  But  his  alarm  was  quickly  dissipated. 
His  gentle  words  had  sunk  deeply  into  those 
unprejudiced  minds  which  had  been  closed 
against  the  vociferations  of  Eck;  and  he  was 
received  with  acclamations  by  all  men  of 
piety.  His  adversaries,  it  is  true,  used  all 
their  efforts  to  exclude  him  from  the  pulpit, 
but  in  vain:  he  taught  and  preached  with 
greater  energy  than  before,  and  never  had 
the  people  manifested  a  more  ardent  thirst 
for  the  word  of  the  Lord.171 

The  course  of  events  at  Berne  was  of  a 
similar  character.  The  conference  at  Baden, 
which  it  had  been  hoped  would  stifle  the 
Reformation,  gave  to  it  a  new  impulse  in 
this  the  most  powerful  of  the  Swiss  cantons. 
No  sooner  had  Haller  arrived  in  the  capital, 
than  the  inferior  council  summoned  him  be- 
fore them,  and  commanded  him  to  celebrate 
mass.  Haller  asked  leave  to  answer  before 
the  Grand  Council;  and  the  people  came 
together,  thinking  it  behoved  them  to  defend 
their  pastor.  Haller,  in  alarm,  declared  that 
he  would  rather  quit  the  city  than  be  the 
innocent  occasion  of  disorders.  Upon  this, 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


369 


tranquillity  being  restored,  "If,"  said  the  [dove  so  long1  denied  entrance,  but  which  has 
Reformer,  "I  am  required  to  perform  mass  never  ceased  to  watch  for  the  hour  when  she 


I  must  resign  my  office :  the  honour  of  Go( 
and  the  truth  of  His  holy  Word  lie  nearer  to 
my  heart  than  any  care  what '  I  shall  eat,  o 
wherewithal  I  shall  be  clothed.' "  Haller 
uttered  these  words  with  much  emotion;  the 
members  of  the  Council  were  affected;  even 
some  of  his  opponents  were  moved  to  tears.172 
Once  more  was  moderation  found  to  be 
strength.  To  meet  in  some  measure  the  re- 
quirements of  Rome,  Haller  was  removed 
from  his  office  of  canon,  but  appointed 
preacher.  His  most  violent  enemies,  Lewis 
and  Anthony  von  Diesbach  and  Anthony 
von  Erlach,  indignant  at  this  decision,  imme- 
diately withdrew  from  the  Council  and  the 
city,  and  threw  up  their  rank  as  citizens. 
"Berne  stumbled,"  said  Haller,  "but  she 
has  risen  up  in  greater  strength  than  ever. 
This  firmness  of  the  Bernese  made  a  power- 
ful impression  in  Switzerland.173 

But  the  effects  of  the  conference  of  Baden 
were  not  confined  to  Berne  and  Basle. 
While  these  events  were  occurring  in  those 
powerful  cities,  a  movement  more  or  less  of 
the  same  character  was  in  progress  in  seve- 
ral other  states  of  the  Confederation.  The 
preachers  of  St.  Gall,  on  their  return  from 
Baden,  proclaimed  the  Gospel.174  At  the  con- 
clusion of  a  public  meeting,  the  images  were 
removed  from  the  parish  church  of  St.  Law- 
rence, and  the  inhabitants  parted  with  their 
costly  dresses,  jewels,  rings,  and  gold  chains, 
that  they  might  employ  the  money  in  works 
of  charity.  The  Reformation  did,  it  is  true, 
strip  men  of  their  possessions,  but  it  was  in 
order  that  the  poor  might  be  clothed  ;  and 
the  only  wordly  goods  it  claimed  the  sur- 
render of  were  those  of  the  Reformed  them- 
selves.175 

At  Mulhausen  the  preaching  was  continued 
with  unwearied  boldness.  Thurgovia  and  the 
Rhenish  provinces  daily  drew  nearer  to  the 
doctrine  held  in  Zurich.  Immediately  after 
the  conference,  Zurzach  abolished  the  use  of 
images  in  its  churches,  and  almost  the  whole 
district  of  Baden  received  the  Gospel. 

Nothing  can  show  more  clearly  than  such 
facts  as  these  which  party  had  really  triumph- 
ed. Hence  we  find  Zwingle,  contemplating 
what  was  passing  around  him,  giving  thanks 
to  God  : — "  Manifold  are  their  attacks,"  said 


he, 
ings 


but  the  Lord  is  above  all  their  threaten- 
and  all   their   violence; — a  wonderful 


unanimity  in  behalf  of  the  Gospel  prevails  in 
the  city  and  canton  of  Zurich — we  shall  over- 
come all  things  by  the  prayer  of  faith."176 
Shortly  afterwards,  writing  to  Haller,  he  ex- 
pressed himself  thus:  "Every  thing  here 
below  follows  its  appointed  course : — after  the 
rude  northern  blast  comes  the  gentle  breeze. 
The  scorching  heat  of  summer  is  succeeded  by 
the  treasures  of  autumn.  And  now  after  stern 
contests,  the  Creator  of  all  things,  whom  we 
serve,  has  opened  for  us  a  passage  into  the 
enemy's  camp.  We  are  at  last  permitted  to 
receive  among  us  the  Christian  doctrine,  that 


might  return.      Be  thou  the  Noah  to  receive 
and  shelter  her." 

This  same  year  Zurich  made  an  important 
acquisition.  Conrad  Pellican,  superior  of  the 
Franciscan  convent  at  Basle,  professor  of  the- 
ology when  only  twenty-four  years  of  age, 
had,  through  the  interest  of  Zwingle,  been 
chosen  to  fill  the  office  of  Hebrew  professor 
at  Zurich.  On  his  arrival  he  said,  "I  have 
long  since  renounced  the  Pope,  and  desired  to 
live  to  Christ."177  Pellican's  critical  talents 
rendered  him  one  of  the  most  useful  labourers 
in  the  great  work  of  the  Reformation. 

Early  in  1527,  Zurich,  still  excluded  from 
the  Diet  by  the  Romish  cantons,  and  wishing 
to  take  advantage  of  the  more  favourable  dis- 
position manifested  by  some  of  the  confede- 
rates, convened  an  assembly  within  her  own 
walls.  It  was  attended  by  deputies  from 
Berne,  Basle,  Schaffhausen,  Appenzell  and 
Saint  Gall.  "  We  require,"  said  the  deputies 
of  Zurich,  "that  God's  word,  which  alone 
leads  us  to  Christ  crucified,  be  the  one  thing 
preached,  taught  and  exalted.  We  renounce 
all  doctrines  of  men,  whatever  may  have  been 
the  custom  of  our  forefathers;  being  well 
assured  that  if  they  had  been  visited  by  this 
divine  light  of  the  World,  which  we  enjoy, 
they  would  have  embraced  it  with  more  re- 
verence than  we,  their  unworthy  descendants."178 
The  deputies  present  promised  to  take  into 
consideration  the  representations  made  by 
their  brethren  of  Zurich. 

Thus  the  breach  in  the  walls  of  Rome  was 
svery  day  widened.     The  Baden  conference 
t  was  hoped  would  have  repaired  it ;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  from  that  time  forward  the  can- 
tons that  had  hitherto  been  only  doubtful  ap- 
peared willing  to  make  common  cause  with 
Zurich.   The  Reformation  was  already  spread- 
ng  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  plain,  and 
Beginning  to  ascend  the  sides  of  the  moun- 
tains;— and  the  more  ancient  cantons,  which 
had  been  as  the  cradle  and  are  still  the  citadel 
f  Switzerland — seemed  in  their  alpine  inclo- 
sures  alone  to  adhere  faithfully  to  the  religion 
•f  their  fathers.     These  mountaineers,  con- 
tantly  exposed  to  violent  storms,  avalanches, 
nd   overflowing  torrents,  are  all   their  lives 
obliged  to  struggle  againstthese  formidable  ene- 
mies, and  to  sacrifice  every  thing  for  the  preser- 
ation  of  the  pastures  where  their  flocks  graze, 
nd'  the  roofs  which  shelter  them   from  the 
tempest,  and  which  at  any  moment  may  be 
swept  away  by  an  inundation.     Hence  a  con- 
servative  principle    is    strikingly  developed 
among  them,  and  has  been  transmitted  from 
generation  to  generation.  With  these  children 
of  the  mountains,  wisdom  consists  in  preserv- 
ing   what   they   have    inherited    from    their 
fathers. 

At  the  period  we  are  recording  these  rude 
Helvetians  struggled  against  the  Reformation 
that  came  to  change  their  faith  and  worship, 
as  at  this  very  hour  they  contend  against  the  . 
roaring  waters  which  tumble  from  their  snow- 


370 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


clad  hills,  or  against  those  modern  notions  and 
politics  which  have  established  themselves 
in  the  adjoining  cantons.  They  will  probably 
be  the  very  last  to  lay  down  their  arms  before 
that  twofold  power  which  has  already  planted 
its  standard  on  the  adjacent  hills,  and  is 
steadily  gaining  ground  upon  these  conserva- 
tive communities. 

Accordingly,  these  cantons,  yet  more  irri- 
tated against  Berne  than  against  Zurich,  and 
trembling  lest  that  powerful  state  should  de- 
sert their  interests,  assembled  their  deputies 
in  Rerne  itself,  eight  days  after  the  conference 
at  Zurich.  They  called  on  the  Council  to  de- 
prive the  innovating  teachers  of  their  office,  to 
proscribe  their  doctrines,  and  to  maintain  the 
ancient  and  true  Christian  faith,  as  confirmed 
by  past  ages  and  sealed  by  the  blood  of  mar- 
tyrs. "  Convene  all  the  bailiwicks  of  the 
canton,"  added  they,  "  if  you  refuse  to  do  this, 
we  will  take  it  upon  ourselves."  The  Ber- 
nese were  irritated,  and  replied,  "  We  require 
no  assistance  in  the  directing  of  those  who  hold 
authority  under  us." 

This  answer  only  inflamed  the  anger  of  the 
Forest  Cantons ;  and  those  very  cantons, 
which  had  been  the  cradle  of  the  political 
liberty  of  Switzerland,  affrighted  at  the  pro- 
gress of  religious  liberty,  began  to  seek  even 
foreign  alliances  in  order  to  destroy  it.  In 
opposing  the  enemies  of  the  capitulations  it 
seemed  to  them  reasonable  to  seek  the  aid  of 
capitulations  ;  and  if  the  oligarchs  of  Switzer- 
land were  not  sufficiently  powerful,  it  was 
natural  to  have  recourse  to  the  princes  their 
allies.  Austria,  who  had  found  it  impossible 
to  maintain  her  own  authority  in  the  Con- 
federation, was  ready  to  interfere  to  strengthen 
the  power  of  Rome.  Berne  learnt  with  terror 
that  Ferdinand,  brother  of  Charles  V.,  was 
preparing  to  march  against  Zurich,  and  all 
those  who  took  part  with  the  Reformation.179 

Circumstances  were  becoming  more  trying. 
A  succession  of  events,  more  or  less  adverse, 


such  as  the  excesses  of  the  Anabaptists,  the 
disputes  with  Luther  concerning  the  Lord's 
Supper,  and  other  causes,  seemed  to  have 
compromised  the  prospects  of  the  Reformation 
in  Switzerland.  The  conference  at  Baden 
had  disappointed  the  hopes  of  the  Papists,  and 
the  sword  which  they  had  brandished  against 
their  opponents  had  been  shivered  in  their 
hands;  but  their  animosity  and  rage  did  but 
increase,  and  they  began  to  prepare  for  a  fresh 
effort.  The  Imperial  power  was  in  motion  ; 
and  the  Austrian  bands,  which  had  been  com- 
pelled to  shameful  flight  from  the  defiles  of 
Morgarten  and  the  heights  of  Sempach,  stood 
ready  to  enter  Switzerland  with  flying  ban- 
ners, to  confirm  the  tottering  authority  of 
Rome.  The  moment  was  critical :  it  was  no 
longer  possible  to  halt  between  two  opinions  ; 
— to  be  "neither  clear  nor  muddy."  Berne 
and  other  cantons  which  had  so  long  hesitated 
were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  decision, 
either  to  return  without  loss  of  time  to  the 
Papal  ranks,  or  to  take  their  stand  with  bold- 
ness on  the  side  of  Christ. 

Just  then  William  Farel,  a  Frenchman 
from  the  mountains  of  Dauphiny,  communi- 
cated a  powerful  impulse  to  Switzerland, — 
decided  the  reformation  of  the  western  cantons, 
hitherto  sunk  in  a  profound  slumber,  and  so 
caused  the  balance  to  incline  in  favour  of  the 
new  doctrines  throughout  the  Confederation. 
Farel's  coming  resembled  the  arrival  of  those 
fresh  troops,  who  just  when  the  battle  hangs 
doubtfully,  appear  upon  the  field,  throw  them- 
selves into  the  thick  of  the  fight  and  decide 
the  victory.  He  led  the  way  in  Switzerland 
for  another  Frenchman,  whose  austere  faith 
and  commanding  genius  were  ordained  to 
terminate  the  Reformation,  atid  render  the 
work  complete.  In  the  persons  of  these  dis- 
tinguished men  France  took  her  part  in  that 
vast  commotion  which  agitated  Christendom. 
It  is  therefore  time  that  we  should  turn  our 
attention  to  France. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION.  371 


PREFACE. 

AT  a  period  when  increased  attention  is  everywhere  drawn  to  those  original  documents 
which  form  the  basis  of  Modern  History,  I  gladly  add  my  mite  to  the  general  stock. 

In  the  former  portion  of  this  work,  my  attention  was  not  confined  to  the  historians  of  the 
time,  but  I  judged  it  right  to  compare  the  testimony  of  the  witnesses,  letters,  and  earliest 
accounts;  and  had  recourse  to  the  authority  of  manuscripts,  particularly  one  by  Bullinger, 
which  has  since  been  printed. 

But  the  necessity  for  recourse  to  unpublished  documents  became  more  urgent  when  I 
approached  the  Reformation  in  France.  The  printed  materials  for  a  history  of  the  Reformed 
opinions  in  that  country  are  few  and  scanty,  owing  to  the  state  of  continued  trial  in  which 
the  Reformed  congregations  have  existed. 

In  the  spring  of  1838, 1  examined  the  various  public  libraries  of  Paris,  and  it  will  be  seen 
that  a  manuscript  preserved  in  the  Royal  Library,  and  never  (as  I  believe,)  before  consulted, 
throws  much  light  on  the  commencement  of  the  Reformation. 

In  the  autumn  of  1839, 1  consulted  the  manuscripts  in  the  library  of  the  conclave  of 
pastors  of  Neufchatel,  a  collection  exceedingly  rich  in  materials  for  the  history  of  that  age, 
since  it  includes  the  manuscripts  of  Farel's  library.  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the 
lord  of  the  manor  of  Meuron,  for  the  use  of  a  manuscript  life  of  Farel,  written  by  Choupard, 
in  which  most  of  these  documents  are  introduced.  These  materials  have  enabled  me  to 
reconstruct  an  entire  phase  of  the  Reformation  in  France.  In  addition  to  the  above  helps, 
and  those  supplied  by  the  Library  of  Geneva,  an  appeal  inserted  by  me  in  the  columns  of 
the  Archives  du  Christianisme,  led  to  other  communications  from  private  individuals,  to 
whom  I  here  return  my  grateful  acknowledgments, — and  especially  to  M.  Ladevese,  pastor 
at  Meaux. 

It  may  be  thought  that  I  have  treated  at  too  much  detail  the  early  progress  of  the  Reformed 
opinions  in  France :  but  those  particulars  are  in  truth  very  little  known.  The  entire  period 
occupying  my  Twelfth  Book  has  but  four  pages  allotted  to  it  by  Beza  ;  and  other  historians 
have  done  little  more  than  record  the  political  progress  of  the  nation. 

Many  causes  have  combined  to  postpone  the  appearance  of  the  present  volume.  Twice — 
has  heavy  affliction  interrupted  the  labour  of  its  composition,  and  gathered  my  affections 
and  my  thoughts  at  the  graves  of  beloved  children.  The  reflection  that  it  was  my  duty  to 
glorify  that  adorable  Master,  who  was  dealing  with  me  by  such  moving  appeals,  and  at  the 
same  time  ministering  to  me  of  His  heavenly  consolations,  could  alone  inspire  me  with  the 
courage  required  for  its  completion. 

JLux  Eaux  Vives 
pres  Geneve. 


48  2  i  2 


372 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


BOOK  XII. 


THE    FRENCH. 


1500—1526. 

The  Reformation  in  France — Persecution  of  the  Vaudois — Birthplace  of  Farel — La  Saint  Croix-  - 
The  Priest's  Wizard — Farel's  Superstitious  Faith — The  Chevalier  Bayard — Louis  XII — The 
Two  Valois — Lefevre — His  Devotion — Farel's  Reverence  for  the  Pope — Farel  and  the  Bible — 
Gleams  of  Light — Lefevre  Turns  to  St.  Paul — Lefevre  on  Works — University  Amusements — 
Faith  and  Works — Paradoxical  Truth — Farel  and  the  Saints — Allman  Refutes  De  Vio — Pierre 
Olivetan — Hap_py  Change  in  Farel — Independence  and  Priority — Of  the  Reformation  in  France — 
Francis  of  Angoul&me — Two  Classes  of  Combatants — Margaret  of  yalois — Talents  of  the  Queen 
of  Navarre — The  Bishop  and  the  Bible — Francis  Encourages  Learning — Margaret  Embraces  the 
Gospel — Poetical  Effusions — Of  the  Duchess  of  Alencon — Margaret's  Danger — Violence  of  Beda 
— Louis  Berquin — Opposition  to  the  Gospel — The  Concordat — The  Concordat  Resisted — Fanati- 
cism and  Timidity — The  Three  Maries — Beda  and  the  University — The  King  and  the  Sorbonne — 
Briconnet  in  His  Diocese — The  Bishop  and  the  Curates — Martial  Mazurier — Margaret's  Sorrows 
— Strength  Under  Trial — Death  of  Philibert  of  Nemours — Alone,  Not  Lonely — The  Wandering 
Sheep — Briconnet's  Hope  and  Prayer — Sufficiency  of  the  Scriptures — Lefevre's  French  Bible — 
The  People  "Turned  Aside" — Church  of  Landouzy — The  Gospel  and  the  French  Court — 
Margaret's  Lamentations — Briconnet  Preaches  Against  the  Monks — Two  Despotisms — Briconnet 
Draws  Back — Leclerc  the  Wool-Comber — Leclerc's  Zeal  and  Sufferings — A  Mother's  Faith  and 
Love — Secret  Meetings  for  Worship — Berquin  Imprisoned  by  the  Parliament — Charges  Against 
Berquin — Liberated  by  the  King — Pavanne's  Recantation  and  Remorse — Zeal  of  Leclerc  and 
Chatelain — Peter  Toussaint — Leclerc  Breaks  the  Images — Uproar  among  the  People — Martyrdom 
of  Leclerc  and  Chatelain — The  Gospel  Expelled  from  Gap — Anemond's  Zeal — Farel  Preaches  to 
His  Countrymen — Pierre  De  Sebville — Anemond  Visits  Luther — Luther's  Letter  to  the  Duke  of 
Savoy — Farel's  Arrival  in  Switzerland — QEcolampadius  and  Farel — Cowardice  of  Erasmus- 
French  Frankness — "Balaam" — Farel's  Propositions — Faith  and  Scripture — The  Reformation 
Defended — Visits  Strasburg — Ordination  of  Farel — Apostolical  Succession — Farel  at  Montbeli- 
ard — The  Gospel  at  Lyons — Anthony  Papillon — Sebville  Persecuted — Secret  Meetings  at  Greno- 
ble— Effects  of  the  Battle  of  Pavia — Trial  and  Arrest  of  Maigret — Evangelical  Association — Need 
of  Unity — Christian  Patriotism — Influence  of  Tracts — The  New  Testament  in  French — Bible 
and  Tract  Societies — Farel  at  Montbeliard — Oil  and  Wine— Toussaint's  Trials — Farel  and  Ane- 
mond— The  Image  of  Saint  Anthony — Death  of  Anemond — Defeat  and  Captivity  of  Francis  I — 
Consternation  of  the  French — Opposers  of  the  Faith — The  Queen-Mother  and  the  Sorbonne — 
Cry  for  "  Heretical"  Blood — Parliament  Establishes  the  Inquisition — Charges  Against  Briconnet 
1 — Cited  Before  the  Inquisition — Dismay  of  the  Bishop — Refused  a  Trial  by  His  Peers — Bricon- 
net's Temptation  and  Fall — Retractation  of  Briconnet — Compared  with  Lefevre — Beda  Attacks 
Lefevre — Lefevre  at  Strasburg — Meets  Farel — Berquin  Imprisoned — Erasmus  Attacked  by  the 
Monks  and  the  Sorbonne — Appeals  to  the  Parliament  and  the  King — More  Victims  in  Lorraine— 
Bonaventure  Rennel — Courage  of  Pastor  Schuch — Martyrdom  of  Schuch — Peter  Caroli  and 
Beda — The  Martyrdom  of  James  Pavanne — The  Hermit  of  Livry — Seized  and  Condemned — 
Resources  of  Providence — John  Calvin — The  Family  of  Mommor — Calvin's  Parentage — Calvin's 
Childhood — His  Devotion  to  Study — Infant  Ecclesiastics — Calvin  Proceeds  to  Paris — Reforma- 
tion of  Language — Protestant  France — System  of  Terror — The  "Babylonish  Captivity" — Tous- 
saint Goes  to  Paris — Toussaint  in  Prison — "  Not  Accepting  Deliverance" — Spread  of  Persecution — 
Project  of  Margaret — For  the  Deliverance  of  Francis — Margaret's  Resolution — She  Sails  for  Spain. 


ONE  essential  character  of  Christianity,  is 
ivs  Universality.  Very  different  in  this  re- 
spect are  the  religions  of  particular  countries 
that  men  have  invented.  Adapting  them- 
selves to  this  or  that  nation,  and  the  point  of 
progress  which  it  has  reached,  they  hold  it 
fixed  and  motionless  at  that  point — or  if  from 
any  extraordinary  cause  the  people  are  carried 
forward,  their  religion  is  left  behind,  and  so 
becomes  useless  to  them. 

There  has  been  a  religion  of  Egypt — of 
Greece — of  Rome,  and  even  of  Judea.  Chris- 
tianity is  the  only  religion  of  Mankind. 

It  has  for  its  origin  in  man — Sin;  and  this 
is  a  character  that  appertains  not  merely  to 
one  race,  but  which  is  the  inheritance  of  all 
mankind.  Hence,  as  meeting  the  highest 
necessities  of  our  common  nature,  the  Gospel 
is  received  as  from  God,  at  once  by  the  most 
barbarous  nations,  and  the  most  civilized  com- 


munities. Without  deifying  national  pecu- 
liarities, like  the  religions  of  antiquity,  it 
nevertheless  does  not  destroy  them,  as  modern 
cosmopolism  aims  to  do.  It  does  better,  for 
it  sanctifies,  ennobles,  and  raises  them  to  a 
holy  oneness,  by  the  new  and  living  principle 
it  communicates  to  them. 

The  introduction  of  the  Christian  religion 
into  the  world  has  produced  an  incalculable 
change  in  history.  There  had  previously 
been  only  a  history  of  nations, — there  is  now 
a  history  of  mankind ;  and  the  idea  of  an 
education  of  human  nature  as  a  whole, — an 
education,  the  work  of  Jesus  Christ  himself, 
— is  become  like  a  compass  for  the  historian, 
the  key  of  history,  and  the  hope  of  nations. 

But  the  effects  of  the  Christian  religion  are 
seen  not  merely  among  all  nations,  but  in  all 
the  successive  periods  of  tbeir  progress. 

When  it  first  appeared,  the  world  resem- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


373 


bled  a  torch  about  to  expire  in  darkness,  and 
Christianity  called  forth  anew  a  heavenly 
flame. 

In  a  later  age,  the  barbarian  nations  had 
rushed  upon  the  Roman  territories,  carrying 
havoc  and  confusion  wherever  they  came ; 
and  Christianity,  holding  up  the  cross  against 
the  desolating  torrent,  had  subdued,  by  its  in- 
fluence, the  half-savage  children  of  the  north, 
and  moulded  society  anew. 

Yet  an  element  of  corruption  lay  hidden  in 
the  religion  carried  by  devoted  missionaries 
among  these  rude  populations.  Their  faith 
had  come  to  them  almost  as  much  from  Rome 
as  from  the  Bible.  Ere  long  that  element  ex- 
panded ;  man  every  where  usurped  the  place 
of  God, — the  distinguishing  character  of  the 
church  of  Rome;  and  a  revival  of  religion  be- 
came necessary.  This  Christianity  gave  to 
man  in  the  age  of  which  we  are  treating. 

The  progress  of  the  Reformation  in  the 
countries  we  have  hitherto  surveyed  has 
shown  us  the  new  teaching  rejecting  the 
excesses  of  the  Anabaptists,  and  the  newly 
arisen  prophets :  but  it  is  the  shallows  of 
Incredulity  which  it  especially  encountered 
in  the  country  to  which  we  are  now  to  turn 
our  attention.  Nowhere  had  bolder  protests 
been  heard  against  the  superstitions  and 
abuses  of  the  Church.  Nowhere  had  there 
been  a  more  striking  exhibition  of  that  love 
of  learning,  apart  from,  or  independent  of, 
Christianity,  which  often  leads  to  irreliirion. 
France  bore  within  it  at  once  two  reforma- 
tions,— the  one  of  man,  the  other  of  God. 
"Two  nations  were  in  her  womb,  and  two 
manner  of  people  were  to  be  separated  from 
her  bowels."  Gen.  xxv.  23. 

In  France  not  only  had  the  Reformation  to 
combat  incredulity  as  well  as  superstition,  it 
found  a  third  antagonist  which  it  had  not  en- 
countered, at  least  in  so  much  strength,  among 
the  Germanic  population,  and  this  was  immo- 
rality. Profligacy  in  the  church  was  great. 
Debauchery  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Francis 
the  First  and  Catharine  de  Medicis  ;  and  the 
rigid  virtues  of  the  Reformers  provoked  the 
anger  of  the  Sardanapaluses.1  Wherever  it 
came,  doubtless, — but  especially  in  France — 
the  Reformation  was  necessarily  not  only 
dogmatic  and  ecclesiastical,  but,  moreover, 
moral. 

These  violent  opposing  influences,  which 
the  Reformation  encountered  at  one  and  the 
Same  moment  among  the  French  people, 
gave  to  it  a  character  altogether  peculiar. 
Nowhere  did  it  so  often  have  its  dwelling  in 
dungeons,  or  bear  so  marked  a  resemblance 
to  the  Christianity  of  the  first  ages  in  faith 
and  love,  and  in  the  number  of  its  martyrs. 
If  in  those  countries  of  which  we  have  here- 
tofore spoken  the  Reformation  was  more  illus- 
trated by  its  triumphs,  in  those  we  are  about 
to  speak  of  it  was  more  glorious  in  its  re- 
verses !  If  elsewhere  it  might  point  to  more 
thrones  and  council  chambers,  here  it  could 
appeal  to  more  scaffolds  and  hill-side  meet- 
ings. Whoever  knows  in  what  consists  the 
real  glory  of  Christianity  upon  earth,  and  the  | 


features  that  assimilate  it  to  its  Author,  will 
study  with  a  deep  feeling  of  veneration  and 
affection  the  history,  often  marked  with  blood, 
which  we  are  now  to  recount. 

Of  those  who  have  afterwards  shone  on  the 
stage  of  life,  the  greater  number  have  been 
born  and  have  grown  up  in  the  provinces. 
Paris  is  like  a  tree  which  spreads  out  to  view 
its  flowers  and  its  fruit,  but  of  which  the  roots 
draw  from  a  distance  and  from  hidden  depths 
of  the  soil  the  nutritive  juices  which  they  trans- 
form. The  Reformation  followed  this  law. 

The  Alps,  which  had  witnessed  the  rise  of 
fearless  Christian  men  in  every  canton,  and 
almost  in  every  valley  of  Switzerland,  were 
destined  in  France  also  to  shelter,  with  their 
lengthened  shadows,  the  infancy  of  some  of 
the  earliest  Reformers.  For  ages  they  had 
preserved  their  treasure  more  or  less  pure  in 
their  lofty  valleys,  among  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Piedmontese  districts  of  Luzerne,  An- 
grogne,  and  Peyrouse.  The  truth,  which 
Rome  had  not  been  able  to  wrest  from  them, 
had  spread  from  the  heights  to  the  hollows 
and  base  of  the  mountains  in  Provence  and  in 
Dauphiny. 

The  year  after  the  accession  of  Charles 
VIII.,  the  son  of  Louis  XI.  and  a  youth  of 
feeble  health  and  timid  character, — Innocent 
VIII.  had  been  invested  with  the  Pontiff's 
tiara.  (1484.)  He  had  seven  or  eight  sons 
by  different  women  : — hence,  according  to  an 
epigram  of  that  age,  the  Romans  unanimously 
gave  him  the  name  of  Father? 

There  was,  at  this  time,  on  the  southern 
declivities  of  the  Alps  of  Dauphiny  and  along 
the  banks  of  the  Durance,  an  after-growth  of 
the  ancient  Vaudois  opinions.  "The  roots," 
says  an  old  chronicler,  "  were  continually 
putting  forth  fresh  shoots  in  all  directions."3 
Bold  men  were  heard  to  designate  the  Church 
of  Rome  the  'church  of  evil  spirits/  and  to 
maintain  that  it  was  quite  as  profitable  to 
pray  in  a  stable  as  in  a  church. 

The  clergy,  the  bishops,  and  the  Roman 
legates  were  loud  in  their  outcries,  and  on  the 
5th  of  May,  1487,  Innocent  VIII.  the  'Father' 
of  the  Romans,  issued  a  bull  against  these 
humble  Christians.  "To  arms,"  said  the 
Pontiff,  "to  arms!  and  trample  those  here- 
tics under  your  feet  as  you  would  crush  the 
venomous  serpent."4 

At  the  approach  of  the  Legate,  at  the  head 
of  an  army  of  eighteen  thousand  men,  and  a 
host  of  voluntaries,  drawn  together  by  the 
hope  of  sharing  in  the  plunder  of  the  Vaudois, 
the  latter  abandoned  their  dwellings  and  re- 
tired to  the  mountains,  caverns,  and  clefts  of 
the  rocks,  as  the  birds  flee  for  shelter  when 
a  storm  is  rising.  Not  a  valley,  a  thicket, 
or  a  rock  escaped  their  persecutors'  search. 
Throughout  the  adjacent  Alps,  and  especially 
on  the  side  of  Italy,  these  defenceless  disci- 
ples of  Christ  were  tracked  like  hunted  deer. 
At  last  the  Pope's  satellites  were  worn  out 
with  the  pursuit;  their  strength  was  exhaust- 
ed, their  feet  could  no  longer  scale  the  inac- 
cessible retreats  of  the  "heretics,"  and  their 
arms  refused  their  office. 
21 


374 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


In  these  Alpine  solitudes,  then  disturbed 
by  Roman  fanaticism,  three  leagues  from  the 
ancient  town  of  Gap,*  in  the  direction  of 
Grenoble,  not  far  from  the  flowery  turf  that 
clothes  the  table  land  of  Bayard's  mountain, 
at  the  foot  of  the  Mont  de  1'Aiguille,  and  near 
to  the  Col  de  Glaize,  toward  the  source  of  the 
Buzon,  stood,  and  still  stands,  a  group  of 
houses,  half  hidden  by  surrounding  trees,  and 
known  by  the  name  of  Farel,  or,  in  patois, 
Fareau.5  On  an  extended  plain  above  the 
neighbouring  cottages,  stood  a  house  of  the 
class  to  which,  in  France,  the  appellation 
of  "  gentilhommiere"  is  attached, — a  country 
gentleman's  habitation.f  It  was  surrounded 
by  an  orchard,  which  formed  an  avenue  to 
the  village.  Here,  in  those  troublous  times, 
lived  a  family  bearing  the  name  of  Farel,  of 
long-established  reputation  for  piety,  and,  as 
it  would  seem,  of  noble  descent.^  In  the 
year  1489,  at  a  time  when  Dauphiny  was 
groaning  under  a  weight  of  papal  oppression, 
exceeding  what  it  had  ever  before  endured, 
a  son  was  born  in  this  modest  mansion, 
who  received  the  name  of  William.  Three 
brothers,  Daniel,  Walter,  and  Claude,  and  a 
sister,  grew  up  with  William,  and  shared  his 
sports  on  the  banks  of  the  Buzon,  and  at  the 
foot  of  Mount  Bayard. 

His  infancy  and  boyhood  were  passed  on 
the  same  spot.  His  parents  were  among  the 
most  submissive  thralls  of  Popery.  "My 
father  and  mother  believed  every  thing,"  he 
tells  us  himself;  and  accordingly  they  brought 
up  their  children  in  the  strictest  observances 
of  Romish  devotion.6 

God  had  endowed  William  Farel  with  ma- 
ny exalted  qualities,  fitted  to  give  him  an 
ascendancy  over  his  fellow-men.  Gifted  at 
once  with  a  penetrating  judgment,  and  a 
lively  imagination,  sincere  and  upright  in 
his  deportment,  characterised  by  a  loftiness 
of  soul  which  never,  under  any  temptation, 
allowed  him  to  dissemble  the  convictions  of 
his  heart; — he  was  still  more  remarkable  for 
the  earnestness,  the  ardour,  the  unflinching 
courage  which  bore  him  up  and  carried  him 
forward  in  spite  of  every  hindrance.  But, 
at  the  same  time,  he  had  the  faults  allied  to 
these  noble  qualities,  and  his  parents  found 
frequent  occasion  to  repress  the  violence  of 
his  disposition. 

William  threw  himself  with  his  whole  soul 


*Principal  town  of  the  High  Alps. 

tGrenoble  to  Gap,  distant  a  quarter  of  an  hour's 
journey  from  the  last  posthouse,  and  a  stone's 
throw  to  the  right  from  the  hi^h  road  is  the  vil- 
lage of  the  Farels.  The  site  of  the  house  which 
belonged  to  the  father  of  the  Farels  is  still  pointed 
out.  Though  it  is  now  occupied  by  a  cottage 
only,  its  dimensions  are  sufficient  to  prove  that 
the  original  structure  must  have  been  a  dwelling 
of  a  superior  order.  The  present  inhabitant  of 
the  cottage  bears  the  name  of  Farel.  For  these 
particulars  I  am  indebted  to  M.  Blanc,  the  pastor 
of  Mens. 

tGulielmum  Farellum  Delphinatum,  nobili  fa- 
milie  ortum.  (Bezae  Icones.)  Calvin,  writing  to 
Cardinal  Sadolet,  dwells  upon  the  disinterested- 
ness of  Farel, — a  man  of  such  noble  birth.  (Opus- 
cala,  p.  148.) 


into  the  same  superstitious  course  which  his 
credulous  family  had  followed  before  him. 
"I  am  horror  struck,"  said  he,  at  a  later  pe- 
riod, "  when  I  think  on  the  hours,  the  prayers, 
the  divine  honours,  which  I  have  offered  my- 
self, and  caused  others  to  offer,  to  the  cross, 
and  such  like  vanities."7 

Four  leagues  distant  from  Gap,  to  the  south, 
near  Tallard,  on  a  hill  which  overlooks  the 
impetuous  waters  of  the  Durance,  was  a  place 
in  high  repute  at  that  time,  called  La  Sainte 
Croix.  William  was  but  seven  or  eight  years 
old  when  his  parents  thought  fit  to  take  him 
thither  on  a  pilgrimage.8  "  The  cross  you  will 
see  there,"  said  they,  "is  made  of  the  wood 
of  the  very  cross  on  which  Jesus  Christ  was 
crucified." 

The  family  set  forth  on  their  journey,  and, 
on  reaching  the  object  of  their  veneration,  cast 
themselves  prostrate  before  it.  After  they  had 
gazed  awhile  on  the  holy  wood  of  the  cross, 
and  the  copper  appertaining  to  it, — the  latter, 
as  the  priest  told  them,  "  made  of  the  basin 
in  which  our  Saviour  washed  the  feet  of  his 
disciples," — the  pilgrims  cast  their  eyes  on  a 
little  crucifix  which  was  attached  to  the  cross. 
"When  the  devils  send  us  hail  and  thunder," 
resumed  the  priest,  "  this  crucifix  moves  so 
violently,  that  one  would  think  it  wanted  to 
get  loose  from  the  cross  to  put  the  devils  to 
flight,  and  all  the  while  it  keeps  throwing  out 
sparks  of  fire  against  the  storm ;  were  it  not  for 
this,  the  whole  country  would  be  swept  bare."9 

These  pious  pilgrims  were  greatly  affected 
at  the  recital  of  such  prodigies.  "  Nobody," 
continued  the  priest,  "  sees  or  knows  any 
thing  of  these  things,  except  myself  and  this 
man  here  .  .  .  ."  The  pilgrims  turned  their 
heads,  and  saw  a  strange  looking  man  stand- 
ing beside  them.  "It  would  have  frightened 
you  to  look  at  him,"  says  Farel :  "  the  pupils 
of  both  his  eyes  seemed  to  be  covered  with 
white  specks ;  whether  they  were  so  in  reality, 
or  that  Satan  gave  them  that  appearance."10 
This  uncouth  looking  man,  whom  the  unbe- 
lieving called  the  "priest's  wizard,"  on  being 
appealed  to  by  the  latter,  bore  testimony  at 
once  to  the  truth  of  the  miracle.11 

A  new  episode  was  now  accidentally  intro- 
duced to  complete  the  picture,  and  mingle 
suggestions  of  guilty  excess  with  the  dreams 
of  superstition.  "  Up  comes  a  young  woman 
on  some  errand  very  different  from  devotion  to 
the  cross,  carrying  a  little  child  wrapped  in  a 
cloak.  And,  behold,  the  priest  goes  to  meet 
her,  and  takes  hold  of  her  and  the  child,  and 
carries  them  straight  into  the  chapel :  never, 
believe  me,  did  couple  in  a  dance  amble  off 
more  lovingly  than  did  these  two.  But  so 
blinded  were  we  that  we  took  no  heed  of  their 
gestures  or  their  glances,  and  even  had  their 
behaviour  been  still  more  unseemly,  we  should 
have  deemed  it  altogether  right  and  reverent: 
— of  a  truth,  both  the  damsel  and  the  priest 
understood  the  miracle  thoroughly,  and  how 
to  turn  a  pilgrim-visit  to  fair  account."* 


^*Du  vray  usage  de  la  croux,  par  Guillaume 
Farel,  p.  235.  Some  phrases  of  this  narrative  have 
been  a  little  softened. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


375 


the  commencement  of  the  Reformation.  Mo- 
rals and  belief  had  alike  been  vitiated,  and 
each  stood  in  need  of  a  thorough  renovation. 
In  proportion  as  a  higher  value  was  attached 
to  outward  rites,  the  sanctification  of  the  heart 
nad  become  less  and  less  an  object  of  con- 
cern; — dead  ordinances  had  every  where 
usurped  the  place  of  a  Christian  life  ;  and,  by 
a  revolting  yet  natural  alliance,  the  most  scan- 
dalous debauchery  had  been  combined  with 
the  most  superstitious  devotion.  Instances 
are  on  record  of  theft  committed  at  the  altar — 
seduction  practised  in  the  confessional, — poi- 
son mingled  with  the  eucharist, — adultery 
perpetrated  at  the  foot  of  a  cross !  Supersti- 
tion, while  ruining  Christian  doctrine,  had 
ruined  morality  also. 

There  were,  however,  numerous  exceptions 
to  this  pitiable  state  of  things  in  the  Christiani- 
ty of  the  middle  ages.  Even  a  superstitious 
faith  may  be  a  sincere  one.  William  Farel  is 
an  example  of  this.  The  same  zeal  which 
afterwards  urged  him  to  travel  incessantly 
from  place  to  place,  that  he  might  spread  the 
knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ,  then  incited  him 
to  visit  every  spot  where  the  church  exhibited 
a  miracle,  or  exacted  a  tribute  of  adoration. 
Dauphiny  could  boast  of  her  seven  wonders, 
which  had  long  been  sanctified  in  the  imagi- 
nation of  the  people.*  But  the  beauties  of 
nature,  by  which  he  was  surrounded,  had  also 
their  influence  in  raising  his  thoughts  to  the 
Creator. 

The  magnificent  chain  of  the  Alps, — the 
pinnacles  covered  with    eternal   snow, — the 
enormous    rocks, 
pointed    summits 

stretching  their  naked  ridges  on-and-on  above 
the  level  clouds,  and  presenting  the  appear- 
ance of  an  island  suspended  in  the  air, — all 
these  wonders  of  creation,  which  even  then, 
were  dilating  the  soul  of  Ulric  Zwingle,  in  the 
Tockenburg,  spoke  with  equal  force  to  the 
heart  of  William  Farel,  among  the  mountains 
of  Dauphiny.  He  thirsted  for  life, — for 
knowledge — for  light ;  he  aspired  to  be  some- 
thing great :  he  asked  permission  to  study. 

It  was  an  unwelcome  surprise  to  his  father, 
who  thought  that  a  young  noble  should  know 
nothing  beyond  his  rosary  and  his  sword. — 
The  universal  theme  of  conversation  at  that 
time  was  the  prowess  of  a  young  countryman 
of  William's,  a  native  of  Dauphiny,  like  him- 
self, named  Du  Terrail,  but  better  known  by 
the  name  of  Bayard,  who  had  recently  per- 
formed astonishing  feats  of  valour  in  the  battle 
of  Tar,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps.  "  Such 
sons  as  he,"  it  was  currently  remarked,  "are 
like  arrows  in  the  hand  of  a  mighty  man. — 
Blessed  is  the  man  who  has  his  quiver  full  of 
them !  "  Accordingly,  Farel's  father  resisted 
his  wish  to  become  a  scholar.  But  the  youth's 
resolution  was  not  to  be  shaken.  God  de- 
signed him  for  nobler  conquests  than  any  that 
are  to  be  achieved  by  such  as  Bayard.  He 


Here  we  are  presented  with  a  faithful  pic- 1  urged  his  request  with  repeated  importunity, 
ture  of  the  religion  and  manners  of  France  at '  and  the  old  gentleman  at  length  gave  way.12 

Farel  immediately  applied  himself  to  study 
with  surprising  ardour.  The  masters  whom 
he  found  in  Dauphiny  were  of  little  service  to 
him;  and  he  had  to  contend  with  all  the  dis- 
advantages of  imperfect  methods  of  tuition  and 
incapable  teachers.13  But  difficulties  stimula- 
ted instead  of  discouraging  him;  and  he  soon 
surmounted  these  impediments.  His  brothers 
followed  his  example.  Daniel  subsequently 
entered  on  the  career  of  politics,  and  was  em- 
ployed on  some  important  negociations  con- 
cerning religion.*  Walter  was  admitted  into 
the  confidence  of  the  Count  of  Furstemberg. 

Farel,  ever  eager  in  the  pursuit  of  know- 
ledge, having  learned  all  that  was  to  be  learned 
in  his  native  province,  turned  his  eyes  else- 
where. The  fame  of  the  university  of  Paris 
had  long  resounded  through  the  Christian 
world.  He  was  anxious  to  see  "this  mother 
of  all  the  sciences,  this  true  luminary  of  the 
Church,  which  never  knew  eclipses, — this 
pure  and  polished  mirror  of  the  faith,  dimmed 
by  no  cloud,  sullied  by  no  foul  touch.14  He  ob- 
tained permission  from  his  parents,  and  set  out 
for  the  capital  of  France. 

In  the  course  of  the  year  1510,  or  shortly 
after  the  close  of  that  year,  the  young  Dau- 
phinese  arrived  in  Paris.  His  native  province 
had  sent  him  forth  a  devoted  adherent  of  the 
Papacy, — the  capital  was  to  convert  him  into 
something  far  different.  In  France  the  Re- 
formation was  not  destined,  as  in  Germany,  to 
take  its  rise  in  a  petty  city.  By  whatever 
movement  the  population  of  the  former  country 
may  at  any  time  be  agitated,  the  impulse  is 
always  to  be  traced  to  the  metropolis.  A  con- 
currence of  providential  circumstances  had 
made  Paris,  at  the  commencement  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  the  focus  from  which  a  spark 
of  vivifying  fire  might  easily  be  emitted. — 
The  stranger  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Gap, 
who  had  just  found  his  way  to  the  great  city, 
an  obscure  and  ill-instructed  youth,  was  to  re- 
ceive that  spark  into  his  bosom,  and  to  share 
it  with  many  around  him. 

Louis  XII.,  the  father  of  his  people,  had 
just  convened  an  assembly  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  French  clergy  at  Tours.  This 
prince  seems  to  have  anticipated  the  times  of 
the  Reformation,  so  that  if  that  great  revolu- 
tion had  taken  place  during  his  reign,  all 
France,  probably,  would  have  become  Protest- 
ant. The  assembly  at  Tours  had  declared 
that  the  King  had  a' right  to  make  war  against 
the  Pope,  and  to  carry  into  effect  the  decrees 
of  the  Council  of  Basle.  These  decisions 
were  the  subject  of  general  conversation  in  the 
colleges,  as  well  as  in  the  city,  and  at  the 
court,  and  they  could  not  fail  to  make  a  deep 
impression  on  the  mind  of  young  Farel. 

Two  children  of  royal  blood  were  then  grow- 
ing up  in  the  court  of  Louis.  The  one  was  a 
young  prince  of  tall  stature,  and  striking  cast 
of  features,  who  evinced  little  moderation  of 
character,  and  yielded  himself  unreflectingly 


sometimes    rearing    their 
to    the    sky, — sometimes 


*  The  boiling  spring,  the  cisterns  of  Sasscnage, 
the  manner  of  Briancon,  &c. 


Life  of  Farel,  MS.  at  Geneva. 


376 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


to  the  mastery  of  his  passions,  so  that  the  king 
was  often  heard  to  say,  "That  great  boy  will 
spoil  all."*  This  was  Francis  of  Angouleme, 
Duke  of  Valois,  the  king's  cousin.  Boisy,  his 
governor,  had  taught  him,  however,  to  show 
great  respect  to  letters. 

The  companion  of  Francis  was  his  sister 
Margaret,  who  was  two  years  older  than  him- 
self. "  A  princess,"  says  Brantome,  "  of  vig- 
orous understanding,  and  great  talents,  both 
natural  and  acquired."15  Accordingly,  Louis 
had  spared  no  pains  in  her  education,  and 
the  most  learned  men  in  the  kingdom  were 
prepared  to  acknowledge  Margaret  as  their 
patroness. 

Already,  indeed,  a  group  of  illustrious  men 
was  collected  round  the  two  Valois.  William 
Bude  who,  in  his  youth,  had  given  himself 
up  to  self-indulgence  of  every  kind,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  enjoyment  of  the  chase, — living 
among  his  hawks,  and  horses,  and  hounds  ; 
and  who,  at  the  age  of  twenty-three,  had  sud- 
denly altered  his  course  of  life,  sold  off  his 
equipage,  and  applied  himself  to  study  with 
all  the  eagerness  he  had  formerly  displayed 
when  cheering  on  his  pack  to  follow  the  scent 
through  field  and  forest,f — Cop,  the  physician, 
— Francis  Vatable,  whose  proficiency  in  He- 
brew learning  was  admired  by  the  Jewish 
doctors  themselves, — James  Tusan,  the  cele- 
brated Hellenist; — these  and  other  men  of 
letters  besides, — encouraged  by  Stephen  Pon- 
cher,  the  bishop  of  Paris,  Louis  Ruze,  the 
"  Lieutenant-Civil,"  and  Francis  de  Luynes, 
and  already  protected  by  the  two  young  Va- 
lois,— maintained  their  ground  against  the  vio- 
lent attacks  of  the  Sorbonne,  who  regarded  the 
study  of  Greek  and  Hebrew  as  the  most  fearful 
heresy.  At  Paris,  as  in  Germany  and  Swit- 
zerland, the  restoration  of  religious  truth  was 
preceded  by  the  revival  of  letters.  But  in 
France  the  hands  that  prepared  the  materials 
were  not  appointed  to  construct  the  edifice. 

Among  all  the  doctors  who  then  adorned 
the  French  metropolis,  one  of  the  most  re- 
markable was  a  man  of  diminutive  stature,  of 
mean  appearance  and  humble  birth;16  whose 
wit,  erudition,  and  eloquence  had  an  indescri- 
bable charm  for  all  who  approached  him. — 
The  name  of  this  doctor  was  Lefevre ;  he  was 
born  in  1455  at  Etaples,  a  little  town  in  Pi- 
cardy.  He  had  received  only  an  indifferent 
education, — a  barbarous  one,  Theodore  Beza 
calls  it;  but  his  genius  had  supplied  the  want 
of  masters;  and  his  piety,  his  learning,  and 
the  nobility  of  his  soul  shone  with  a  lustre  so 
much  the  brighter.  He  had  been  a  great 
traveller, — it  would  even  appear  that  his  de- 
sire to  acquire  knowledge  had  led  him  into 
Asia  and  Africa.:):  So  early  as  the  year  1493, 
Lefevre,  being  then  a  doctor  of  theology,  oc. 
cupied  the  station  of  a  professor  in  the  Uni- 


*  Mezeray,  vol.  iv.  p.  127. 

t  His  wife  and  sons  came  to  Geneva  in  1540, 
after  his  death. 

t  In  the  2nd  chapter  of  his  Commentary  on  the 
Second  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians  is  a  curious 
story  regarding  Mecca  and  the  temple  there,  which 
he  relates  in  the  style  of  a  traveller. 


versity  of  Paris.  He  immediately  assumed  a 
distinguished  place  among  his  colleagues,  and 
in  the  estimation  of  Erasmus  ranked  above 
them  all.17 

Lefevre  soon  discovered  that  he  had  a  pe- 
culiar task  to  fulfil.  Though  attached  to  the 
practices  of  the  Romish  church,  he  conceived 
a  desire  to  reform  the  barbarous  system  which 
then  prevailed  in  the  University;18  he  accord- 
ingly began  to  teach  the  various  branches  of 
philosophy  with  a  precision  hitherto  unknown. 
He  laboured  to  revive  the  study  of  languages 
and  classical  antiquities.  He  went  further 
than  this;  he  perceived  that  when  a  mental 
regeneration  is  aimed  at,  philosophy  and  litera- 
ture are  insufficient  instruments.  Abandon- 
ing, therefore,  the  scholastic  theology,  which 
for  so  many  ages  had  held  an  undisputed  sway 
in  the  seats  of  learning,  he  applied  himself  to 
the  Bible,  and  again  introduced  the  study  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures  and  evangelical  science. 
They  were  no  barren  researches  to  which  he 
addicted  himself;  he  went  straight  to  the 
heart  of  the  Bible.  His  eloquence,  his  can- 
dour, his  affability,  captivated  every  hrnrt. — 
Earnest  and  fervent  in  the  pulpit, — in  his  pri- 
vate intercourse  with  his  pupils  he  conde- 
scended to  the  most  engaging  familiarity. — 
"  He  loves  me  exceedingly,"  was  the  language 
of  Glareanus,  one  of  the  number,  when  wri- 
ting to  his  friend  Zwingle ;  "  he  is  all  frankness 
and  kindness, — he  sings,  he  plays,  he  disputes, 
and  then  laughs  with  me.19  Accordingly,  a 
great  number  of  disciples  from  every  country 
were  gathered  around  his  chair. 

This  man,  learned  as  he  was,  submitted 
himself  all  the  while,  with  childlike  sim- 
plicity, to  the  ordinances  of  the  church.  He 
passed  as  much  time  in  the  churches  as  in  his 
closet, — so  that  a  sympathetic  union  seemed 
established  beforehand  between  the  old  doctor 
of  Picardy  and  the  young  student  of  Dauphi- 
ny.  When  two  natures,  so  congenial  as  these, 
are  brought  within  the  same  sphere,  though  it 
be  the  wide  and  agitated  circle  of  a  capital 
city,  their  reciprocal  attraction  must  at  laSt 
place  them  in  contact  with  each  other.  In  his 
pious  pilgrimages,  young  Farel  soon  observed 
an  old  man,  by  whose  devotion  he  was  greatly 
interested.  He  remarked  how  he  fell  on  his 
knees  before  the  images,  how  long  he  remain- 
ed in  that  posture,  how  fervently  he  seemed  to 
pray,  and  how  devoutly  he  repeated  his  hours. 
"  Never,"  says  Farel,  "  had  I  heard  a  chanter 
chant  the  mass  more  reverently."20  This  was 
Lefevre.  Farel  immediately  felt  a  strong  de- 
sire to  become  acquainted  with  him  ; — and 
great,  indeed,  was  his  joy  when  the  venerable 
man  met  his  approaches  with  kindness.  He 
had  now  found  what  he  had  come  to  the  capi- 
tal to  seek.  Henceforth  his  chief  delight  was 
to  converse  with  the  doctor  of  Etaples,  to 
listen  to  his  instructions,  to  practise  his  admi- 
rable precepts,  and  to  kneel  with  him  in  pious 
!  adoration  at  the  same  shrine.  Often  were  the 
I  aged  Lefevre  and  his  youthful  disciple  seen 
j  assisting  each  other  to  adorn  the  image  of  the 
Virgin  with  flowers, — while  far  removed  from 
Paris,  far  removed  from  the  throng  of  the  col 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


377 


legiate  hall,  they  murmured  in  concert  their 
earnest  prayers  to  the  blessed  Mary.21 

The  attachment  of  Farel  to  Lefevre  was 
generally  noticed,  and  the  respect  inspired  by 
the  old  doctor  was  reflected  on  his  pupil.  This 
illustrious  connection  was  the  means  of  with- 
drawing the  young  Dauphinese  from  his 
obscurity.  He  soon  acquired  a  reputation  for 
his  zeal ;  and  many  pious  persons  of  the 
wealthier  order  entrusted  him  with  sums  of 
money,  to  be  applied  to  the  support  of  poor 
students.* 

Some  time  elapsed  before  Lefevre  and  his 
disciple  attained  to  a  clear  perception  of  the 
truth.  It  was  neither  the  hope  of  a  rich  bene- 
fice, nor  any  propensity  to  an  irregular  life, 
that  bound  Farel  so  firmly  to  the  cause  of 
Popery :  a  spirit  like  his  was  not  to  be  influ- 
enced by  motives  so  sordid.  The  Pope,  in 
his  eyes,  was  the  visible  chief  of  the  church, — 
a  sort  of  divinity,  at  whose  bidding,  souls  were 
rescued  from  perdition.  If  any  one,  in  his 
hearing,  presumed  to  say  a  word  against  the 
f  venerable  Pontiff,  he  gnashed  his  teeth  like  a 
!  raging  wolf,  and,  if  he  could,  would  have  called 
down  thunder  from  heaven  to  overwhelm  the 
guilty  wretch  in  ruin  and  confusion.  "  I  be- 
lieve," he  said,  "  in  the  cross,  in  pilgrimages, 
in  images,  in  vows,  in  relics.  What  the 
priest  holds  in  his  hands,  shuts  up  in  the  box, 
eats  himself,  and  gives  to  be  eaten  by  others, 
— that  is  my  only  true  God, — and  to  me  there 
is  no  God  beside,  in  heaven  or  on  earth!"22 
"  Satan,"  he  says  afterwards,  "  had  lodged  the 
Pope,  and  Popery,  and  all  that  is  of  himself, 
so  deeply  in  my  heart,  that,  even  in  the  Pope's 
own  hea'rt,  they  could  have  sunk  no  deeper." 
And  thus  it  was,  that  while  Farel  seemed 
to  be  seeking  God,  his  piety  decayed,  and 
superstition  gathered  strength  in  his  soul.  He 
has  himself,  in  forcible  language,  described 
his  condition  at  that  time.23  "  Oh  !"  says  he, 
"  how  I  shudder  at  myself  and  my  sins,  when 
I  think  on  it  all ;  and  how  great  and  wonder- 
ful a  work  of  God  it  is,  that  man  should  ever 
be  delivered  from  such  an  abyss  !" 

The  deliverance  in  his  own  case  was 
wrought  by  little  and  little.  In  the  course  of 
his  reading,  his  attention  had  at  first  been  en- 
gaged by  profane  authors;  but,  finding  no 
food  for  his  piety  in  these,  he  had  set  himself 
to  study  the  lives  of  the  saints :  infatuation 
had  led  him  to  these  legends,  and  he  quitted 
them  more  miserably  infatuatedstill.24  He  then 
addressed  himself  to  several  of  the  celebrated 
doctors  of  the  age;  but  these,  instead  of  im- 
parting tranquillity  to  his  mind,  only  aggra- 
vated his  wretchedness.  He  next  resolved  to 
study  the  ancient  philosophers,  and  attempted 
to  learn  Christianity  from  Aristotle;  but  again 
his  hopes  were  frustrated.  Books,  images, 
relics,  Aristotle,  the  Virgin,  and  the  saints, — 
all  were  unavailing.  His  eager  spirit  wan- 
dered from  one  broken  cistern  of  human  wis- 
dom to  another,  and  turned  away  from  each  in 
succession,  unrelieved  of  the  thirst  that  con- 
sumed it. 

*  Manuscript  at  Geneva. 


At.  last,  remembering  that  the  Pope  allowed 
the  writings  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament 
to  be  called  the  "Holy  Bible,"  Farel  betook 
himself  to  the  perusal  of  these,  as  Luther,  in 
the  cloister  of  Erfurth  had  done  before  him ; 
and  then,  to  his  dismay,  he  found  that  the 
existing  state  of  things  was  such  as  could  in 
no  way  be  reconciled  with  the  rule  of  Scrip- 
ture. He  was  now,  we  might  think,  on  the 
very  point  of  coming  at  the  truth,  when,  all  at 
once,  the  darkness  rolled  back  upon  him  with 
redoubled  weight,  and  the  depths  closed  over 
him  again.  "  Satan,"  says  he,  "  started  up 
in  haste,  that  he  might  not  lose  his  possession,  j 
and  wrought  in  me  as  he  was  wont."25  A  ter- 
rible struggle  between  the  word  of  God  and 
the  word  of  the  Church  now  ensued  in  his 
heart.  If  he  fell  in  with  any  passage  of  Scrip- 
ture opposed  to  the  practice  of  the  Romish 
Church,  he  cast  down  his  eyes  in  perplexity, 
not  daring  to  credit  what  he  read.26  "Ah!" 
he  would  say,  shrinking  away  from  the  Bible, 
"I  do  not  well  understand  these  things; — I 
must  put  a  different  construction  on  these  pas- 
sages from  that  which  they  seem  to  me  to 
bear.  1  must  hold  to  the  interpretation  of  the 
Church, — or  rather,  of  the  Pope!" 

One  day,  when  he  was  reading  the  Bible, 
a  doctor,  who  chanced  to  come  in,  rebuked 
him  sharply.  "  No  one,"  said  he,  "  ought  to 
read  the  Holy  Scriptures  until  he  has  studied 
philosophy,  and  taken  his  degree  in  arts." 
This  was  a  preparation  the  Apostles  never  re- 
quired;— but  Farel  believed  him.  "I  was 
the  most  unhappy  of  men,"  he  tells  us,  "  for  1 
turned  away  my  eyes  from  the  light."27  v/ 

The  young  Dauphinese  was  now  visited 
with  a  fresh  paroxysm  of  Romish  fervour. 
His  imagination  was  inflamed  by  the  legends 
of  the  saints.  The  severities  of  monastic  dis- 
cipline were  to  him  a  powerful  attraction. 
There  was  a  cluster  of  gloomy  cells  in  a 
wood  not  far  distant  from  Paris,  occupied  by 
an  establishment  of  Carthusians:  hither  he 
often  repaired  as  an  humble  visitor,  and  took 
part  in  the  austerities  of  the  monks.  "  I  was 
busied  day  and  night,"  he  says,  "  in  serving 
the  devil  after  the  fashion  of  the  Pope — that 
man  of  sin.  I  had  my  Pantheon  in  my  heart, 
and  so  many  intercessors,  so  many  saviours, 
so  many  gods,  that  I  might  well  have  passed 
for  a  Popish  register." 

The  darkness  could  never  grow  thicker, — 
but  now  the  morning  star  was  to  arise ;  and 
the  voice  of  Lefevre  was  to  give  the  signal  of 
its  appearance.  The  Doctor  of  Etaples  had 
already  caught  some  gleams  of  light:  an  in- 
ward conviction  assured  him  that  the  Church 
could  not  remain  in  the  state  in  which  she  then 
was; — and  often  on  his  way  homeward,  after 
chanting  the  mass,  or  paying  adoration  to  an 
image,  the  old  man  would  turn  to  his  youthful 
disciple,  and  say  in  a  solemn  tone,  as  he 
grasped  him  by  the  hand  : — "  My  dear  Wil- 
liam, God  will  change  the  face  of  the  world — 
and  you  will  see  it  !"28  Farel  did  not  properly 
conceive  his  meaning.  But  Lefevre  did  not 
stop  at  these  mysterious  words;  and  the 


378 


HISTO.RY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


great  change  which  was  wrought  in  his  mind 
about  this  time  was  appointed  to  produce  a 
similar  change  in  the  mind  of  his  pupil. 

The  old  Doctor  had  undertaken  a  task  of 
immense  labour;  he  was  carefully  collecting 
the  legends  of  the  saints  and  martyrs,  and  ar- 
ranging them  in  the  order  in  which  their  names 
are  inserted  in  the  calendar.  Two  months  had 
already  been  printed,  when  one  of  those  rays 
of  light  that  come  from  on  high  flashed  on  a 
sudden  into  his  soul.  He  could  no  longer 
overcome  the  disgust  which  superstitions  so 
puerile  must  ever  excite  in  a  Christian  heart. 
The  grandeur  of  the  word  of  God  made  him 
perceive  the  wretched  folly  of  such  fables. — 
They  now  appeared  to  him  but  as  "  brimstone, 
fit  only  to  kindle  the  fire  of  idolatry."29  He 
abandoned  his  work,  and,  casting  aside  all 
these  legends,  turned  affectionately  to  the 
Holy  Scriptures.  At  that  moment,  when  Le- 
fevre,  forsaking  the  marvellous  histories  of  the 
saints,  laid  his  hand  on  the  word  of  God,  a 
new  era  opened  in  France, — and  the  Reforma- 
tion commenced  its  course. 

Weaned,  as  we  have  seen,  from  the  fictions 
of  the  Breviary,  Lefevre  began  to  study  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul :  the  light  grew  rapidly 
in  his  heart,  and  he  soon  communicated  to  his 
disciples  that  knowledge  of  the  truth,  which 
we  find  in  his  Commentaries.*  Those  were 
strange  doctrines  for  the  schools  and  for  the 
world  around  him,  which  were  then  first  heard 
in  Paris,  and  disseminated  by  printing  presses 
through  all  Christendom.  We  may  imagine 
that  the  young  students  who  listened  were 
aroused,  impressed,  and  changed ;  and  that  in 
this  way  the  aurora  of  a  brighter  day  had 
dawned  upon  France  prior  to  the  year  1512. 

The  great  truth  of  Justification  by  Faith, 
which  at  once  overturns  the  subtilties  of  the 
schools  and  the  Popish  doctrine  of  the  efficacy 
of  works,  was  boldly  proclaimed  in  the  very 
bosom  of  Sorbonne  itself.  "  It  is  God  alone," 
said  the  teacher,  (and  it  might  have  seemed 
as  if  the  very  roofs  of  the  university  would 
cry  out  against  such  new  sounds,)  "  It  is  God 
alone,  who  by  His  grace  justifies  unto  eternal 
life.30  There  is  a  righteousness  of  our  own 
works,  and  a  righteousness  which  is  of  grace, 
— the  one  a  thing  of  man's  invention,  the  other 
coming  from  God, — the  one  earthly  and  pass- 
ing away,  the  other  divine  and  everlasting, — 
the  one  the  shadow  and  semblance,  the  other 
the  light  and  the  truth, — the  one  discovering 
sin  and  bringing  the  fear  of  death — the  other 
revealing  grace  for  the  attainment  of  life !  "31 

"  What  will  you  then  say  1 "  inquired  the 
hearers,  to  whom  such  sounds  appeared  to 
contradict  the  teaching  of  four  centuries,  "  will 
you  say  that  any  one  man  was  ever  justified 

*  The  first  edition  of  his  Commentary  on  the 
Epistles  of  St.  Paul  bears  the  date,  if  I  mistake 
not,  of  1512.  There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  the  Royal 
Library  at  Paris.  The  second  edition  is  that  to 
which  my  citations  refer.  The  learned  Simon,  in 
his  observations  on  the  New  Testament,  says, 
"  James  Lefevre  must  be  ranked  among  the  most 
able  commentators  of  his  age." 


without  works?"— "One,  do  you  Bsk1?"  re- 
turned Lefevre,  "  why  they  are  innumerable. 
How"  many  shameful  sinners  have  eagerly 
asked  to  be  baptized,  having  nothing  but  faith 
in  Christ  alone,  and  who,  if  they  died  the  mo- 
ment after,  entered  into  the  life  of  the  blessed 
without  works." — "If,  then,  we  are  not  justi- 
fied by  works,  it  is  in  vain  that  we  should  do 
them,"  replied  some.  To  this  the  Doctor 
made  answer, — and  possibly  the  other  Refor- 
mers might  not  have  altogether  gone  with  him 
in  his  reply  : — "  Quite  the  contrary, — it  is  not 
in  vain.  If  I  hold  up  a  mirror  to  the  Sun,  it 
receives  in  it  his  image :  the  more  I  polish  and 
clean  the  mirror,  the  brighter  does  the  reflec- 
tion of  the  sun  shine  in  it;  but  if  I  suffer  it  to 
tarnish  and  dull,  the  solar  brilliancy  is  lost. 
So  it  is  with  justification  in  those  who  lead  an 
unholy  life."  In  this  passage,  Lefevre,  like 
St.  Augustin,  in  several  parts  of  his  writings, 
does  not  perhaps  sufficiently  mark  the  distinc- 
tion between  justification  and  sanctification. 
The  Doctor  of  Etaples  often  reminds  us  of  him 
of  Hippone.  Those  who  lead  an  unholy  life 
have  never  received  justification, — hence  such 
cannot  lose  it.  But  Lefevre  perhaps  intended 
to  say  that  the  Christian,  when  he  falls  into 
any  sin,  loses  the  assurance  of  his  salvation, 
and  not  his  salvation  itself.*  To  this  way 
of  stating  it  there  would  be  nothing  to  ob- 
ject. 

Thus  a  new  life  and  character  of  teaching 
had  penetrated  within  the  University  of  Paris. 
The  doctrine  of  Faith,  which  in  the  first  ages 
had  been  preached  in  Gaul  by  Potinus  and 
Irenaeus,  was  again  heard.  Thenceforward 
there  were  two  different  parties  and  two  dif- 
ferent people  in  that  celebrated  school.  The 
instructions  given  by  Lefevre, — the  zeal  of  his 
disciples,  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  dry 
teaching  of  the  majority  of  its  doctor?,  and  the 
frivolous  conversation  of  the  generality  of  the 
students.  In  the  colleges,  more  time  was  lost 
in  committing  to  memory  different  parts  in 
comedies,  masquerading,  and  mountebank 
farces,  than  was  given  to  the  study  of  God?s 
word.  In  such  farces  it  not  unfrequently 
happened  that  the  respect  due  to  the  higher 
classes,  the  nobility,  and  even  royalty  itself, 
was  forgotten.  At  the  very  time  we  are  wri- 
ting of,  the  Parliament  intervened,  and  sum- 
moning before  them  the  principals  of  several 
of  the  colleges,  prohibited  those  indulgent  tu- 
tors from  suffering  such  comedies  to  be  acted 
in  their  houses.32 

But  a  mightier  intervention  than  the  man- 
dates of  Parliament  came  to  the  correction  of 
these  disorders  in  the  University:  CHRIST 
was  preached  among  its  inmates.  Great  was 
the  commotion  on  its  benches;  and  the  minds 


*  The  believer  may  well  bless  God  for  this 
truth,  namely,  that  he  may  lose  the  ('sentiment') 
assurance  of  his  salvation  without  his  salvation 
being  endangered.  The  cloud  may,  and  it  is  be- 
lieved often  has,  involved  the  vessel  during  the 
greater  part  of  her  course,  which  is  not  the  less  ad- 
vancing unto  the  haven  she  would  be.  Is  Christ 
in  the  vessel  1 — is  that  which  concerns  us. — Tr. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


379 


of  the  students  were  almost  as  generally  oc- 
cupied with  discussions  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Gospel,  as  in  scholastic  suhtilties  or  theatrical 
exhibitions.  Some  of  those  whose  lives  were 
least  able  to  bear  the  light,  were  yet  heard 
taking  the  part  of  works,  and  feeling  instinc- 
tively that  the  doctrine  of  Faith  condemned 
the  licentiousness  of  their  lives, — they  main- 
tained that  St.  James,  in  his  epistle,  was  at 
variance  with  the  writings  of  St.  Paul.  Le- 
fevre,  resolving  to  stand  by  and  protect  the 
treasure  he  had  found,  showed  how  the  two 
Apostles  agreed  :  "  Does  not  St.  James  say," 
asked  he  "  that  every  good  and  perfect  gift 
cometh  down/rom  above, — and  who  will  con- 
test that  justification  is  the  perfect  gift,  the 
excellent  grace  1  ...  If  we  see  a  man  moving, 
the  breathing  we  see  in  him  is  to  us  the  sign 
of  life.  Thus  works  are  necessary,  but  only 
as  signs  of  that  living  faith  which  is  accom- 
panied by  justification.33  Is  it  the  eye-salve  or 
lotion  which  gives  light  to  the  eye1?  No;  it 
is  the  light  of  the  sun.  Just  so  our  works  are 
but  as  eye-salves  and  lotions;  the  beam  that 
the  sun  sends  forth  from  above  is  justification 
itself.1'34 

Farel  hung  upon  these  sounds  with  intense 
interest.  Instantly  this  word  of  a  Salvation 
by  Grace  had  upon  his  soul  an  unspeakable 
power  of  attraction.  Every  objection  fell, — 
every  difficulty  vanished.  Scarcely  had  Le- 
fevre  brought  forward  this  doctrine,  when 
Farel  embraced  it  with  all  his  heart  and  mind. 
He  had  known  enough  of  labour  and  conflict 
to  be  convinced  that  he  had  no  power  to  save 
himself;  therefore,  when  he  saw  in  God's 
word  that  God  saves  FREELY,  he  believed 
God.  "Lefevre,"  exclaimed  he,  "extricated 
me  from  the  delusive  thought  of  human  deser- 
vings,  and  taught  me  how  that  all  is  of  Grace, 
— which  I  believed  as  soon  as  it  was  spoken."35 
Thus  was  gained  to  the  faith  by  a  conversion 
as  prompt  and  decisive  as  that  of  St.  Paul 
himself,  that  Farel  who,  to  use  the  words  of 
Theodore  Beza,  undismayed  by  threatening, 
despising  the  shame  and  enduring  his  cross, 
won  for  Christ, — Montbelliard,  Neufchatel, 
Lausanne,  Aigle,  and  at  last  Geneva  itself.36 

Meanwhile  Lefevre,  following  up  his  teach- 
ing, and  taking  delight  in  employ  ing  contrasts 
and  paradoxes,  embodying  weighty  truths, 
extolled  the  sublime  mysteries  of  redemp- 
tion. "  Oh  !"  he  exclaimed,  "  the  unspeakable 
greatness  of  that  exchange, — the  sinless  One 
is  condemned,  and  he  who  is  guilty  goes  free, 
— the  Blessing  bears  the  curse,  and  the  cursed 
is  brought  into  blessing, — the  Life  dies,  and 
the  dead  live, — the  Glory  is  whelmed  in  dark- 
ness, and  he  who  knew  nothing  but  confusion 
of  face  is  clothed  with  glory."37  The  pious 
teacher,  going  yet  deeper  into  his  theme,  re- 
cognised that  all  salvation  emanates  from  the 
sovereignly  of  God's  love:  "They  who  are 
saved,"  said  he,  "  are  saved  by  the  electing 
grace  and  will  of  God,  not  by  their  own  will. 
Our  eleciton,  our  will,  our  working  is  all  in 
vain  ;  the  alone  election  of  God  ia.all  power- 
ful !  When  we  are  converted,  it  is  not  our 
49 


conversion  which  makes  us  the  elect  of  God, 
hut  it  is  the  grace,  will,  and  election  of  God 
which  work  our  conversion."38 

But  Lefevre  did  not  stop  short  in  doctrines; 
if  he  gave  to  God  the  glory, — he  turned  to 
man  for  "  the  obedience,"  and  urged  the  obli- 
gations flowing  from  the  exceeding  privileges 
of  the  Christian.  "  If  thou  art  a  member  of 
Christ's  church,"  said  he,  "thou  art  a  mem- 
ber of  his  body  ;  if  thou  art  of  his  body,  then 
thou  art  full  of  the  divine  nature,  for  the  'ful- 
ness of  the  Godhead  dwelleth  in  him  bodily.' 
Oh !  if  men  could  but  enter  into  the  under- 
standing of  this  privilege,  how  purely,  chaste- 
ly, and  holily  would  they  live,  and  how 
contemptible,  when  compared  with  the  glory 
within  them, — that  glory  which  the  eye  of 
flesh  cannot  see, — would  they  deem  all  the 
glory  of  this  world."39 

Lefevre  felt  that  the  office  of  a  teacher  in 
heavenly  things  was  a  high  distinction:  he 
discharged  that  office  with  unvarying  fidelity. 
The  dissolute  morals  of  the  age,  and  more 
especially  of  the  clergy,  roused  his  indigna- 
tion, and  was  the  theme  of  many  a  stern 
rebuke:  "What  a  reproach,"  said  he,  "to 
hear  a  bishop  asking  persons  to  drink  with 
him,  gambling,  shaking  the  dice,  and  spend- 
ing his  whole  time  in  hawking,  sporting, 
hunting,  hallooing  in  the  chase  of  wild  beasts, 
and  sometimes  with  his  feet  in  houses  of  ill- 
fame.40  .  .  O  men  worthy  of  a  more  signal  re- 
tribution than  Sardanapalus  himself!" 

Such  was  the  preaching  of  Lefevre.  Farel 
listened,  trembling  with  emotion, — received 
all  into  his  soul,  and  went  forward  in  that 
new  path  now  suddenly  made  plain  before 
him.  Nevertheless  there  was  one  article  of 
his  former  creed  which  he  could  not  as  yet 
entirely  relinquish;  it  was  the  invocation  of 
the  saints.  The  noblest  minds  have  often 
these  lingering  remains  of  darkness  after  the 
light  has  broken  in  upon  them.  Farel  heard 
with  astonishment  the  teacher  declare  that 
Christ  alone  should  be  invoked  :  "  Our  reli- 
gion," said  Lefevre,  "has  only  one  founda- 
tion, one  object,  one  head,  Jesus  Christ, 
blessed  for  ever!  He  hath  trodden  the  wine- 
press alone.  Let  us  not  then  take  the  name 
of  Paul,  of  Apollos,  or  of  Peter.  The  cross 
of  Christ  alone  opens  heaven,  and  shuts  the 
gate  of  hell."  These  words  wakened  a  strug- 
gle in  the  soul  of  Farel.  On  the  one  hand  he 
beheld  the  whole  army  of  saints  with  the 
Church, — on  the  other,  Jesus  Christ  and  His 
preacher.  One  moment  he  inclined  to  the 
one  side,  the  next  to  the  other.  It  was  the 
last  hold  of  ancient  error,  and  his  final  strug- 
gle. He  hesitated ;  still  clinging  to  those 
venerated  names  before  which  Rome  bends 
adoringly.  At  last  the  decisive  blow  was 
struck  from  above;  the  scales  fell  from  his 
eyes;  Jesus  was  seen  by  him  as  the  only  ob 
ject  of  adoration.  "From  that  moment," 
said  he,  "the  Papacy  was  dethroned  from  my 
mind.  I  began  to  abhor  it  as  devilish,  and 
the  holy  word  of  God  held  the  supreme  place 
in  my  heart."41 

2K 


380 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


Events  in  the  great  world  accelerated  the 
advance  of  Farel  and  his  friends.  Thomas 
De  Vio,  who  was  subsequently  opposed  at 
Augsburg  against  Luther,  having  contended 
in  a  printed  work  that  the  Pope  was  absolute 
monarch  of  the  Church,  Louis  XII.  called  the 
attention  of  the  University  of  Paris  to  the 
work  in  February,  1512.  James  Allman,  one 
of  the  youngest  of  its  doctors,  a  man  of  rare 
genius  and  unwearied  application,  read  at  one 
of  the  meetings  of  the  faculty  of  theology  a 
refutation  of  the  Cardinal's  arguments,  which 
drew  forth  the  plaudits  of  the  assembly.42 

What  must  have  been  the  effect  of  such 
discussions  on  the  young  disciples  of  Lefevre? 
Could  they  hesitate  when  the  university  itself 
manifested  an  impatience  of  the  Papal  yoke  1 
If  the  main  body  were  in  motion,  should  not 
they  be  skirmishing  at  the  advanced  posts  1 
"  It  was  necessary,"  said  Farel,  "  that  the  Pa- 
pal authority  should  be  very  gradually  expel- 
led from  my  mind,  for  the  first  shock  did  not 
bring  it  down."43  He  contemplated  the  abyss 
of  superstitions  in  which  he  had  been 
plunged  ;  standing  on  its  brink,  he  again  sur- 
veyed its  gloomy  depths,  and  drew  back  with 
a  feeling  of  terror: — "Oh!"  ejaculated  he, 
"  what  horror  do  I  feel  for  myself  and  my 
sins  when  I  think  of  the  past.44  Lord,"  he 
continued,  "would  that  my  soul  served  Thee 
with  living  faith  after  the  example  of  thy  faith- 
ful servants!  Would  that  I  had  sought  after 
and  honoured  Thee  as  I  have  yielded  my 
heart  to  the  mass  and  served  that  magic  wa- 
fer,— giving  all  honour  to  that!"  Grieving 
over  his  past  life,  he  with  tears  repeated  those 
•words  of  St.  Augustine,  "  I  have  come  too 
late  to  the  knowledge  of  Thee  !  too  late  have 
I  begun  to  love  Thee!" 

Farel  had  found  Christ;  and  safe  in  har- 
bour he  reposed  in  peace  after  the  storm.45 
"  Now,"  said  he,  "  every  thing  appears  to  me 
to  wear  a  different  aspect.46  Scripture  is  eluci- 
dated, prophecy  is  opened,  and  the  epistles 
carry  wonderful  light  into  my  soul.47  A  voice 
before  unknown — the  voice  of  Christ,  my 
shepherd  and  my  teacher,  speaks  to  me  with 
power."48  So  great  was  the  change  in  him 
that  "  instead  of  the  murderous  heart  of  a  ra- 
vening wolf,"  he  came  back,  as  he  himself 
tells  us,  "  like  a  gentle  and  harmless  lamb, 
with  his  heart  entirely  withdrawn  from  the 
Pope  and  given  to  Jesus  Christ."49 

Escaped  from  so  great  an  evil,  he  turned 
toward  the  Bible,50andapplied  himself  zealous- 
ly to  the  acquirement  of  Greek  and  Hebrew.* 
He  was  unremitting  in  his  study  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  esteeming  them  more  and  more, 
and  daily  receiving  more  light.  He  continued 
to  resort  to  the  churches  of  the  established 
worship — but  what  did  he  there  hear] — Re- 
sponses and  chantings  innumerable,  words 
spoken  without  understanding.51  Often,  when 
standing  among  the  throno  that  gathered  round 
an  image  or  an  altar,  he  would  exclaim, — 
"Thou  alone  art  God  !  Thou  alone  art  wise ! 
Thou  alone  art  good  !52  Nothing  should  be 


*  Life  of  Farel.  MSS.  of  Geneva  and  of  Choupard. 


taken  away — nothing  added  to  thy  holy  law 
'  — for  Thou  only  art  the  Lord,  and  it  is  Thou 
alone  who  claimest  and  hast  a  right  to  OUT 
obedience." 

Thus  all  human  teachers  were  brought  down 
from  the  height  to  which  his  imagination  had 
raised  them,  and  he  recognised  no  authority 
but  God  and  his  word.  The  doctors  of  Paris, 
by  their  persecution  of  Lefevre,  had  long 
since  lost  all  place  in  his  esteem ;  but  ere 
long  Lefevre  himself,  his  well-beloved  guide 
and  counsellor,  was  no  more  to  him  than 
his  fellow-man:  beloved  and  venerated  him 
as  long  as  he  lived — but  God  alone  was  be- 
come his  teacher. 

Of  all  the  Reformers,  Farel  and  Luther  are 
the  two  best  known  to  us  in  their  early  spi- 
ritual history,  and  most  memorable  for  the 
struggles  they  had  to  pass  through.  Earnest 
and  energetic,  men  of  conflict  and  strife,  they 
bore  the  brunt  of  many  an  onset  before  they 
were  permitted  to  be  at  peace.  Farel  is  the 
pioneer  of  the  Reformation  in  Switzerland  and 
in  France.  He  threw  himself  into  the  wood, 
and  with  his  axe  cleared  a  passage  through  a 
forest  of  abuses.  Calvin  followed,  as  Luther 
was  followed  by  Melancthon,  resembling  him 
in  his  office  of  theologian  and  "  master- 
builder."  These  two  men, — who  bear  some 
resemblance  to  the  legislators  of  antiquity, 
the  one  in  its  graceful,  the  other  in  its  severer 
style, — settle,  establish,  and  give  laws  to  the 
territory  wron  by  the  two  former.  Arid  yet  if 
Farel  reminds  us  of  Luther,  we  must  allow 
that  it  is  only  in  one  aspect  of  the  latter  that 
we  are  reminded  of  him.  Luther,  besides  his 
superior  genius,  had,  in  all  that  concerned  the 
Church,  a  moderation  and  prudence,  an  ac- 
quaintance with  past  experience,  a  compre- 
hensive judgment,  and  even  a  power  of  order, 
which  was  not  found  in  an  equal  degree  in 
the  Reformer  of  Dauphiny. 

Farel  was  not  the  only  young  Frenchman 
into  whose  soul  a  new  light  was,  at  this  time, 
introduced.  The  doctrines  which  flowed  from 
the  lips  of  the  far-famed  doctor  of  Etaples 
fermented  among  the  crowd  of  his  hearers ; 
and  in  his  school  were  formed  and  trained  the 
bold  men  who  were  ordained  to  struggle,  even 
to  the  very  foot  of  the  scaffold.  They  listen- 
ed, compared,  discussed,  and  argued  with  cha- 
racteristic vivacity.  It  is  a  probable  conjec- 
ture, that  we  may  number  among  the  handful 
of  scholars  who  then  espoused  the  Truth, 
young  Pierre  Olivetan,  born  at  Noyon,  at  the 
end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  who  afterwards 
revised  Lefevre's  translation  of  the  Bible  into 
French,  and  seems  to  have  been  the  first  who 
so  presented  the  doctrine  of  the  Gospel  as  to 
draw  the  attention  of  a  youth  of  his  family, 
also  a  native  of  Noyon,  who  became  the  most 
distinguished  of  all  the  leaders  of  the  Re- 
formation.53 

Thus,  before  1512,  at  a  time  when  Luther 
had  made  no  impression  on  the  world,  but  was 
taking  a  journey  to  Rome  on  some  business 
touching  the  interests  of  some  monks,  and 
when  Zwingle  had  not  even  begun  to  apply 
himself  in  earnest  to  Biblical  studies,  but  waa 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


381 


traversing  the  Alps,  in  company  with  the 
confederated  forces,  to  fight  under  the  Pope's 
banner, — Paris  and  France  heard  the  sound 
of  those  life-giving  truths,  whence  the  Re- 
formation was  destined  to  come  forth — and 
there  were  found  souls  prepared  to  propagate 
those  sounds,  who  received  them  with  holy 
affection.  Accordingly,  Theodore  Beza,  in 
speaking  of  Lefevre  of  Etaples.  observes  that 
"  it  was  he  who  boldly  began  the  revival  of 
the  holy  religion  of  Jesus  Christ:"54  and  he 
remarks  that,  "  as  in  ancient  times,  the  school 
of  Isocrates  had  the  reputation  of  furnishing 
the  best  orators,  so,  from  the  lecture-rooms  of 
the  doctor  of  Etaples,  went  forth  many  of  the 
best  men  of  the  age  and  of  the  Church."55 

The  Reformation  was  not,  therefore,  in 
France,  an  importation  from  strangers ;  it  took 
its  birth  on  the  French  territory.  Its  seed 
germinated  in  Paris — its  earliests  shoots  were 
struck  in  the  University  itself,  that  ranked  se- 
cond in  power  in  Romanized  Christendom. 
God  deposited  the  first  principles  of  the  work 
in  the  kindly  hearts  of  some  inhabitants  of 
Picardy  and  Dauphiny,  before  it  had  begun  in 
any  other  country  of  the  globe.  The  Swiss 
Reformation  was,  as  we  have  seen,*  inde- 
pendent of  that  of  Germany ;  the  French  Re- 
formation was,  in  like  manner,  independent 
of  that  of  Switzerland  and  that  of  Germany. 
The  work  sprung  up  in  these  different  coun- 
tries at  one  and  the  same  time,  without  com- 
munication betwreen  them,  as  in  a  field  of  bat- 
tle, the  various  divisions  that  compose  the 
army  are  seen  in  motion  at  the  same  instant, 
although  the  order  to  advance  has  not  passed 
from  one  to  the  other,  but  all  have  heard  the 
word  of  command  proceeding  from  a  higher 
authority.  The  time  had  come — the  nations 
were  ripe,  and  God  was  everywhere  begin- 
ning the  revival  of  His  Church. 

If  we  regard  dates,  we  must  then  confess 
that  neither  to  Switzerland  nor  to  Germany 
belongs  the  honour  of  having  been  first  in  the 
work,  although,  hitherto,  only  those  countries 
have  contended  for  it.  That  honour  belongs 
to  France.  This  is  a  fact  that  we  are  the 
more  careful  to  establish,  because  it  has  pos- 
sibly, until  now,  been  overlooked.  Without 
dwelling  upon  the  influence  exercised  by 
Lefevre,  directly  or  indirectly,  on  many  per- 
sons, and  especially  on  Calvin, — let  us  con- 
sider that  which  he  had  on  one  of  his  disci- 
ples, Farel  himself, — and  the  energy  of  action 
which  that  servant  of  God  from  that  hour  ! 
manifested.  Can  we,  after  that,  withhold  j 
our  conviction,  that  even  though  Zwingle  \ 
and  Luther  should  never  have  been  born, 
there  would  still  have  been  a  movement  of 
Reformation  in  France!  It  is,  of  course, 
impossible  to  estimate  how  far  it  might  have 
extended :  we  must  even  acknowledge  that 
the  report  of  what  was  passing  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Rhine  and  the  Jura,  afterwards 
accelerated  and  animated  the  progress  of  the 
Reformers  of  France.  But  it  was  they  who 
were  first  awakened  by  the  voice  of  that 


See  page  214. 


trumpet  which  sounded  from  heaven  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  who  were  earliest  in 
the  field,  on  foot,  and  under  arms. 

Nevertheless,  Luther  is  the  great  workman 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  and,  in  the  fullest 
import  of  the  term,  the  first  Reformer.  Le- 
fevre is  not  as  complete  as  Calvin,  Farel,  or 
Luther.  There  is  about  him  that  which 
reminds  us  of  Wittemberg — of  Geneva — but 
a  something  besides  that  tells  of  the  Sor- 
bonne;  he  is  the  foremost  Catholic  in  the 
Reformation  movement,  and  the  latest  of  the 
Reformers  in  the  Catholic  movement.  To 
the  last,  he  continues  a  go-between, — a  me- 
diator,— not  well  understood;  reminding  us 
that  there  is  some  connection  between  the 
old  things  and  the  new,  which  might  seem 
forever  separated  as  by  a  great  gulf.  Re- 
pulsed and  persecuted  by  Rome,  he  yet  holds 
to  Rome,  by  a  slender  thread  which  he  is 
unwilling  to  sever.  Lefevre  of  Etaples  has 
a  place  to  himself  in  the  theology  of  the  six- 
teenth century  :  he  is  the  connecting  link  be- 
tween ancient  and  modern  times,  and  the 
man  in  whom  the  theology  of  the  middle 
ages  passed  into  the  theology  of  the  Refor- 
mation. 

Thus,  in  the  University,  the  truth  was 
already  working.  But  the  Reformation  was 
not  to  be  an  affair  of  college  life.  It  was  to 
establish  its  power  among  the  great  ones  of 
the  earth,  and  to  have  some  witnesses  even 
at  the  King's  court. 

The  young  Francis  of  Angouleme,  cousin- 
german  and  son-in-law  to  Louis  XII.,  suc- 
ceeded him  on  the  throne.  His  manly  beauty 
and  address,  his  courage,  and  his  love  of 
pleasure,  rendered  him  the  most  accomplish- 
ed knight  of  his  time.  His  ambition,  how- 
ever, rose  higher;  it  was  his  aim  to  be  a 
great  and  even  a  gracious  prince ;  provided, 
only,  that  all  should  bend  before  his  so- 
vereign authority.  Valour,  taste  for  litera- 
ture, and  gallantry,  are  three  words  that  well 
express  the  genius  of  Francis,  and  of  the  age 
in  which  he  figured.  At  a  somewhat  later 
period,  the  like  features  appear  in  Henry  IV. 
and  Louis  XIV;  These  princes  wanted  that 
which  the  Gospel  communicates ;  and,  al- 
though there  has  been  no  time  when  the 
nation  did  not  contain  in  it  the  elements  of 
sanctity  and  of  Christian  elevation,  it  may 
be  said  that  these  great  monarchs  of  modern 
France  have,  in  a  measure,  stamped  upon 
that  people  the  impress  of  their  own  charac- 
ters, if  it  be  not  more  correct  to  say  that  they 
themselves  were  the  faithful  expression  of 
the  character  of  the  nation  over  which  they  * 
presided.  If  the  evangelic  doctrine  had  en- 
tered France  under  the  auspices  of  the  most 
famed  of  the  Valois  princes,  it  might  have 
brought  with  it  to  the  nation  that  which 
France  has  not, — a  spiritual  turn  of  mind,  a 
Christian  purity,  and  an  intelligence  in  hea- 
venly things,  which  would  have  been  the 
completion  of  the  national  character  in  what 
most  contributes  to  the  strength  and  great- 
ness of  a  people. 

It  was  under  the  rule  of  Francis  I.  that 


382 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


Europe,  as  well  as  France,  passed  from  the 
middle  ages  to  the  range  of  modern  history. 
It  was  then  that  that  new  world  which  was 
bursting  forth  on  all  sides  when  that  prince 
ascended  the  throne,  grew  and  entered  upon 
possession.  Two  different  classes  of  men 
exercised  an  influence  in  moulding  the  new 
order  of  society.  On  the  one  hand  were  the 
men  of  faith,  who  were  also  men  of  wisdom 
and  moral  purity,  and  close  to  them,  the 
writers  of  the  court, — the  friends  of  this 
world  and  its  profligacy, — who,  by  their 
licentious  principles,  contributed  to  the  de- 
pravation of  morals  as  much  as  the  former 
served  to  reform  them. 

If,  in  the  days  of  Francis  the  First,  Europe 
had  not  witnessed  the  rise  of  the  Reformers, 
but  had  been  given  up  by  God's  righteous 
judgment  to  the  uncontrolled  influence  of 
unbelieving  innovators,  her  fate  and  that  of 
Christianity  had  been  decided.  The  danger 
seemed  great.  For  a  considerable  time,  the 
two  classes  of  combatants,  the  opposers  of  the 
Pope,  and  those  who  opposed  the  Gospel, 
were  mixed  up  together ;  and  as  both  claimed 
liberty,  they  seemed  to  resort  to  the  same 
arms  against  the  same  enemies.  In  the 
cloud  of  dust  raised  on  the  field,  an  unprac- 
tised eye  could  not  distinguish  between  them. 
If  the  former  had  allowed  themselves  to  be 
led  away  by  the  latter  all  would  have  been 
lost.  Those  who  assailed  the  hierarchy 
passed  quickly  into  extremes  of  impiety, 
urging  on  the  people  to  a  frightful  catastrophe. 
The  Papacy  itself  contributed  to  bring  about 
that  catastrophe,  accelerating  by  its  ambition 
and  disorders  the  extinction  of  any  truth  and 
life  still  left  in  the  Church. 

But  God  called  forth  the  Reformation,— 
and  Christianity  was  preserved.  The  Re- 
formers, who  had  shouted  for  liberty,  were, 
ere  long,  heard  calling  to  obedience.  The 
very  men  who  had  cast  down  that  throne 
whence  the  Roman  Pontiff  issued  his  oracles, 

E rostrated  themselves  before  the  "word  of  the 
ord."  Then  was  seen  a  clear  and  definite 
separation,  and  war  was  declared  between 
the  two  divisions  of  the  assailants.  The  one 
party  had  desired  liberty  only  that  themselves 
might  be  free, — the  others  had  claimed  it  for 
the  word  of  God.  The  Reformation  became 
the  most  formidable  antagonist  of  that  incre- 
dulity to  which  Rome  can  show  leniency. 
Having  restored  liberty  to  the  Church,  the 
Reformers  restored  religion  to  society;  and 
this  last  was,  of  the  two,  the  gift  most 
needed. 

The  votaries  of  incredulity,  for  a  while, 
hoped  to  reckon  among  their  number  Margaret 
of  Valois,  Duchess  of  Alenc.  on,  whom  Francis 
loved  with  especial  tenderness,  and,  as  Bran- 
tome  informs  us,  used  to  call  his  "darling."56 
The  same  tastes  and  general  information 
distinguished  both  brother  and  sister.  Of 
fine  person  like  Francis,  Margaret  united  to 
those  eminent  qualities,  which  in  their  com- 
bination constitutes  remarkable  characters, 
these  gentler  virtues  which  win  the  affection. 
In  the  gay  world,  the  festive  entertainment, 


the  royal,  the  imperial  court,  she  shone  in 
queenly  splendour,  charming  and  captivating 
all  hearts.  Passionately  fond  of  literature, 
and  gifted  with  no  ordinary  genius,  it  was 
her  delight  to  shut  herself  in  her  apartment, 
and  there  indulge  in  the  pleasures  of  reflec- 
tion, study,  and  meditation.  But  her  ruling 
desire  was  to  do  good  and  prevent  evil. 
When  ambassadors  from  foreign  countries 
had  presented  themselves  before  the  king, 
they  were  accustomed  afterwards  to  pay  their 
respects  to  Margaret,  and  "  they  were  greatly 
pleased  with  her,"  observes  Brantome,  "and 
returning  to  their  homes,  noised  abroad  the 
fame  of  her:"  and  he  adds  that  "the  king 
would  often  hand  over  to  her  matters  of  im- 
portance, leaving  them  for  her  to  decide."57 

This  celebrated  princess  was  through  life 
distinguished  by  her  strict  morals;  but 
whilst  many  who  carry  austerity  on  their 
lips,  indulge  laxity  in  conduct,  the  very 
reverse  of  this  was  seen  in  Margaret. 
Blameless  in  conduct,  she  was  not  altogether 
irreproachable  in  the  use  of  her  pen.  Far 
from  wondering  at  this,  we  might  rather 
wonder  that  a  woman  dissolute  as  was 
Louisa  of  Savoy,  should  have  a  daughter  so 
pure  as  Margaret.  Attending  the  court,  in 
its  progress  through  the  provinces,  she  em- 
ployed herself  in  describing  the  manners  of 
the  time,  and  especially  those  of  the  priests 
and  monks.  "On  these  occasions,"  says 
Brantome,  "  I  often  used  to  hear  her  recount 
stories  to  my  grandmother,  who  constantly 
accompanied  her  in  her  litter,  as  dame 
d'konneur,  and  had  charge  of  her  writing 
desk."57  According  to  some,  we  have  here 
the  origin  of  the  Heptameron;  but  more 
recent  and  esteemed  critics  have  satisfied 
themselves  that  Margaret  had  no  hand  in 
forming  that  collection,  in  some  parts  charge- 
able with  worse  than  levity,  but  that  it  was 
the  work  of  Desperiers,  her  gentleman  of  the 
chamber.* 

This  Margaret,  so  charming,  so  full  of  wit, 
and  living  in  so  polluted  an  atmosphere,  was 
to  be  one  of  the  first  won  over  by  the  religious 
impulse  just  then  communicated  to  France. 

*  This  is  proved  by  one  of  the  most  distinguish- 
ed critics  of  the  age,  M.  Ch.  Nodier,  in  the  Re- 
vue des  Deux  Mondes,  t.xx.  wherein  he  observes, 
p.  350 — "  Desperiers  is  in  reality  and  almost  ex- 
clusively author  of  the  Heptameron.  I  scruple 
not  to  say  I  have  no  doubt  of  this,  and  entirely 
coincide  in  the  opinion  of  Bouistuan,  who,  solely 
on  this  account,  omitted  and  withheld  the  name 
of  the  Queen  of  Navarre."  If,  as  I  think,  Mar- 
garet did  compose  some  tales,  doubtless  the  most 
harmless  of  those  in  the  Heptameron,  it  must 
have  been  in  her  youth — -just  after  her  marriage 
with  the  Duke  of  Alenc,on,  (1509.)  The  circum- 
stances mentioned  by  Brantome,  p.  346,  that  the 
king's  mother  and  Madame  de  Savoy  "being 
young,"  wished  to  "imitate"  Margaret,  is  a 
j  proof  of  this.  To  this  may  be  added  the  evidence 
of  De  Thou,  who  says,  ' '  Si  tempora  et  juvenilem 
j  aetatem  in  qua  scriptum  est  respicias,  non  prorsus 
j  damnandum,  certe  gravitate  tantae  heroinae  et 
extrema  vita  minus  dignum."  (Thuanus,  t.  vi. 
p.  117.)  Brantome  and  De  Thou  are  two  unob- 
jectionable witnesses. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


ss: 


But  how,  in. the  centre  of  so  profane  a  court, 
and  amid  the  sounds  of  its  licentious  gossip, 
was  the  Duchess  of  Alencon  to  be  reached 
by  the  Reformation  ?  Her  soul,  led  to  look 
to  Heaven,  was  conscious  of  wants  that  the 
Gospel  alone  could  meet.  Grace  can  act  in 
every  place,  and  Christianity, — which,  even 
before  an  apostle  had  appeared  in  Rome,  had 
some  followers  among  the  household  of  Nar- 
cissus, and  in  the  palace  of  Nero,* — in  the 
day  of  its  revival  rapidly  made  its  way  to 
the  court  of  Francis  the  First.  There  were 
ladies  and  lords  who  spoke  to  that  princess 
concerning  the  things  of  faith,  and  the  sun 
which  was  then  rising  on  France  sent  forth 
one  of  its  earliest  beams  on  a  man  of  emi- 
nent station,  by  whom  its  light  was  immedi- 
ately reflected  on  the  Duchess  of  Alencon. 

Among  the  most  distinguished  lords  of  the 
court  was  Count  William  of  Month  run,  a  son 
of  Cardinal  Briconnet  of  St.  Malo,  who  had 
entered  the  church  on  his  being  left  a  widower. 
Count  William,  devoted  to  studious  pursuits, 
himself  also  took  orders,  and  was  bishop,  first 
of  Lodeva,  and  afterwards  of  Meaux.  Al- 
though twice  sent  on  an  embassy  to  Rome, 
he  returned  to  Paris  unseduced  by  the  attrac- 
tions and  splendours  of  Leo  X. 

At  the  period  of  his  return  to  France,  a  fer- 
ment was  beginning  to  manifest  itself.  Farel, 
as  Master  of  Arts,  was  lecturing  in  the  col- 
lege of  Cardinal  Lemoine,  one  of  the  four 
leading  establishments  of  the  faculty  of  theolo- 
gy at  Paris,  ranking  equal  with  the  Sorbonne. 
Two  countrymen  of  Lefevre,  Arnaud,  and 
Gerard  Roussel,  and  some  others,  enlarged 
this  little  circle  of  free  and  noble  spirits. 
Briconnet,  who  had  so  recently  quitted  the 
festivals  of  Rome,  was  all  amazement  at  what 
had  been  doing  in  Paris  during  his  absence. 
Thirsting  after  the  truth,  he  renewed  his  for- 
mer intercourse  with  Lefevre,  and  soon  passed 
precious  hours  in  company  with  the  Doctor 
of  the  Sorbonne,  Farel,  the  two  Roussels,  and 
theirfriends.58  Fullof  humility,  the  illustrious 
prelate  sought  instruction  from  the  very  hum- 
blest, but  ^above  all,  he  sought  it  of  the 
Lord  himself.  "/  am  all  dark,"  said  he, 
"  waiting  for  the  grace  of  the  divine  favour, 
from  which  my  sins  have  banished  me."  His 
mind  was,  as  if  dazzled  by  the  glory  of  the 
Gospel.  His  eyelids  sank  under  its  unheard- 
of  brightness.  "The  eyes  of  all  mankind," 
exclaimed  he,  "  cannot  take  in  the  whole 
light  of  that  sun!"f 

Lefevre  had  commended  the  Bishop  to  the 
Bible, — he  had  pointed  to  it  as  that  guiding 
clue  which  ever  brings  us  back  to  the  original 
truth  of  Christianity,  such  as  it  existed  before 
all  schools,  sects,  ordinances,  and  traditions, 
and  as  that  mighty  agent  by  means  of  which 

*  Romans  xvi.  11.     Phil.  iv.  22 . 

t  These  expressions  of  Bri?onnet  are  from  a 
manuscript  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris — enti- 
tled Letters  of  Margaret  Queen  of  Navarre,  and 
which  is  marked  S.  F.  337.     I  shall  more  than  | 
once   have   occasion   to   quote  this   manuscript,  j 
which  I  found  not  easy  to  decipher.    I  quote  the 
language  d:'  the  time. 


the  religion  of  Jesus  Christ  is  renewed  in 
power.  Briconnet  read  the  Scriptures.  "  Such 
is  the  sweetness  of  that  heavenly  manna,"  said 
he,  "  that  it  never  cloys ;  the  more  we  taste  of  it, 
the  more  we  long  for  it."  The  simple  and  pre- 
vailing truth  of  SALVATION  filled  him  witli  ]oy ; 
he  had  found  Christ,  he  had  found  God  Him- 
self. "  What  vessel,"  he  exclaimed,  "  is  ca- 
pable of  receiving  into  it  such  vast  and  inex- 
haustible grace.  But  the  mansion  expands 
with  our  desire  to  lodge  the  good  guest. 
FAITH  is  the  quartermaster  who  alone  can 
find  room  for  him,  or  rather  -who  alone  can 
enable  us  to  dwell  in  hint."  But,  at  the  same 
time,  the  excellent  bishop  grieved  to  see  that 
living  word  which  the  Reformation  gave  to 
the  world  so  slighted  at  court,  in  the  city,  and 
among  the  people ;  and  he  exclaimed, "  Singu- 
lar innovation,  so  worthy  of  acceptation,  and 
yet  so  ill  received !" 

Thus  did  evangelical  truth  open  itself  a 
way  into  the  midst  of  the  frivolous,  dissolute, 
and  literary  court  of  Francis  I.  Several  of 
those  who  composed  it  and  enjoyed  the  unli- 
mited confidence  of  that  prince, — as  John  du 
Bellay,  du  Bude,  Cop,  the  court  physician, 
and  even  Petit,  the  king's  confessor,  seemed 
favourable  to  the  views  of  Briconnet  and  Le- 
fevre. Francis,  who  loved  learning,  and  in- 
vited to  his  court  scholars  "  suspected "  of 
Lutheranism,  "in  the  thought,"  observes 
Erasmus,  "  that  he  should,  in  that  way,  adorn 
and  illustrate  his  reign  better  than  he  could 
do  by  trophies,  pyramids,  or  buildings," — 
was  himself  persuaded  by  his  sister,  by  Bri- 
connet, and  the  learned  of  his  court  and  col- 
leges. He  was  present  at  the  discussions  of 
the  learned, — enjoyed  listening  to  their  dis- 
course at  table, — and  would  call  them  "his 
children."  He  assisted  to  prepare  the  way 
for  the  word  of  God,  by  founding  professor- 
ships of  Hebrew  and  Greek, — accordingly, 
Theodore  Beza  thus  speaks,  when  placing 
his  portrait  at  the  head  of  the  Reformers, — 
"  Pious  Reader!  do  not  shudder  at  the  sight 
of  this  adversary.  Ought  not  he  to  have  his 
part  in  this  honour  who  banished  barbarism 
from  society,  and  with  firm  hand  established 
in  its  place  the  cultivation  of  three  languages 
and  profitable  studies  that  should  serve  as  the 
portals  of  that  new  structure  that  was  shortly 
to  arise."59 

But  there  was  at  the  court  of  Francis  I.  one 
soul  which  seemed  prepared  for  the  reception 
of  the  evangelic  doctrines  of  the  teachers  of 
Etaples  and  of  Meaux.  Margaret,  hesitating, 
and  not  knowing  on  what  to  lean  in  the  midst 
of  the  profligate  society  that  surrounded  her, 
sought  somewhat  on  which  her  soul  might 
rest, — and  found  it  in  the  Gospel.  She  turned 
toward  that  fresh  breath  of  life  which  was 
then  reviving  the  world,  and  inhaled  it  with 
delight  as  coming  from  Heaven.  She  gathered 
from  some  of  the  ladies  cf  her  court  the 
teaching  of  the  new  preachers.  Some  there 
were  who  lent  her  their  writings,  and  certain 
little  books,  called,  in  the  language  of  the 
time  "tracts;" — they  spoke  of  "the  primi- 
tive church,  of  the  pure  word  of  God,  of  a 
2  K  2 


384 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


worship  'in  spirit  and  truth,'  of  a  Christian 
liberty  that  rejected  the  yoke  of  human  tradi- 
tions and  superstitions,  that  it  might  adhere 
singly  to  God."6?  It  was  not  long  before  this 
princess  sought  interviews  with  Lefevre,  Fa- 
rel,  and  Roussel.  Their  zeal,  piety,  and  walk, 
and  all  she  saw  of  them,  impressed  her, — but 
it  was  her  old  friend,  the  bishop  of  Meaux, 
who  was  her  guide  in  the  path  of  faith. 

Thus,  at  the  glittering  court  of  Francis  I. 
— and  in  the  dissolute  house  of  Louisa  of  Sa- 
voy, was  wrought  one  of  those  conversions 
of  the  heart  which  in  every  age  are  the  work 
of  the  word  of  God.  Margaret  subsequently 
recorded  in  her  poetical  eftusions  the  various 
emotions  of  her  soul  at  this  important  period 
of  her  life,  and  we  may  there  trace  the  course 
by  which  she  was  lead.  We  see  that  the 
sense  of  sin  had  taken  strong  hold  upon  her, 
and  that  she  bewailed  the  levity  with  which 
she  had  once  viewed  the  scandals  of  the 
court. 

Is  there  in  the  abyss's  lowest  depth 
A  punishment  that  equals  e'en  the  tenth 
Of  all  my  sin. 

The  corruption  which  she  had  so  long  over- 
looked, now  that  her  eyes  were  opened,  was 
seen  in  every  thing  about  her—- 
Surely in  me  there  dwells  that  evil  root 
That  putteth  forth  in  others  branch  and  fruit.* 

But  amid  all  the  horror  she  felt  at  her  own 
state  of  heart,  she  yet  acknowledged  that  a 
God  of  Peace  had  manifested  himself  to  her 
soul — 

Thou,  O  my  God,  hast  in  Thy  Grace  come  down 
To  me,  a  worm  of  earth,  who  strength  had  none.61 

And  soon  a  sense  of  the  love  of  God  in 
Christ  was  shed  abroad  in  her  heart: — 

ftly  Father,  then,— but  what  a  Father  Thou, 
Unseen, — that  changes!  not, — endless  of  days, 

Who  graciously  forgivest  all  my  sins. 
Dear  Lord,  Emanuel,  behold  me  fall 
Low  at  Thy  sacred  feet,  a  criminal ! 

Pity  me,  Father, — perfect  in  Thy  love ! 
Thou  art  the  sacrifice,  and  mercy-seat, 
And  Thou  hast  made  for  us  an  offering  meet, 

Well  pleasing  unto  Thee,  oh  God  above.62 

Margaret  had  found  the  faith,  and  her  soul 
in  its  joy  gave  free  expression  to  holy  delight, — 

Oh !  Saviour  Jesus — oh  most  holy  Word  ! 

Only  begotten  of  Thy  Father  God, 

The  First — the  Last — for  whom  all  things  were 

made — 

Bishop  and  King,  set  over  all  as  Head, 
Through  death,  from  fear  of  death,  Thou  sett'st 

us  free ! 

Making  us  children  by  our  faith  in  Thee, 
Righteous  and  pure  and  good  by  faith  to  be. 
Faith  plants  our  souls  in  innocence  again, 
Faith  makes  us  kings  with  Christ  as  kings  to  reign, 
Faith  gives  us  all  things  in  our  Head  to  gain.6;} 


*  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite  des  princesses 
(Lyon  1547),  tome  ler,  Miroir  de  Fame  pecheresse, 
p.  15.  The  copy  I  have  used  seems  to  have  be- 
longed to  the  Queen  of  Navarre  herself,  and  some 
notes  appearing  in  it  are,  it  is  said,  in  her  hand- 
writing. It  is  now  in  the  possession  of  a  friend. 


From  that  time  a  great  change  was  seen  in 
the  Duchess  of  Alenpon— 

Though  poor,  untaught,  and  weak  I  be, 
Yet  feel  I  rich,  wise,  strong  in  Thee.64 

However,  the  power  of  sin  was  not  yet  sub- 
dued— Her  soul  was  still  conscious  of  a  want 
of  blessed  harmony,  and  of  a  degree  of  inward 
struggle  that  perplexed  her — 

By  spirit  noble,  yet  by  nature  serf, 
Of  heavenly  seed, — begotten  here  on  earth; 
God's  temple, — wherein  things  unclean  find  room; 
Immortal, — and  yet  hastening  to  the  tomb; 
Though  fed  by  God  in  earthly  pastures  roving; 
Shrinking  from  ill,— yet  sinful  pleasures  loving  ; 
Cherishing  truth — yet  not  to  truth  conformed  ; 
Long  as  my  days  on  earth  prolonged  are, 
Life  can  have  nought  for  me  but  constant  war.63 

Margaret,  seeking  in  nature  symbols  that 
might  express  the  felt  want  and  desire  of  her 
soul,  chose  for  her  emblem,  says  Brantome,  the 
marigold,  "  which  in  its  flower  and  leaf  has  the 
most  resemblance  to  the  sun,  and,  turning,  fol- 
lows it  in  its  course."66  She  added  this  device, 
Non  inferiora  secutus — I  seek  not  things  below 
— "  signifying,"  continues  the  annalist  of  the 
court,  "  that  her  actions,  thoughts,  purposes, 
and  desires  were  directed  to  that  exalted  Sun, 
namely  God, — whereupon  it  was  suspected 
that  she  had  imbibed  the  religionof  Luther."67 
In  fact,  the  princess  shortly  after  experienced 
the  truth  of  that  word,  "M  that  will  live  godly 
in  Jesus  Christ  shall  suffer  persecution"  The 
new  opinions  of  Margaret  were  the  subject  of 
conversation  at  court,  and  great  was  the  sen- 
sation ; — What !  could  the  king's  sister  be  one 
of  those  people  1 — For  a  moment  it  might  have 
been  feared  that  Margaret's  disgrace  was  cer- 
tain. But  the  king,  who  loved  his  sister,  af- 
fected to  disregard  the  rumour  of  the  court. 
The  conduct  of  Margaret  gradually  dissipated 
the  opposition ; — "  Every  one  loved  her,  for," 
says  Brantome,  "she  was  very  kind,  gentle, 
condescending,  and  charitable,  very  easy  of 
access,  giving  away  much  in  alms,  overlook- 
ng  no  one,  but  winning  all  hearts  by  her  gra- 
:ious  deportment."68 

In  the  midst  of  the  corruption  and  frivolity 
of  that  age,  the  mind  may  joyfully  contemplate 
this  elect  soul,  which  the  grace  of  God  ga- 
,hered  from  beneath  all  its  pomps  and  vanities. 
But  her  feminine  character  held  her  back.     If 
Francis  the  First  had  had  the  convictions  of 
lis  sister,  we  can  hardly  doubt  he  would  have 
followed  them  out.     The  fearful  heart  of  the 
princess  trembled  at  the  thought  of  facing  the 
anger  of  her  king.     She  continued  to  fluctuate 
between  her  brother  and  her  Saviour,  unwilling 
to  give  up  either  one  or  the  other.     We  do 
not  recognise  in  her  the  Christian  who  has  at- 
tained to  the  perfect  liberty  of  God's  children, 
but  the  exact  type  of  those  souls — at  all  times 
so  numerous,  and  especially  among  her  sex, 
— who,  drawn  powerfully  to  look  to  heaven, 
have    not    strength   sufficient    to  disengage 
themselves  entirely  from  the  bondage  of  earth. 
Nevertheless,  such  as  she  is  here  seen,  her 
appearance  is  a  touching  vision  on  the  stage 
of  history.     Neither  Germany  nor  England 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


385 


presents  such  a  picture  as  Margaret  of  Valois. 
She  is  a  star,  slightly  clouded,  doubtless,  but 
shedding  a  peculiarly  soft  light.  And  at  the 
period  \ve  are  contemplating,  her  light  even 
shines  forth  with  much  radiance.  Not  till 
afterwards,  when  the  angry  glance  of  Francis 
the  First  denounces  a  mortal  hatred  of  the 
Gospel,  will  his  sister  spread  a  veil  over  her 
holy  faith.  But  at  this  period  she  is  seen 
erect  in  the  midst  of  a  degraded  court,  and 
moving  in  it  as  the  bride  of  Jesus  Christ. 
The  respect  paid  to  her,  the  high  opinion  en- 
tertained of  her  understanding  and  character, 
pleads,  more  persuasively  than  any  preacher, 
the  cause  of  the  Gospel  at  the  court  of  France, 
and  the  power  of  this  gentle  female  influence 
gains  admission  for  the  new  doctrines.  Per- 
haps it  is  to  this  period  we  may  trace  the  dis- 
position of  the  noblesse  to  embrace  Protestant- 
ism. If  Francis  had  followed  in  the  steps  of 
his  sister,  if  the  entire  nation  had  opened  its 
arms  to  Christianity,  the  conversion  of  Mar- 
garet might  have  been  the  channel  of  salvation 
to  France.  But  whilst  the  nobles  welcomed 
the  Gospel,  the  throne  and  the  people  adhered 
faithful  to  Rome, — and  a  day  came  when  it 
was  a  source  of  heavy  misfortune  to  the  Re- 
formation to  have  numbered  in  its  ranks  the 
names  of  Navarre  and  Conde. 

Thus  already  had  the  Gospel  made  converts 
in  France.  Lefevre,  Briconnet,  Farel,  Marga- 
ret, in  Paris,  joyfully  followed  in  the  direction 
of  the  movement.  It  seemed,  as  if  Francis 
himself  were  more  attracted  by  the  light  of 
learning  than  repelled  by  the  purity  of  the 
Gospel.  The  friends  of  God's  word  encour- 
aged the  most  hopeful  anticipations,  and  were 
pleasing  themselves  with  the  thought  that  the 
heavenly  doctrine  would  spread,  unresisted, 
through  their  country,  when  suddenly  a  pow- 
erful opposition  was  concocted  in  the  Sorbonne, 
and  at  the  court.  France,  which  was  to  sig- 
nalize herself  among  Roman  Catholic  states 
by  three  centuries  of  persecution  of  the  Re- 
formed opinions,  arose  against  the  Reforma- 
tion with  pitiless  sternness.  If  the  seventeenth 
century  was,  in  France,  an  age  of  bloody 
persecution,  the  sixteenth  was  that  of  cruel 
struggle.  In  no  country,  perhaps,  have 
those  who  professed  the  reformed  faith  met 
with  more  merciless  opposers  on  the  very 
spots  where  they  brought  the  Gospel.  In 
Germany,  the  anger  of  the  enemy  came  upon 
them  from  other  states,  where  the  storm  had 
been  gathering.  In  Switzerland,  it  fell  upon 
them  from  the  neighbouring  cantons ;  but  in 
France  it  everywhere  met  them  face  to  face. 
A  dissolute  woman  and  a  rapacious  minister 
then  took  the  lead  in  the  long  line  of  enemies 
of  the  Reformation. 

Louisa  of  Savoy,  mother  of  the  king  and  of  j 
Margaret,  notorious  for  her  gallantries,  of  over-  J 
bearing  temper,  and  surrounded  by  ladies  of 
honour,  whose  licentiousness  was  the  begin-  j 
rang  of  a  long  train  of  immorality  and  infamy  j 
at  the  court  of  France,  naturally  ranged  her-  ' 
self  on  the  side  of  the  opposers  of  God's 
word.     What  rendered  her  more  formidable  j 
was  the  almost  unbounded  influence  she  pos-  j 


1  sessed  over  her  son.     But  the  Gospel  encoun~ 

•  tered  a  still  more  formidable  enemy  in  Anthony 
|  Duprat,  Louisa's  favourite,  and,  by  her  influ- 

•  ence,  elevated  to  the  rank  of  chancellor  of  the 
j  kingdom.     This  man,  whom  a  contemporary 
j  historian  has  designated  as  the  most  vicious69 

of  bipeds,  was  yet  more  noted  for  avarice  than 
Louisa  for  her  dissolute  life.  Having  begun 
!  with  enriching  himself  by  perverting  justice, 
he  sought  to  add  to  his  wealth  at  the  cost  of 
religion;  and  took  orders  with  a  view  to  get 
possession  of  the  richest  benefices. 

Luxury  and  avarice  thus  characterized  these 
two  persons,  who,  being  both  devoted  to  the 
Pope,  sought  to  cover  the  infamy  of  their  lives 
by  the  shedding  the  blood  of  heretics.70 

One  of  their  first  steps  was  to  hand  over 
the  kingdom  to  the  ecclesiastical  supremacy 
of  the  Pope.  The  king,  after  the  battle  of 
Marignan,  had  a  meeting  with  Leo  X.  at  Bo- 
logna, and  in  that  place  was  concluded  the 
memorable  Concordat,  in  virtue  of  which  those 
two  princes  divided  between  them  the  spoils 
of  the  Church.  They  annulled  the  supre- 
macy of  Councils  to  ascribe  supremacy  to  the 
Pope,  and  took  from  the  respective  churches 
the  power  of  nominating  to  bishoprics,  to  give 
that  power  to  the  king.  After  this,  Francis 
the  First,  supporting  the  Pontiff's  train,  re- 
paired publicly  to  the  cathedral  church  of 
Bologna  to  ratify  the  treaty.  Sensible  of  the 
iniquity  of  the  Concordat,  he  turned  to  Du- 
prat, and  whispered  in  his  ear, — "  There  is 
enough  in  this  to  damn  us  both."71  But  what 
signified  to  him  salvation1? — money  and  the 
Pope's  alliance  was  what  he  sought. 

The  Parliament  met  the  Concordat  with  a 
vigorous  resistance.  The  king,  after  keeping 
its  deputies  waiting  for  some  weeks  at  An> 
boise,  sent  for  them  one  day  into  his  presence, 
upon  rising  from  table,  and  said  :  "  There  is 
a  king  in  France,  and  I  don't  at  all  under- 
stand that  any  men  should  form  a  senate  after 
the  manner  of  Venice."  He  then  ordered 
them  to  depart  before  sunset.  From  such  a 
prince,  Gospel  liberty  had  nothing  to  hope. 
Three  days  afterwards,  the  Grand  Chamber- 
lain la  Tremouille  appeared  in  Parliament, 
and  directed  that  the  Concordat  should  be 
enregistered. 

On  this,  the  University  was  in  motion. 
On  the  18th  of  March,  1518,  a  solemn  pro- 
cession, at  which  were  present  the  whole  body 
of  students  and  bachelors  in  their  corps,  re- 
paired to  the  church  of  St.  Catherine  of 
Scholars,  to  implore  God  to  preserve  the 
liberties  of  the  Church  and  kingdom.72  "The 
'rails  of  the  different  colleges  were  closed ; 
strong  bodies  of  students  went  armed  through 
the  streets,  threatening  and  in  some  instances 
maltreating  consequential  persons,  engaged 
pursuant  to  the  king's  directions,  in  making 
known  the  Concordat,  and  carrying  it  into 
effect."73  However,  in  the  result,  the  Univer- 
sity allowed  the  compact  to  be  fulfilled,  but 
without,  rescinding  the  resolutions  in  which 
their  opposition  to  it  was  declared  ;  and  "  from 
that  time,"  says  the  Venetian  ambassador 
Correro,  "the  king  began  to  give  away 


386 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


bishoprics  at  the  solicitation  of  the  ladies  of 
the  court,  and  to  bestow  abbey  lands  on  his 
soldiers,  so  that  at  the  French  court  bishoprics 
and  abbeys  were  counted  merchandise,  just 
as  among  the  Venetians  they  trade  in  pepper 
and  cinnamon."74 

Whilst  Louisa  and  Duprat  were  taking 
their  measures  to  root  up  the  Gospel  by  the 
destruction  of  the  Gallican  Church,  a  power- 
ful party  of  fanatics  were  gathering  together 
against  the  Bible.  The  truth  of  the  Gospel 
has  ever  had  two  great  adversaries, — the  pro- 
fligacy of  the  world,  and  the  fanaticism  of  the 
priests.  The  scholastic  Sorbonne  and  a  shame- 
less court  were  now  about  to  go  forward  hand 
in  hand  against  the  confessors  of  Jesus  Christ. 
The  unbelieving  Sadducees,  and  the  hypocri- 
tical Pharisees,  in  the  early  days  of  the  Gospel, 
were  the  fiercest  enemies  of  Christianity,  and 
they  are  alike  in  every  age.  At  their  head 
stood  Noel  Bedier,  commonly  called  Beda,  a 
native  of  Picardy,  syndic  of  the  Sorbonne, 
who  had  the  reputation  of  the  first  blusterer 
and  most  factious  disturber  of  his  time.  Edft^ 
cated  in  the  dry  maxims  of  scholastic  mo- 
rality, he  had  grown  up  in  the  constant  hearing 
of  the  theses  and  antitheses  of  his  college,  and 
had  more  veneration  for  the  hair-breadlh  dis- 
tinctions of  the  school  than  for  God's  word, 
so  that  his  anger  was  readily  excited  when- 
ever any  one  ventured  to  give  utterance  to 
other  thoughts.  Of  a  restless  disposition, 
that  required  continually  to  be  engaged 
in  pursuit  of  new  objects,  he  was  a  tor- 
ment to  all  about  him ;  his  very  element 
was  trouble;  he  seemed  born  for  contention; 
and  when  adversaries  were  not  at  hand,  he 
would  fall  upon  his  friends.  Boastful  and 
impetuous,  he  filled  the  city  and  the  university 
with  the  noise  of  his  disputation, — with  his 
invectives  against  learning  and  the  innova- 
tions of  that  age, — as  also  against  those,  who, 
in  his  opinion,  did  not  sufficiently  oppose 
them.  Some  laughed,  others  gave  ear  to  the 
fierce  talker,  and  in  the  Sorbonne  his  violence 
gave  him  the  mastery.  He  seemed  to  be  ever 
seeking  some  opponent,  or  some  victim  to 
drag  to  the  scaffold — hence,  before  the  "here- 
tics" began  to  show  themselves,  his  imagina- 
tion had  created  them,  and  he  had  required 
that  the  vicar-general  of  Paris,  Merlin,  should 
be  brought  to  the  stake,  on  the  charge  of  hav- 
ing defended  Origen.  But  when  he  caught 
sight  of  the  new  teachers,  he  bounded  like  a 
wild  beast  that  suddenly  comes  within  view 
of  its  unsuspecting  prey.  "There  are  three 
thousand  monks  in  one  Beda,"  remarked  the 
wary  Erasmus.75 

Yet  his  violence  injured  the  cause  he  la- 
boured to  advance.  "  What !  can  the  Romish 
Church  rest  for  her  support  on  such  an  Atlas 
as  that  I73  Whence  all  this  commotion  but 
from  the  insane  violence  of  Bedal"  was  the 
reflection  of  the  wisest. 

In  truth  the  invectives  that  terrified  the 
weak,  revolted  nobler  minds.  At  the  court 
of  Francis  the  First,  was  a  gentleman  of 
Artois,  by  name  Louis  Berquin,  about  thirty 
years  of  age,  who  was  never  married.  The 


purity  of  his  life,77  his  accurate  knowledge, 
which  had  won  him  the  appellation  of  "most 
|  learned  among  the  noble,  "78hisingenuousness, 
'  compasshon  for  the  poor,  and  unbounded  at- 
tachment to  his  friends,  distinguished  him 
above  his  equals.79  The  rites  of  the  Church, 
its  fasts,  festivals,  and  masses,  had  not  a 
more  devout  observer,  and  he  held  in  especial 
horror  every  thing  heretical.80  His  devotion 
was  indeed  the  wonder  of  the  whole  court. 

Tt  seemed  as  if  nothing1  could  have  given 
this  man  a  turn  in  favour  of  the  Reformation; 
nevertheless,  some  points  of  his  character 
disposed  him  toward  the  Gospel.  He  had  a 
horror  of  all  dissimulation,  and  having  him- 
self no  ill-will  to  any,  he  could  not  endure 
injustice  in  others.  The  overbearing  violence 
of  Beda  and  other  fanatics,  their  shuffling  and 
persecutions  disgusted  his  generous  heart, 
and,  as  he  was  accustomed  in  every  thing  to 
go  heartily  to  work,  he,  ere  long,  wherever 
he  came,  in  the  city  and  at  court,  even  in  the 
first  circles,81  was  heard  vehemently  protesting 
against  the  tyranny  of  those  doctors,  and  pur- 
suing into  their  very  holes  the  pestilent  hor- 
nets who  then  kept  the  world  in  fear."2 

But  this  was  not  all :  for  his  opposition  to 
injustice  led  Berquin  to  inquire  after  the 
truth.  He  resolved  on  knowing  more  of  that 
Holy  Scripture  so  dear  to  the  men  against 
whom  Beda  and  his  party  were  conspiring; — 
and  scarcely  had  he  begun  to  study  it,  than 
his  heart  was  won  by  it.  Berquin  imme- 
diately sought  the  intimacy  of  Margaret, 
Briconnet,  Lefevre,  and  those  who  loved  the 
truth  ;  and  in  their  society  tasted  of  the  purest 
delight.  He  became  sensible  that  he  had 
something  else  to  do  than  to  stand  up  against 
the  Sorbonne,  and  gladly  would  he  have 
communicated  to  all  France  the  new  convic- 
tions of  his  soul.  With  this  view  he  sat 
down  to  compose  and  translate  into  French 
certain  Christian  writings.  To  him  it  seemed 
as  if  every  one  must  confess  and  embrace  the 
truth  as  promptly  as  he  himself  had  done. 
The  impatient  zeal  that  Beda  brought  to  the 
service  of  traditions  of  men,  Berquin  em- 
ployed in  the  cause  of  God's  truth.  Some- 
what younger  than  the  syndic  of  the  Sorbonne, 
less  wary,  less  acute,  he  had  in  his  favour  the 
noble  incentive  of  a  love  of  truth.  Berquin 
had  a  higher  object  than  victory  over  his  an- 
tagonist when  he  stood  up  against  Beda.  It 
was  his  aim  to  let  loose  the  flood  of  truth 
among  his  countrymen.  On  this  account, 
Theodore  Beza  observes,  "  that  if  Francis  the 
First  had  been  another  Elector,  Berquin  might 
have  come  down  to  us  as  another  Luther."33 

Many  were  the  obstacles  in  his  way.  Fa- 
naticism finds  disciples  everywhere;  it  is  a 
contagious  infection.  The  monks  and  igno- 
rant priests  sided  with  the  syndic  of  the  Sor- 
bonne. An  esprit  de  corps  pervaded  their 
whole  company,  governed  by  a  few  intriguing 
and  fanatical  leaders,  who  knew  how  to  work 
upon  the  credulity  and  vanity  of  their  col- 
leagues, and  by  that  means  communicate  to 
them  their  own  animosities.  At  all  their 
meetings  these  persons  took  the  lead,  lording 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


387 


it  over  others,  and  reducing  to  silence  the 
timid  and  moderate  of  their  body.  Hardly 
could  they  prop  ^se  any  thing,  when  this  party 
exclaimed,  in  an  overbearing  tone,  "  Now  we 
shall  see  who  are  of  Luther's  faction."84  If 
the  latter  offered  any  reasonable  suggestion 
instantly  a  shudder  passed  from  Beda  to  Le 
couturier,  Duchesne,  and  the  rest,  and  all  ex> 
claimed, "  Why,  they  are  worse  than  Luther.' 
The  manoeuvre  answe-ed  their  purpose,  anc 
the  timid,  who  prefer  quiet  to  disputation,  and 
are  willing  to  give  up  their  own  opinion  for 
their  own  ease, — those  who  do  not  understanc 
the  very  simplest  questions, — and,  lastly,  such 
as  are  easily  turned  round  by  mere  clamour 
were  led  away  by  Beda  and  his  followers 
Some  silently,  and  some  assenting  aloud 
submitted  to  the  influence  exercised  over  ordi- 
nary spirits  by  one  proud  and  tyrannical  mind 
Such  was  the  state  of  this  association,  regard- 
ed as  venerable,  and  which,  at  this  time,  was 
found  among  the  most  determined  opposers 
of  the  Christianity  of  the  Gospel.  Often 
would  one  glance  within  the  interior  of  such 
bodies  suffice  to  enable  us  to  estimate  at  its 
true  value  the  war  they  wage  against  truth. 

Thus  the  University  which,  under  Louis 
XII.,  had  applauded  the  first  inklings  of  in 
dependence  in  Allman,  abruptly  plunged  once 
more,  under  the  guidance  of  Duprat  and  Loui- 
sa of  Savoy,  into  fanaticism  and  servility.  If 
we  except  the  Jansenists,  and  a  few  others, 
nowhere  in  the  Gallican  clergy  do  we  find  a 
noble  and  genuine  independence.  It  has  done 
no  more  than  vibrate  between  servility  to  the 
court  and  servility  to  the  Pope.  If,  under 
Louis  XII.  or  Louis  XIV.  we  notice  some 
faint  semblance  of  liberty,  it  is  because  its 
master  in  Paris  was  at  strife  with  its  master 
in  Rome.  Herein  we  have  the  solution  of  the 
change  we  have  noticed.  The  University  and 
the  Bishops  forgot  their  rights  and  obliga- 
tions the  moment  the  King  ceased  to  enjoin 
the  assertion  of  them ! 

Beda  had  long  cherished  ill-will  against 
Lefevre.  The  renown  of  the  doctor  of  Picar- 
dy  irritated  and  ruffled  the  pride  of  his  coun- 
tryman, who  would  gladly  have  silenced  him. 
Once  before,  Beda  had  attacked  the  doctor  of 
Etaples,  and,  having  as  yet  but  little  discern- 
ment of  the  true  point  of  the  evangelic  doc- 
trines, he  had  assailed  his  colleague  on  a 
point  which,  strange  as  it  must  to  us  appear, 
was  very  near  sending  Lefevre  to  the  scaf- 
fold.85 The  doctor  had  asserted  that  Mary  the 
sister  of  Lazarus,  Mary  Magdalene,  and  the 
woman  who  was  a  sinner,  (mentioned  by 
Luke  in  his  seventh  chapter,)  were  three  dis- 
tinct persons.  The  Greek  fathers  had  con- 
sidered them  as  distinct,  but  the  fathers  of 
the  Latin  Church  had  spoken  of  them  as  one 
and  the  same.  This  shocking  heresy,  in  re- 
lation to  the  three  Marys,  set  Beda  and  all 
his  clique  in  motion.  Christendom  itself  was 
roused.  Fisher,  bishop  of  Rochester,  and  one 
of  the  most  eminent  prelates  of  the  age,  wrote 
against  Lefevre,  and  the  whole  Church  de- 
clared against  a  judgment  that  is  now  uni- 
versally received  among  Roman  Catholics 
50 


themselves.  Already,  Lefevre,  condemned 
by  the  Sorbonne,  was  prosecuted  by  the  Par,* 
liament  on  the  charge  of  heresy,  when  Fran 
cis  I.,  not  sorry  to  have  an  opportunity  of 
striking  a  blow  at  the  Sorbonne,  and  hum 
bling  the  monks,  interfered,  and  rescued  him 
from  the  hands  of  his  persecutors. 

Beda,  enraged  at  seeing  his  victim  thus 
snatched  from  his  grasp,  resolved  on  taking 
his  next  measures  more  cunningly.  The 
name  of  Luther  was  beginning  to  be  noised 
in  France.  The  Reformer,  after  disputing 
against  Eck  at  Leipsic,  had  agreed  to  ac- 
knowledge the  universities  of  Erfurth  and  of 
Paris  as  his  judges.  The  zeal  displayed  by 
the  University  against  the  Concordat  doubt- 
less led  him  to  expect  an  impartial  verdict. 
But  a  change  had  taken  place,  and  the  more 
decided  their  opposition  to  the  encroachments 
of  Rome,  the  more  did  the  members  of  the 
University  seem  to  have  it  at  heart  to  make 
proof  of  their  orthodoxy.  Beda,  accordingly, 
found  them  quite  disposed  to  enter  into  all 
his  views. 

On  the  20th  of  January,  1520,  the  questor 
of  France  purchased  twenty  copies  of  Lu- 
ther's conference  with  Eck,  to  distribute 
them  among  the  members  of  the  commission 
charged  to  make  its  report  on  the  matter. 
More  than  a  year  was  taken  up  in  the  inves- 
tigation. The  German  Reformation  was  be- 
ginning to  produce  a  strong  sensation  in 
France.  The  several  universities,  then  truly 
Catholic  institutions,  resorted  to  from  all 
parts  of  Christendom,  maintained  a  more  di- 
rect and  intimate  intercourse,  on  topics  of 
theology  and  philosophy,  between  Germany, 
France,  and  England,  than  exists  in  our  own 
day.  The  report,  brought  to  Paris,  of  Lu- 
ther's labours  and  success,  strengthened  the 
hands  of  such  men  as  Lefevre,  Bric,onnet, 
and  Farel.  Some  of  the  divines  of  the  Sor- 
bonne were  struck  by  the  truths  they  saw  in 
the  writings  of  the  Wittemberg  monk.  Now 
and  then  a  bold  confession  was  heard ;  but 
there  wrere  also  fierce  opposers.  "  Europe," 
says  Crevier,  "was  all  expectation  of  the 
decision  of  the  University  of  Paris."  The 
issue  seemed  doubtful ;  but  Beda  finally  tri- 
umphed. In  April,  1521,  the  University  de- 
creed that  the  writings  of  Luther  should  be 
publicly  committed  to  the  flames,  and  that 
the  author  should  be  compelled  to  retract. 

Further  measures  were  resolved  on.  Lu- 
her's  disciples  had  crossed  the  Rhine,  even 
Before  his  writings.  Maimbourg  tells  us  that 
the  University  was  quickly  filled  with  foreign- 
ers, who,  having  obtained  a  reputation  on  the 
strength  of  some  knowledge  of  Hebrew,  and 
more  of  Greek,  crept  into  the  houses  of  per- 
sons of  distinction,  and  took  upon  them  the 
iberty  of  explaining  the  Scriptures.86  The 
'acuity,  therefore,  sent  a  deputation  to  the 
dng  to  call  attention  to  these  disorders. 

Francis  the  First,  caring  little  for  theolo- 
gical dissensions,  was  then  pursuing  the 
career  of  his  pleasures.  Passing  from  one 
chateau  to  another,  in  company  with  his  gen- 
lemen  and  the  ladies  of  his  mother's  and  his 


388 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


sister's  court,  he  indulged  in  every  species  of 
dissolute  excess,  out  of  the  range  of  the  trou- 
blesome observation  of  his  capital.  In  this 
way  he  passed  through  Brittany,  Anjou,  Gui- 
enne,  Angoumois,  Poitou ;  requiring,  in  vil- 
lages and  forests,  the  same  attention  and 
luxury  as  if  he  had  been  in  the  Chateau  des 
Tournelles  at  Paris.  Nothing  was  heard  of 
but  tournaments,  single  combats,  masquer- 
ades, shows,  and  feastings,  "such,"  says 
Brantome,  "  that  Lucullus  himself  never  saw 
the  like.'"* 

Suspending  for  a  moment  the  course  of  his 
pleasures,  he  gave  audience  to  the  grave  de- 
puties of  the  Sorbonne;  but  he  saw  only  men 
of  learning  in  those  whom  the  faculty  desig- 
nated as  heretics ;  and  should  a  prince,  who 
boasts  of  having  eclipsed  and  put  hors  de  page 
the  kings  of  France,  stoop  to  humour  a  clique 
of  fanatical  doctors ?  "  I  command  you,"  was 
his  answer,  "not  to  molest  those  people.  To 
persecute  those  who  teach  us,  would  prevent 
able  scholars  from  settling  in  our  country."88 

The  deputation  quitted  the  royal  presence 
in  a  rage.  What  then  is  to  be  the  conse- 
quence? The  danger  is  everyday  greater, 
already  the  heretical  sentiments  are  counted 
as  those  of  the  best  informed  classes, — the 
devouring  flame  is  circulating  between  the 
rafters, — the  conflagration  will  presently  burst 
forth,  and  the  structure  of  the  established  faith 
will  fall,  with  sudden  crash,  to  the  earth. 

Beda  and  his  party,  failing  to  obtain  the 
king's  permission  to  resort  to  scaffolds,  had 
recourse  to  more  quiet  persecution.  There 
was  no  kind  of  annoyance  to  which  the  evan- 
gelic teachers  were  not  subjected.  Every 
day  brought  with  it  new  rumours  and  new 
charges.  The  aged  Lefevre,  wearied  out  by 
these  ignorant  zealots,  panted  for  quiet.  The 
pious  Briconnet,  who  was  unremitting  in  his 
attentions  to  the  Doctor  of  Etaples,  offered 
him  an  asylum.89  Lefevre,  therefore,  took 
leave  of  Paris,  and  repaired  to  Meaux.  It 
was  a  first  advantage  gained  by  the  enemies 
of  the  Gospel,  and  thenceforth  it  was  seen 
that  if  the  party  cannot  enlist  the  civil  power 
on  its  side,  it  has  ever  a  secret  and  fanatical 
police,  which  it  knows  how  to  use,  so  as  to 
ensure  the  attainment  of  its  ends. 

Thus  Paris  was  beginning  to  rise  against 
the  Reformation,  and  to  trace,  as  it  were,  the 
first  lines  of  that  enclosure  which,  for  three 
centuries,  was  to  bar  the  entrance  of  the  Re- 
formation. God  had  appointed  that  in  Paris 
itself  its  first  glimmering  should  appear;  but 
men  arose  who  hastily  extinguished  it ; — the 
spirit  of  the  sixteen  chiefs  was  already  work- 
ing, and  other  cities  in  the  kingdom  were 
about  to  receive  that  light  which  the  capital 
itself  rejected. 

Brigonnet,  on  returning  to  his  diocese, 
there  manifested  the  zeal  of  a  Christian  and 
of  a  bishop.  He  visited  all  the  parishes,  and 
having  called  together  the  deans,  curates,  vi- 
cars, church-wardens,  and  principal  parish- 
ioners, he  made  inquiries  respecting  the  teach- 
ing and  manner  of  life  of  the  preachers.  "  At 
the  time  of  the  gathering,"  they  replied,  "  the 


j  Franciscans  of  Meaux  sally  forth ;  a  single 

I  preacher  goes  over  four  or  five  parishes  in  one 

j  day  ;  repeating  as  many  times  the  same  ser- 

i  mon,  not  to  feed  the  souls  of  his  hearers,  but 

I  to  fill  his  belly,  and  enrich  his  convent.90  The 

scrip  once  replenished,  the  object  is  answered ; 

the  preaching  is  at  an  end,  and  the  monks  are 

not  seen  again  in  the  churches  until  begging 

time  comes  round  again.      The  only  thing 

these  shepherds  attend  to  is  the  shearing  of 

their  flocks."91 

The  majority  of  the  curates  lived  upon  their 
incomes  at  Paris.  "  Oh !"  exclaimed  the 
pious  bishop,  on  finding  the  presbytery  he 
had  come  to  visit  deserted,  "  must  we  not  re- 
gard those  who  thus  forsake  the  service  of 
Christ,  traitors  to  him  I"92  Briconnet  resolved 
to  apply  a  remedy  to  these  evils,  and  con- 
voked a  synod  of  all  his  clergy  for  the  13th 
of  October,  1519.  But  these  worldly  priests, 
who  gave  but  little  heed  to  the  remonstrances 
of  their  bishop,  and  for  whom  Paris  pos- 
sessed so  many  attractions,  took  advantage 
of  a  custom,  by  virtue  of  which  they  were 
allowed  to  substitute  one  or  more  vicars  to 
look  after  their  flocks  in  their  absence.  Out 
of  a  hundred  and  twenty-seven  vicars,  Bri- 
Qonnet,  upon  examination,  found  only  four- 
teen whom  he  could  approve. 

Earthly-minded  curates,  imbecile  vicars, 
monks  whose  God  was  their  belly,  such,  then, 
was  the  state  of  the  church.  Briconnet  forbade 
the  pulpit  to  the  Franciscans,93  and,  being  per- 
suaded that  the  only  method  of  supplying  able 
ministers  in  his  diocese  was  himself  to  train 
them,  he  determined  to  found  a  school  of 
theology  at  Meaux,  under  the  superintendence 
of  pious  and  learned  doctors.  It  became  ne- 
cessary to  look  around  for  such  persons. 
Beda,  however,  supplied  him  with  them. 

This  fanatic  and  his  troop  continued  their 
efforts,  and  complaining  bitterly  against  the 
government  for  tolerating  the  new  teachers, 
declared  they  would  wage  war  against  their 
doctrines  without,  and  even  against  its  orders. 
Lefevre  had  indeed  quitted  the  capital,  but 
were  not  Farel  and  his  friends  still  there. 
Farel,  it  is  true,  did  not  preach,  for  he  was 
not  in  priest's  orders ;  but  in  the  university, 
in  the  city,  with  professors,  priests,  students, 
and  citizens,  he  boldly  maintained  the  cause 
of  the  Reformation.  Others,  emboldened  by 
his  example,  circulated  more  freely  the  word 
of  God.  Martial  Mazurier,  president  of  St. 
Michael's  college,  and  distinguished  as  a 
preacher,  unsparingly  depicted  the  disorders 
of  the  time,  in  the  darkest  and  yet  the  truest 
colours,  and  it  seemed  scarce  possible  to  with- 
stand the  force  of  his  eloquence.94  The  rage 
of  Beda,  and  those  divines  who  acted  with 
him,  was  at  its  height.  "If  we  suffer  these 
innovators,"  said  Beda,  "  they  will  spread 
through  our  whole  company,  and  there  will 
be  an  end  of  our  teaching  and  tradition,  as 
well  as  of  our  places,  and  the  respect  France 
and  all  Christendom  have  hitherto  paid  us." 

The  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne  were  the 
stronger  party.  Farel,  Mazurier,  Gerard 
Roussel,  and  his  brother  Arnaud,  soon  found 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


389 


beir  active  service  everywhere  counteracted. 
The  Bishop  of  Meaux  pressed  his  friends  to 
rejoin  Lefevre, — and  these  worthy  men,  per- 
secuted and  hunted  by  the  Sorbonne,  and 
hoping  to  form  with  Briconnet  a  sacred  pha- 
lanx for  the  triumph  of  truth,  accepted  the 
bishop's  invitation,  and  repaired  to  Meaux.' 
Thus,  the  light  of  the  Gospel  was  gradually 
withdrawn  from  the  capital  where  Providence 
had  kindled  its  first  sparks.  "  This  is  the 
condemnation,  that  light  is  come  into  the  world, 
and  men  love  darkness  rather  than  light,  be- 
cause their  deeds  are  evil,"  (St.  John  iii.  19.) 
It  is  impossible  not  to  discern  that  Paris 
then  drew  down  upon  it  that  judgment  of 
God  which  is  here  conveyed  in  the  words  of 
Jesus  Christ. 

Margaret  of  Valois,  successively  deprived 
of  Briconnet,  Lefevre,  and  their  friends,  found 
herself  alone  in  the  centre  of  Paris,  and  of  the 
dissolute  court  of  Francis  I.  A  young  prin- 
cess, sister  to  her  mother,  Philibertof  Savoy, 
lived  on  intimacy  with  her.  Philibert,  whom 
the  king  of  France  had  given  in  marriage  to 
Julian  the  Magnificent,  brother  of  Leo  X.,  in 
confirmation  of  the  Concordat,  had,  after  her 
nuptials,  repaired  to  Rome,  where  the  Pope, 
delighted  with  so  illustrious  an  alliance,  had 
expended  no  less  than  150,000  ducats  in  fes- 
tive entertainments  on  the  occasion.93  In  1516, 
Julian,  who  then  commanded  the  Papal  forces, 
died,  leaving  his  widow  only  eighteen.  She 
attached  herself  to  Margaret,  being  attracted 
by  the  influence  which  the  character  and  vir- 
tues of  that  princess  gave  her  over  all  about 
her.  The  grief  of  Philibert  unclosed  her 
heart  to  the  voice  of  religion.  Margaret  im- 
parted to  her  the  fruit  of  her  reading,  and  the 
widow  of  the  lieutenant-general  of  the  Church 
began  to  taste  the  sweetness  of  the  saving 
truth.  But  Philibert  had  as  yet  too  little  ex- 
perience to  be  a  support  to  her  friend,  and 
often  did  Margaret  tremble  at  the  thought  of 
her  own  extreme  weakness.  If  the  love  she 
bore  her  king,  and  her  fear  of  offending  him, 
led  her  to  any  action  contrary  to  her  con- 
science, instantly  her  soul  was  troubled,  and, 
turning  in  sorrow  to  the  Lord,  she  found  in 
him  a  master  and  brother  more  gracious  and 
sweet  to  her  heart  than  Francis  himself.  It 
was  in  such  a  season  she  breathed  forth  those 
feelings : — 

Sweet  Brother,  who,  in  place  of  chastenings  meet, 
Lead'st  gently  home  thy  wandering  sister's  feet, 
Giving  thy  Grace  and  Love  hi  recompense 
Of  murmurings,  presumption,  and  offence. 
Too  much,  my  Brother, — too  much  hast  thoudone: 
The  blessing  is  too  vast  for  such  an  one.96 

When  she  saw  all  her  friends  retiring  to 
Meaux,  Margaret  turned  after  them  a  look  of 
sorrow  from  the  midst  of  the  festivities  of  the 
court.  She  seemed  deserted  of  all, — her  hus- 
band the  Duke  of  Alencon  was  setting  out  for 
the  arnoy, — her  young  aunt  Philibert  was  re- 
turning to  Savoy.  The  Duchess  wrote  to 
Briconnet,  as  follows  : — 

*  It  was  the  persecution  which  arose  against 
them  in  Paris,  in  1521,  which  compelled  them  to 
leave  that  city.  (Vie  de  Farel,  par  Chaupard,) 


"Monsieur  de  Meaux, — Knowing  that  God  is 
all-sufficient,  I  apply  to  you  to  ask  your  prayers 
that  He  will  conduct  in  safety,  according  to 
His  holy  will,  M.  d'Alengon,  who  is  about 
to  take  his  departure,  by  order  of  the  king,  as 
lieutenant-general  of  his  army,  which  I  appre- 
hend will  not  break  up  without  a  war;  and, 
thinking  that,  besides  the  public  good  of  the 
kingdom,  you  have  an  interest  in  all  that  con- 
cerns his  and  my  salvation,  I  request  your 
spiritual  aid.  To-morrow,  rny  aunt  leaves 
Nemours  for  Savoy.  I  must  be  mixed  up 
with  many  things  which  I  dread.  Therefore, 
if  you  should  know  that  master  Michael  could 
make  a  journey  hither,  it  would  be  a  comfort 
to  me,  which  I  desire  only  for  the  honour  of  . 
God."97 

Michael  Arand,  whose  counsel  Margaret 
desired,  was  one  of  the  members  of  the  evan- 
gelic assembly  at  Meaux,  who,  at  a  later  pe- 
riod, exposed  himself  to  many  dangers  in 
preaching  the  Gospel. 

The  pious  princess  trembled  to  see  an  oppo- 
sition gathering  strength  against  the  truth. 
Duprat  and  the  retainers  of  the  government, 
Beda  and  those  who  adhered  to  the  Universi- 
ty, inspired  her  with  terror.  Briconnet  wrote 
cheeringly — «« It  is  the  war  which  the  gentle 
Jesus  said  he  was  come  to  send  upon  earth, — 
the  fire,  the  fierce  fire  which  transforms  earth- 
liness  into  that  which  is  heavenly.  With  all 
my  heart  do  I  desire  to  help  you,  Madam  ;  but 
do  not  expect  from  my  weakness  any  more 
than  the  will  to  serve  you.  Whoever  has 
faith,  hope,  love,  has  all  that  is  necessary,  and 
needeth  not  any  other  help  or  protection.  God 
will  be  all, — and  out  of  Him  we  can  hope  for 
nothing.  Take  with  you  into  the  conflict  that 
mighty  giant,  unconquerable  Love.  The  war 
is  led  on  by  Love.  Jesus  requires  to  have  our 
hearts  in  his  presence  :  wo  befalls  the  Chris- 
ian  who  parts  company  from  Him.  He  who 
is  present  ip  person  in  the  battle  is  sure  of 
victory ;  but  if  the  battle  is  fought  out  of  His 
own  presence,  he  will  often  lose  ground."98 

The  Bishop  of  Meaux  was  then  beginning 
to  experience  what  it  is  to  contend  for  the 
word  of  God.  The  theologians  and  monks, 
rritated  by  the  shelter  he  had  afforded  to  the 
friends  of  the  Reformation,  vehemently  accu- 
sed him,  so  that  his  brother,  the  Bishop  of  St. 
Malo,  came  to  Paris  to  inquire  into  the 
charges  brought  against  him.99  Hence  Marga- 
ret was  the  more  touched  by  the  comfortings 
which  BriQonnet  addressed  to  her ;  and  she 
nswered  by  offering  him  her  assistance. 

"  If  in  any  thing,"  wrote  she,  "  you  think 
that  I  can  be  of  service  to  you  or  your's,  be 
assured  that  I  shall  find  comfort  in  doing  all  I 
can.  Everlasting  Peace  be  given  to  you  after 
,he  long  struggles  you  have  waged  for  the 
'aith — in  the  which  cause  pray  that  you  may 
ive  and  die. 

"  Your  devoted  daughter,  MARGARET."IO° 

Happy  would  it  have  been  if  Briconnet  had 
died  while  contending  for  the  truth.  Yet  was 
he  still  full  of  zeal.  Philibert  of  Nemours, 
universally  respected  for  her  piety,  charity, 
and  blameless  life,  read  with  increasing  in- 


390 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


terest  the  evangelical  writings  sent  her  from 
time  to  time  by  the  Bishop  of  Meaux.  "  I 
have  received  all  the  tracts  you  forwarded, 
wrote  Margaret  to  Brie,  onnet,  "  of  which  my 
aunt  of  Nemours  has  taken  some,  and  I  mean 
to  send  her  the  last,  for  she  is  now  in  Savoy, 
called  thither  by  her  brother's  marriage.  Her 
absence  is  no  small  loss  to  me; — think  of  my 
loneliness  in  your  prayers."  Unhappily, 
Philibert  did  not  live  to  declare  herself  openly 
in  favour  of  the  Reformation.  She  died,  in 
1524,  at  the  castle  of  Vireu  le  Grand  in  Bugey, 
at  the  age  of  twenty-six.101  Margaret  was 
deeply  sensible  of  the  loss  of  one  who  was  to 
her  a  friend — a  sister  ;  one  who  could,  indeed, 
enter  into  her  thoughts.  Perhaps  no  loss  by 
death  was  the  occasion  of  more  sorrow  to  her, 
if  we  except  that  of  her  brother. 

Alas  !  nor  earth  nor  heaven  above  appears 

To  my  sad  eyes,  so  ceaseless  are  the  tears 

That  from  them  flow.102 

Margaret,  feeling  her  own  weakness  to  bear 
up  under  her  grief,  and  against  the  seductions 
of  the  court,  applied  to  Brie,  onnet  to  exhort  her 
to  the  love  of  God  : — "  The  gentle  and  gra- 
cious Jesus,  who  wills,  and  who  alone  is  able 
to  work  that  which  he  wills,  in  his  infinite 
mercy,  visit  your  heart,  and  lead  it  to  love 
him  with  an  undivided  love.  None  but  He, 
Madam,  hath  power  to  do  this,  and  we  must 
not  seek  light  from  darkness,  nor  warmth  from 
cold.  When  he  draws,  he  kindles,  and  by  the 
warmth  draws  us  after  him,  enlarging  our 
hearts.  You  write  to  me  to  pity  you  because 
you  are  alone ;  I  do  not  understand  that  word. 
The  heart  that  is  in  the  world,  and  resting  in 
it,  is  indeed  lonely, — for  many  and  evil  are 
they  who  compass  it  about.  But  she  whose 
heart  is  closed  against  the  world  and  awake 
to  the  gentle  and  gracious  Jesus,  her  true  and 
faithful  spouse,  is  really  alone,  living  on  sup- 
plies from  One  who  is  all  to  her, — and  yet  not 
alone,  because  never  left  by  Him  who  replen 
ishes  and  preserves  all.  I  cannot  and  ought 
not  to  pity  such  solitude  as  this,  which  is  more 
to  be  prized  than  the  whole  world  around  us, 
from  which  I  am  confident  that  God  hath  in 
his  love  delivered  you,  so  that  you  are  no 
longer  its  child.  Continue,  Madam, — alone, 
abiding  in  Him  who  is  your  all,  and  who 
humbled  himself  to  a  painful  and  ignominious 
death. 

"  In  commending  myself  to  your  favour,  I 
humbly  entreat  you  not  to  use  the  words  of 
your  last  letters.  You  are  the  daughter  and 
the  spouse  of  God  only.  No  other  father 
hath  any  claim  upon  you.  I  exhort  and  ad- 
monish you  to  be  to  Him  such  and  so  good 
daughter  as  He  is  to  you  a  Father  ;  and  since 
you  cannot  attain  to  this,  by  reason  that  finite 
cannot  compare  with  infinite,  I  pray  Him  to 
strengthen  you,  that  you  may  love  and  serve 
Him  with  all  your  heart."103 

Notwithstanding  these  counsels,  Margaret 
was  not  yet  comforted.  She  grieved  over  the 
loss  of  those  spiritual  guides  who  had  been 
removed  from  her.  The  new  pastors  set  over 
her  to  reclaim  her,  did  not  possess  her  confi- 
dence ;  and  notwithstanding  what  the  bishop 


had  said,  she  felt  alone  amidst  the  court,  and 
around  her  seemed  like  a  desolate  wilder- 
53.  She  wrote  to  Brigonnet  as  follows  : — 
"  As  a  sheep  wandering  in  a  strange  land, 
and  turning  from  her  pasture  in  distrust  of  her 
new  shepherds,  naturally  lifts  her  head  to 
catch  the  breeze  from  that  quarter  of  the  field 
where  the  chief  shepherd  once  led  her  to  the 
tender  grass,  just  so  I  am  constrained  to  im- 
plore your  love.  Come  down  from  your  moun- 
tain, and  look  in  pity  on  the  blindest  of  all 
your  fold,  astray  among  a  people  living  in 
darkness. 

(Signed)  MARGUERITE."IM 

The  Bishop  of  Meaux,  in  his  reply,  taking 
up  the  comparison  of  a  wandering  sheep, 
under  which  Margaret  had  pictured  herself, 
uses  it  to  depict  the  mysteries  of  Salvation 
under  the  figure  of  a  wood.  "The  sheep," 
says  he,  "  on  entering  this  wood  under  the 
guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  is  at  once  charm- 
ed by  the  goodness,  beauty,  height,  length, 
breadth,  depth,  and  refreshing  odours  of  the  fo- 
rest, and  looking  round  about  sees  only  Him  in 
all,  and  all  in  Him  ;  and  hastening  onward 
through  its  gieen  alleys,  finds  it  so  sweet  that 
the  way  becomes  life,  joy,  and  consolation."105 
The  bishop  then  describes  the  sheep  trying  m 
vain  to  penetrate  to  the  bounds  of  the  forest,  (as 
a  soul  would  fathom  the  deep  things  of  God,) 
meeting  with  mountains  which  it  in  vain  en- 
deavours to  ascend,  being  stopped  on  all  sides 
by  "inaccessible  heights."  He  then  shows 
the  way  by  which  the  soul,  inquiring  after 
God,  surmounts  the  difficulties,  and  how  the 
sheep,  among  all  the  hirelings,  finds  out  "  the 
Chief  Shepherd's  nook,"  and  "  enters  on  the 
wing  of  meditation  by  faith ;"  then  all  is 
made  plain  and  easy,  and  she  begins  to  sing, 
"I  have  found  him  whom  my  soul  loveth." 

Thus  wrote  the  Bishop  of  Meaux.  In 
the  fervour  of  his  zeal  he  would  at  this  time 
have  rejoiced  to  see  France  regenerated  by 
the  Gospel.106  Often  would  he  dwell  especially 
on  those  three  individuals  who  seemed  called 
to  preside  over  the  destinies  of  his  country ; 
namely,  the  king,  his  mother,  and  his  sister. 
He  thought  that  if  the  royal  family  were  but 
enlightened,  the  whole  nation  would  be  so ; 
and  that  the  clergy,  aroused  to  emulation, 
would  awake  from  their  deathlike  stupor. 
"  Madam,"  wrote  he  to  Margaret,  "  I  humbly 
pray  God  that  He  will  please,  in  His  good- 
ness, to  kindle  a  fire  in  the  hearts  of  the 
king,  his  mother,  and  yourself,  so  that  from 
you  three  a  flame  may  go  forth  through  the 
nation,  and  reanimate  especially  that  class, 
which,  by  its  coldness,  chills  all  the  others." 

Margaret  did  not  share  in  these  hopes. 
She  says  nothing  of  her  mother,  nor  yet  of 
her  brother.  These  were  themes  she  did  not 
dare  to  touch;  but  in  her  answer  to  the 
bishop,  in  January,  1522,  oppressed  at  heart 
by  the  indifference  and  worldliness  all  around 
her,  she  said, — "  The  times  are  so  cold,  the 
heart  so  frozen  up ;"  and  she  signed  herself — 
"  Your  cold-hearted,  hungering  and  thirsting 
daughter,  MARGARET." 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


391 


This  letter  did  not  discourage  Briconnet, 
but  it  put  him  upon  reflection;  and  feeling 
how  much  he  who  sought  to  reanimate  others 
required  to  be  reanimated  himself,  he  asked 
the  prayers  of  Margaret  and  of  Madame  de 
Nemours.  "Madam,"  said  he,  with  perfect 
simplicity,  "I  pray  you  to  re-awaken  by 
your  prayers  the  poor  drowsy  one."107 

And  such,  in  1521,  were  the  expressions 
interchanged  at  the  court  of  France.  Strange 
words,  doubtless;  and  which  now,  after  a 
lapse  of  above  three  centuries,  a  manuscript 
in  the  Royal  Library  reveals  to  us.  Was 
this  influence  in  high  places  favourable  to  the 
Reformation,  or  adverse  to  it1?  The  spur  of 
truth  was  felt  indeed  at  the  court,  but  perhaps 
did  not  arouse  the  slumbering  beast, — excit- 
ing him  to  rage, — and  causing  him  to  dart 
more  furiously  on  the  weak  ones  of  the  flock. 

In  truth,  the  time  was  drawing  nigh  when 
the  storm  was  to  burst  upon  the  Reformation ; 
but  first  it  was  destined  to  scatter  some  seeds 
and  gather  in  some  sheaves.  This  city  of 
Meaux  which  a  century  and  a  half  later  was 
to  be  honoured  by  the  residence  of  the  noble 
defender  of  the  Gallican  church  against  the 
claims  of  Rome,  was  called  to  be  the  first 
town  in  France,  wherein  regenerated  Chris- 
tianity should  establish  its  hold.  It  was  at 
this  time  the  field  on  which  the  labourers 
profusely  scattered  their  seed,  and  into  which 
they  had  already  put  the  sickle.  Bri^onnet, 
less  given  to  slumber  than  he  had  said, 
cheered,  watched,  and  directed  every  thing. 
His  fortune  was  equal  to  his  zeal.  Never 
did  any  one  make  a  more  noble  use  of  his 
means — and  never  did  so  noble  a  devotion 
promise  at  first  to  yield  such  abundant  fruit. 
Assembled  at  Meaux,  the  pious  teachers  took 
their  measures  thenceforward  with  more 
liberty.  The  word  of  God  was  not  bound; 
and  the  Reformation  made  a  great  advance 
in  France.  Lefevre,  with  unwonted  energy, 
proclaimed  that  Gospel  with  which  he  would 
gladly  have  filled  the  world — "Kings, 
princes,  nobles,  the  people,  and  all  nations," 
he  exclaimed,  "ought  to  think  and  aspire 
only  after  Jesus  Christ.108  Every  priest  should 
resemble  that  angel  seen  by  John  in  the 
Apocalypse,  flying  th  rough  the  air,  having  in 
his  hand  the  everlasting  Gospel,  to  preach  to 
every  nation,  and  kindred,  and  tongue,  and 
people.  Draw  near  ye  pontiffs,  kings,  and 
generous  hearts.  Awake,  ye  nations,  to  the 
light  of  the  Gospel,  ^nd  receive  the  breath  of 
eternal  life.109  Sufficient  is  the  word  of  God!"110 

Such,  in  truth,  was  the  motto  of  the  new 
school:  sufficient  is  the  word  of  God.  The 
whole  Reformation  is  imbodied  in  that  truth. 
"To  know  Christ  and  his  word,"  said  Le- 
fevre, Roussel,  Farel,  "is  the  only  true, 
living,  and  universal  Theology.  He  who 
knows  that,  knows  every  thing."111 

The  truth  produced  a  deep  impression  at 
Meaux.  At  first  private  meetings  took  place, 
then  conferences,  and  lastly  the  Gospel  was 
proclaimed  in  the  churches.  But  a  yet  more 
formidable  blow  was  struck  against  the  au- 
thority of  Rome. 


Lefevre  resolved  to  put  it  in  the  power  of 
the  Christians  of  France  to  read  the  Scrip- 
tures. On  the  30th  of  October  he  published 
the  French  translation  of  the  four  Gospels ; 
on  the  6th  of  November  the  remaining  books 
|  of  the  New  Testament;  and  on  the  12th  of 
November,  1524,  the  whole  of  these  collected 
in  one  volume  at  Meaux;  and  in  1525  a 
French  version  of  the  Psalms.112  Thus,  in 
France,  and  almost  at  the  same  time  as  in 
Germany,  we  have  the  commencement  of  that 
publication  of  the  Scriptures,  in  the  vernacu- 
lar tongue,  which,  after  a  lapse  of  three  cen- 
turies, was  to  receive  such  wonderful  deve- 
lopment. In  France,  as  in  the  countries  be- 
yond the  Rhine,  the  Bible  produced  a  decided 
effect.  Many  there  were  who  had  learned 
by  experience  that  when  they  sought  the 
knowledge  of  divine  things,  darkness  and 
doubt  encompassed  them  on  all  sides.  How 
many  were  the  passing  moments, — perhaps 
even  years, — in  which  they  had  been  tempted 
to  regard  the  most  certain  truths  as  mere  illu- 
sions. We  want  a  ray  from  heaven  to  en- 
lighten our  darkness.  Such  was  the  longing 
desire  of  many  souls  at  the  period  of  the  Re- 
formation. With  feelings  of  this  sort  many 
received  the  Scriptures  from  the  hands  of 
Lefevre.  They  read  them  in  their  families 
and  in  private.  The  Bible  became  increas- 
ingly the  subject  of  conversation.  Christ 
appeared  to  these  souls,  so  long  misled,  as . 
the  sun  and  centre  of  all  discovery.  No 
longer  did  they  want  evidence  that  Scripture 
was  of  the  Lord  :  they  knew  it,  for  it  had  de- 
livered them  from  darkness  into  "light. 

Such  was  the  course  by  which  some  re- 
markable persons  in  France  were  at  this 
time  brought  to  know  God.  But  there  were 
yet  humbler  and  more  ordinary  steps  by  which 
many  of  the  poorer  sort  arrived  at  the  know- 
ledge of  the  truth.  The  city  of  Meaux  was 
almost  entirely  peopled  with  artisans  and 
dealers  in  woollen  cloth.  "Many,"  says  a 
chronicler  of  the  sixteenth  century,  "were 
taken  with  so  ardent  a  desire  to  know  the 
way  of  salvation,  that  artisans,  carders,  ful- 
lers, and  combers,  while  at  work  with  their 
hands,  had  their  thoughts  engaged  in  conver- 
sation on  the  word  of  God,  and  getting  com- 
fort from  thence.  On  Sunday  and  on  festi- 
vals, especially,  they  employed  themselves 
in  reading  the  Scriptures  and  inquiring  into 
the  good  pleasure  of  the  Lord."113 

Briconnet  rejoiced  to  see  true  piety  take 
the  place  of  superstition  in  his  diocese. 
"  Lefevre,  availing  himself  of  his  great  repu- 
tation for  learning,"114observesacontemporary, 
(Fontaine,)  "  managed  so  to  cajole  and  impose 
upon  Messire  Guillaume  Bri^onnet  by  his 
specious  words,  that  he  turned  him  aside  into 
gross  error,  so  that  it  has  been  found  impossi- 
ble to  cleanse  the  town  and  diocese  of  Meaux 
from  that  wicked  doctrine  from  that  time  to 
this,  when  it  has  marvellously  spread  abroad. 
The  subverting  of  that  good  bishop  was  a 
sad  event,  for  he  had,  before  that,  been  very 
devout  in  his  service  to  God  and  the  Virgin 
Mary."  However,  not  all  had  been  so 
2  L 


392 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


grossly  "  turned  aside,"  to  adopt  the  expres- 
sion of  the  Franciscan.  The  townspeople 
were  divided  in  two  parties.  On  one  side 
were  the  Franciscan  monks,  and  the  partisans 
of  Romanism :  on  the  other,  Briconnet,  Le- 
fevre,  Farel,  and  those  who  loved  the  new 
preaching.  A  man  of  low  station,  named 
Leclerc  was  one  of  the  most  servile  adherents 
of  the  monks ;  but  his  wife  and  his  two  sons, 
Peter  and  John,  had  joyfully  received  the 
Gospel ;  and  John,  who  was  by  trade  a  wool- 
carder,  soon  attracted  notice  among  the  infant 
congregations.  James  Pavanne,  a  native  of 
Picardy,  a  young  man  of  open  and  upright 
character  evinced  an  ardent  zeal  for  the  Re- 
formed opinions.  Meaux  was  become  a 
focus  of  light.  Persons  called  thither  by 
business,  and  who  there  heard  the  Gospel, 
returning,  bore  it  with  them  to  their  respective 
homes.  It  was  not  merely  in  the  city  that 
the  Scripture  was  the  subject  of  inquiry ; 
"  many  of  the  adjacent  villages  were  awaken- 
ed," says  a  chronicler,  "  so  that  in  that 
diocese  seemed  to  shine  forth  a  sort  of  image 
of  the  regenerated  church." 

The  environs  of  Meaux  were,  in  autumn, 
clothed  with  rich  harvests,  and  a  crowd  of 
labouring  people  resorted  thither  from  the  sur- 
rounding countries.  Resting  themselves,  in 
the  heat  of  the  day,  they  would  talk  with  the 
people  of  those  parts  of  a  seed-time  and  har- 
vest of  another  kind.  Certain  peasantry,  who 
had  come  from  the  Thierachia,  and  more  par- 
ticularly from  Landouzy,  after  their  return 
home  continued  in  the  doctrine  they  had  heard, 
and,  ere  long,  an  evangelic  church  was  formed 
in  this  latter  place,* — a  church,  which  is 
among  the  most  ancient  in  the  kingdom. 
44  The  report  of  this  unspeakable  blessing 
spread  through  France,  says  the  chronicler.115 
Briconnet  himself  preached  the  Gospel  from 
the  pulpit,  and  laboured  to  diffuse,  far  and 
wide,  that  free,  gracious,  true,  and  clear  light, 
which  dazzles  and  illuminates  every  creature 
capable  of  receiving  it ;  and,  while  it  enlight- 
ens him,  raises  him  by  adoption  to  the  dignity 
of  a  child  of  God. f  He  besought  his  hearers 
not  to  listen  to  those  who  would  turn  them 
aside  from  the  Word.  "Though  an  angel 
from  heaven,"  exclaimed  he,  "  should  preach 
any  other  Gospel,  do  not  give  ear  to  him 
At  times  melancholy  thoughts  presented  them- 
selves to  his  mind.  He  did  not  feel  confident 
in  his  own  steadfastness,  arid  he  recoiled  from 
the  thought  .of  the  fatal  consequences  that 
might  result  from  any  failure  of  faith  on  his 
part.  Forewarning  his  hearers,  he  would  say, 
"Though  I,  your  bishop,  should  change  my 
voice  and  doctrine,  take  heed  that  you  change 
not  with  me."116  At  that  moment  nothing  fore- 
boded such  a  calamity.  "  Not  only,"  says 
the  chronicler,  "  the  word  of  God  was  preach- 
ed, but  it  was  practised :  all  kinds  of  works 
of  charity  and  love  were  visible;  the  morals 


*  These  facts  are  derived  from  old  and  much 
damaged  papers  discovered  in  the  church  of  Lan 
douzy-la-Ville  (Aisne),  by  M.  Colany,  during  the 
time  he  filled  the  office  of  pastor  in  that  town. 

t  MS.  in  the  Royal  Library,  S.  F.  No.  337. 


of  the  city  were  reformed,  and  its  supersti- 
tions disappeared."117 

Still  indulging  in  the  thought  of  gaining 
over  the  king  and  his  mother,  the  bishop  sent 
to  Margaret  a  translation  of  St.  Paul's  Epis- 
tles, richly  illuminated,  humbly  soliciting  her 
to  present  it  to  the  king,  "  which,  corning 
through  your  hands,"  added  he,  "  cannot  fail  to 
be  acceptable.  They  make  a  truly  royal  dish," 
continued  the  worthy  bishop,  "of  a  fatness 
that  never  corrupts,  and  having  a  power  to 
restore  from  all  manner  of  sickness.  The 
more  we  taste  them  the  more  we  hunger  after 
them,  with  desires  that  are  ever  fed  and  never 
cloyed."* 

What  dearer  commission  could  Margaret 
receive  .  .  .  .  ?  The  moment  seemed  auspi- 
cious. Michel  d'Arande  was  at  Paris,  de- 
tained there  by  command  of  the  king's  mother, 
for  whom  he  was  translating  portions  of  the 
Scriptures.118  But  Margaret  would  have  pre- 
ferred that  Briconnet  should  himself  present 
St.  Paul  to  her  brother  :  "  You  would  do  well 
to  come,"  wrote  she,  "  for  you  know  the  con- 
fidence the  king  andhismotherhaveinyou."119 

Thus  at  this  time  (in  1522  and  1523)  was 
God's  word  placed  before  the  eyes  of  Francis 
the  First  and  Louisa  of  Savoy.  They  were 
thus  brought  in  contact  with  that  Gospel  of 
which  they  were  afterwards  to  be  the  persecu- 
tors. We  see  nothing  to  indicate  that  that 
Word  made  on  them  any  saving  impression ; 
curiosity  led  them  to  unclose  that  Bible  which 
was  the  subject  of  so  much  discussion  ;  but 
they  soon  closed  it  again  as  they  had  opened  it. 

Margaret  herself  with  difficulty  struggled 
against  the  worldliness  which  surrounded  her. 
Her  tender  regard  for  her  brother,  respect  for 
her  mother,  the  flattery  of  the  court,  all  con- 
spired against  the  love  she  had  vowed  to  Jesus 
Christ.  Many  indeed  were  her  temptations. 
At  times,  the  soul  of  Margaret,  assailed  by  so 
many  enemies,  and  dizzy  with  the  tumult  of 
life,  turned  aside  from  her  Lord.  Then  be- 
coming conscious  of  her  sin,  the  princess  shut 
herself  in  her  apartments,  and  gave  vent  to  her 
grief  in  sounds  very  different  from  those  with 
which  Francis  and  the  young  lords,  who  were 
the  companions  of  his  pleasures,  filled  the 
royal  palaces  in  their  carousings : — 

I  have  forsaken  thee,  for  pleasure  erring; 

In  place  of  thee,  my  evil  choice  preferring ; 

And  from  thee  wandering,  whither  am  I  come? 

Among  the  cursed, — to  the  place  of  doom. 

I  have  forsaken  thee,  oh  Friend  sincere ; 

And  from  thy  love,  the  better  to  get  free, 

Have  clung  to  things  most  contrary  to  thee.120 

After  this,  Margaret,  turning  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Meaux,  wrote,  in  her  distress, — "  I 
again  turn  toward  you,  Mons.  '  Fabry,'  and 
your  companions,  desiring  you  in  your  pray- 
ers to  entreat  of  the  unspeakable  mercy  an 
alarum  that  shall  rouse  the  unwatchful  weak 
one  from  her  heavy  and  deathlike  slumbers."* 

The  friends  of  the  Reformation  were  be- 
ginning to  indulge  in  cheering  anticipations. 
Who  would  be  able  to  resist  the  Gospel  if  the 
authority  of  Francis  the  First  should  open  the 


MS.  in  the  Royal  Library,  S.  F.  No.  337. 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REFORMATION. 


393 


way  for  it.  The  corrupting  influence  of  the 
court  would  be  succeeded  by  a  sanctifying  ex- 
ample, and  France  would  acquire  a  moral 
power  which  would  constitute  her  the  bene- 
factress of  nations. 

But  the  Romish  party  on  their  side  had  caught 
the  alarm.  One  of  their  party  at  Meaux,  was 
a  Jacobin  monk,  of  the  name  of  Roma.  One 
day,  when  Lefevre,  Farel,  and  their  friends 
were  in  conversation  with  him,  and  certain 
other  partisans  of  the  Papacy,  Lefevre  incau- 
tiously gave  utterance  to  his  hopes  :  "Alrea- 
dy," said  he,  "  the  Gospel  is  winning  the 
hearts  of  the  nobles  and  the  common  people, 
and  ere  long  we  shall  see  it  spreading  through- 
out France,  and  casting  down  the  inventions 
that  men  have  set  up."  The  aged  doctor  was 
warmed  by  his  theme,  his  eyes  sparkled,  and 
his  feeble  voice  seemed  to  put  forth  new  pow- 
er, resembling  the  aged  Simeon  giving  thanks 
to  the  Lord  because  his  eyes  had  seen  His 
salvation.  Lefevre's  friends  partook  of  his 
emotion;  the  opposers  were  amazed  and  si- 
lent ....  Suddenly  Roma  rose  from  his  seat, 
exclaiming,  "  Then  I  and  all  the  monks  will 
preach  a  crusade — we  will  raise  the  people, 
and  if  the  king  suffers  the  preaching  of  your 
Gospel,  we  will  expel  him  from  his  kingdom 
by  his  own  subjects."121  Thus  did  a  monk  ven- 
ture to  stand  up  against  the  knightly  monarch. 
The  Franciscans  applauded  his  boldness.  It 
was  necessary  to  prevent  the  fulfilment  of  the 
aged  doctor's  predictions.  Already  the  men- 
dicant friars  found  their  daily  gatherings  fall 
off.  The  Franciscans  in  alarm  distributed 
themselves  in  private  families.  "Those  new 
teachers  are  heretics,"  said  they,  "  they  call 
in  question  the  holiest  practices,  and  deny  the 
most  sacred  mysteries."  Then,  growing 
bolder,  the  more  violent  of  the  party,  sallying 
forth  from  their  cloister,  presented  themselves 
at  the  bishop's  residence,  and  being  ad- 
mitted,— "  Make  haste,"  said  they,  "  to  crush 
this  heresy,  or  the  pestilence  which  now  afflicts 
Meaux  will  extend  its  ravages  through  the 
kingdom." 

Bri<jonnet  was  roused,  and  for  a  moment 
disturbed  by  this  invasion  of  his  privacy;  but 
he  did  not  give  way.  Despising  the  interest- 
ed clamour  of  a  set  of  ignorant  monks,  he 
ascended  the  pulpit  and  preached  in  vindica- 
tion of  Lefevre,  designating  the  monks  as 
Pharisees  and  hypocrites.  Still  this  opposi- 
tion from  without  had  already  awakened 
anxiety  and  conflict  in  his  soul.  He  tried  to 
quiet  his  fears  by  persuading  himself  that  it 
was  necessary  to  pass  through  such  spiritual 
struggles.  "By  such  conflict,"  said  he,  in 
expressions  that  sound  mystical  to  our  ears, 
"we  are  brought  to  a  death  that  ushers  into 
life,  and,  while  ever  mortifying  life, — living 
we  die,  and  dying  live."*  The  way  had  been 
more  sure,  if,  turning  to  the  Saviour,  as  the 
apostles,  when  "driven  by  the  winds  and 
tossed,"  he  had  cried  out, — "Lord!  save  us, 
or  we  perish." 

The  monks  of  Meaux,  enraged  at  this  re- 


*  MS.  in  the  Royal  Library,  S.  F.  No.  337. 


pulse,  resolved  to  carry  their  complaint  before 
a  higher  tribunal.  An  appeal  lay  open  to 
them;  and  if  the  bishop  should  be  contuma- 
cious, he  may  be  reduced  to  compliance. 
Their  leaders  set  forth  for  Paris,  and  concerted 
measures  with  Bed  a  and  Duchesne.  They 
presented  themselves  before  the  Parliament, 
and  lodged  information  against  the  bishop  and 
the  heretical  teachers.  "The  town,"  said 
they,  "and  all  the  neighbouring  country,  is 
infected  with  heresy,  and  the  muddy  waters 
go  forth  from  the  bishop's  palace." 

Thus  France  began  to  hear  the  cry  of  per- 
secution raised  against  the  Gospel.  The 
priestly  and  the  civil  power, — the  Sorbonne 
and  the  Parliament  laid  their  hands  upon  the 
sword,  and  that  sword  was  destined  to  be 
stained  with  blood.  Christianity  had  taught 
men  that  there  are  duties  anterior  to  all  civil 
relationships;  it  had  emancipated  the  religious 
mind,  laid  the  foundations  of  liberty  of  con- 
science, and  wrought  an  important  change  in 
society  ; — for  Antiquity,  everywhere  recognis- 
ing the  citizen  and  nowhere  the  man,  had 
made  of  religion  a  matter  of  mere  state  regu- 
lation. But  scarcely  had  these  ideas  of  liberty 
been  given  to  the  world  when  the  Papacy 
corrupted  them.  In  place  of  the  despotism 
of  the  prince,  it  substituted  that  of  the  priest. 
Often,  indeed,  had  both  prince  and  priest  been 
by  it  stirred  up  against  the  Christian  f  eople, 
A  new  emancipation  was  needed  :  the  six- 
teenth century  produced  it.  Wherever  the 
Reformation  established  itself,  the  yoke  of 
Rome  was  thrown  off,  and  liberty  of  con- 
science restored.  Yet  is  there  such  a  prone- 
ness  in  man  to  exalt  himself  above  the  truth, 
that  even  among  many  Protestant  nations  of 
our  own  time,  the  Church,  freed  from  the 
arbitrary  power  of  the  priest,  is  near  falling 
again  into  subserviency  to  the  civil  authority  ; 
thus,  like  its  divine  Founder,  bandied  from 
one  despotism  to  another ;  still  passing  from 
Caiaphas  to  Pilate,  and  from  Pilate  to  Caia- 
phas! 

Briconnet,  who  enjoyed  a  high  reputation 
at  Paris,  easily  cleared  himself.  But  in  vain 
did  he  seek  to  defend  his  friends;  the  monks 
were  resolved  not  to  return  to  Meaux  empty- 
handed.  If  the  bishop  would  escape,  he  must 
sacrifice  his  brethren.  Of  a  character  natu- 
rally timid,  and  but  little  prepared  for  "  Christ's 
sake"  to  give  up  his  possessions  and  stand- 
ing,— alarmed,  agitated,  and  desponding,  he 
was  still  further  misled  by  treacherous  ad- 
visers: "If  the  evangelical  divines  should 
leave  Meaux,"  said  some,  "they  will  carry 
the  Reformation  elsewhere."  His  heart  was 
torn  by  a  painful  struggle.  At  length  the 
wisdom  of  this  world  prevailed :  on  the  12th 
of  April,  1523,  he  published  an  ordonnance 
by  which  he  deprived  those  pious  teachers  of 
their  license  to  preach.  This  was  the  first 
step  in  Bric^onnet's  downward  career. 

Lefevre  was  the  chief  object  of  enmity. 
His  commentary  on  the  four  Gospels,  and  es- 
pecially the  epistle  "  to  Christian  readers," 
which  he  had  prefixed  to  it,  inflamed  the 
wrath  of  Beda  and  nis  fellows.  They  de- 


394 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


nounced  the  work  to  the  faculty — "  Has  he 
not  ventured,"  said  the  fiery  syndic,  "to  re- 
commend to  all  the  faithful  the  reading  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures!  Does  he  not  affirm  that 
whosoever  loves  not  the  word  of  Christ  is  no 
Christian;  and  again,  that  the  word  of  God 
is  sufficient  of  itself  to  lead  us  to  eternal 
lifer'122 

But  Francis  I.  saw  nothing  more  in  this 
accusation  than  a  theological  squabble.  He 
appointed  a  commission,  before  which  Lefevre 
successfully  defended  himself,  and  was  ho- 
nourably acquitted. 

Farel,  who  had  fewer  protectors  at  court, 
found  himself  obliged  to  qui-t  Meaux.  It 
appears  that  he  at  first  repaired  to  Paris,123and 
that  having  there  unsparingly  assailed  the 
errors  of  Rome,  he  again  found  himself  obliged 
to  remove,  and  left  that  city,  retiring  to  Dau- 
phiny,  whither  he  was  desirous  of  carrying 
the  Gospel. 

To  have  intimidated  Lefevre,  and  caused 
Briconnet  to  draw  back,  and  Farel  to  seek 
refuge  in  flight,  was  a  victory  gained,  so  that 
the  Sorbonne  already  believed  they  had  mas- 
tered the  movement.  Monks  and  doctors  ex- 
changed congratulations;  but  enough  was  not 
done  in  their  opinion, — blood  had  not  flowed. 
They  went,  therefore,  again  to  their  work,  and 
blood,  since  they  were  bent  on  shedding  it, 
was  now  to  slake  the  thirst  of  Roman  fana- 
ticism. 

The  evangelical  Christians  of  Meaux,  see- 
ing their  pastors  dispersed,  sought  to  edify 
one  another.124 A  wool-carder,  John  Leclerc, 
who  had  imbibed  the  true  Christian  doctrine 
from  the  instructions  of  the  divines,  the  read- 
ing of  the  Bible,  and  some  tracts,  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  zeal  and  his  expound- 
ing of  the  Scripture.  He  was  one  of  those 
men  whom  the  Spirit  of  God  inspires  with 
courage,  and  places  in  the  foremost  rank  of  a 
religious  movement.125 The  Church  of  Meaux 
soon  came  to  regard  him  as  its  minister. 

The  idea  of  one  universal  priesthood,  known 
in  such  living  power  to  the  first  Christians 
had  been  revived  by  Luther*  in  the  sixteenth 
century.  But  this  idea  seems  then  to  have 
dwelt  only  in  theory  in  the  Lutheran  Church, 
and  was  really  acted  out  only  among  the  con- 
gregations of  the  Reformed  Churches.  The 
Lutheran  congregations  (agreeing  in  this  point 
with  the  Anglican  Church)  took,  it  seems,  a 
middle  course  between  the  Romish  and  the 
Reformed  Churches.  Among  the  Lutherans, 
every  thing  proceeded  from  the  pastor  or 
priest;  and  nothing  was  counted  valid  in  the 
Church  but  what  was  regularly  conveyed 
through  its  rulers.  But  the  Reformed 
Churches,  while  they  maintained  the  divine 
appointment  of  the  ministry, — by  some  sects 
denied, — approached  nearer  to  the  primitive 
condition  of  the  apostolical  communities. 
From  this  time  forward,  they  recognised  and 
proclaimed  that  the  flock  are  not  to  rest  satis- 
fied with  receiving  what  the  priest  gives  out; 
that,  since  the  Bible  is  in  the  hands  of  every 

*  See  pp.  154,  155. 


one,  the  members  of  the  Church,  as  well  as 
those  who  take  the  lead,  possess  the  key  of 
that  treasury  whence  the  latter  derive  their 
instructions ;  that  the  gifts  of  God,  the  spirit 
of  faith,  of  wisdom,  of  consolation,  and  of 
knowledge  are  not  imparted  to  the  minister 
alone ;  but  that  each  is  called  upon  to  employ 
for  the  good  of  all  whatever  gift  he  has  re- 
ceived :  and  that  it  may  often  happen  that 
some  gift  needful  for  the  edification  of  the 
Church  may  be  denied  to  the  pastor,  and 
granted  to  some  member  of  his  flock.  Thus 
the  mere  passive  state  of  the  Churches  was 
changed  into  one  of  general  activity ;  and  it 
was  in  France  especially  that  this  transforma- 
tion took  place.  In  other  countries,  the  Re- 
formers are  found  almost  exclusively  among 
the  ministers  and  doctors  ;  but  in  France,  the 
men  who  had  read  or  studied  had  for  fellow- 
labourers  men  of  the  lowest  class.  Among 
God's  chosen  servants  in  that  country  we 
have  a  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne  and  a  wool- 
comber. 

Leclerc  began  to  visit  from  house  to  house, 
strengthening  and  confirming  the  disciples  in 
their  faith.  But  not  resting  satisfied  with 
these  ordinary  labours,  he  longed  to  see  the 
papal  edifice  overthrown,  and  France  coming 
forward  to  embrace  the  Gospel.  His  ungo- 
vernable zeal  was  such  as  to  remind  an  ob- 
server of  Hottinger  at  Zurich,  and  Carlstadt 
at  Wittemberg.  He  wrote  a  proclamation 
against  the  Antichrist  of  Rome,  in  which  he 
announced  that  the  Lord  was  about  to  con- 
sume that  wicked  one  with  the  spirit  of  his 
mouth,  and  proceeded  boldly  to  post  his  pla- 
card at  the  very  door  of  the  cathedral.126 Soon 
all  was  confusion  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
ancient  edifice.  The  faithful  were  amazed, 
the  priests  enraged.  What!  shall  a  base 
wool-comber  be  allowed  to  assail  the  Pope? 
The  Franciscans  were  furious.  They  insisted 
that  at  least  on  this  occasion  a  terrible  ex- 
ample should  be  made, — Leclerc  was  thrown 
into  prison. 

His  trial  took  place  in  the  presence  of 
Briconnet  himself,  who  was  now  to  witness 
and  endure  all  that  was  done.  The  wool- 
comber  was  condemned  to  be  publicly  whip- 
ped through  the  city,  three  successive  days, 
and  on  the  third  day  to  be  branded  on  the 
forehead.  The  mournful  spectacle  began. 
Leclerc  was  led  through  the  streets,  his 
hands  bound,  his  back  bare,  and  receiving 
from  the  executioners  the  blows  he  had  drawn 
upon  himself  by  his  opposition  to  the  bishop 
of  Rome.  A  great  crowd  followed  the  mar- 
tyr's progress,  which  was  marked  by  his 
blood :  some  pursued  the  heretic  with  yells  : 
others,  by  their  silence,  gave  no  doubtful 
signs  of  sympathy  with  him ;  and  one  woman 
encouraged  the  martyr  by  her  looks  and 
words — she  was  his  mother. 

At  length,  on  the  third  day,  when  the 
bloody  procession  was  over,  Leclerc  was 
made  to  stop  at  the  usual  place  of  execution. 
The  executioner  prepared  the  fire,  heated  the 
iron  which  was  to  sear  the  flesh  of  the  minis- 
ter of  the  Gospel,  and  approaching  him 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


395 


branded  him  as  a  heretic  on  his  forehead. 
Just  then  a  shriek  was  uttered — hut  it  came 
not  from  the  martyr.  His  mother,  a  witness 
of  the  dreadful  sight,  wrung  with  anguish, 
endured  a  violent  struggle  between  the  en- 
thusiasm of  faith  and  maternal  feelings;  but 
her  faith  overcame,  and  she  exclaimed  in  a 
voice  that  made  the  adversaries  tremble, 
"  Glory  be  to  Jesus  Christ  and  his  witnesses."127 
Thus  did  this  Frenchwoman  of  the  sixteenth 
century  have  respect  to  that  word  of  the  Son 
of  God, — "Whosoever  loveth  his  son  more 
than  me  is  not  worthy  of  me."  So  daring  a 
courage  at  such  a  moment  might  have  seemed 
to  demand  instant  punishment;  but  that 
Christian  mother  had  struck  powerless  the 
hearts  of  the  priests  and  soldiers.  Their 
fury  was  restrained  by  a  mightier  arm  than 
theirs.  The  crowd  falling  back  and  making- 
way  for  her,  allowed  the  mother  to  regain, 
with  faltering  step,  her  humble  dwelling. 
Monks,  and  even  the  town-serjeants  them- 
selves, gazed  on  her  without  moving;  "not 
one  of  her  enemies,"  says  Theodore  Beza, 
"  dared  put  forth  his  hand  against  her." 
After  this  punishment,  Leclerc,  being  set  at 
liberty,  withdrew,  first  to  Rosay  en  Eric,  a 
towrn  six  leagues  from  Meaux,  and  subse- 
quently to  Metz,  where  we  shall  again  meet 
with  him. 

The  enemy  was  triumphant.  "  The  Cor- 
deliers having  regained  possession  of  the 
pulpit,  propagated  their  accustomed  false- 
hoods and  absurdities."128  But  the  poor  work- 
ing-people  of  Meaux,  no  longer  permitted  to 
hear  the  word  of  God  in  regular  assemblies, 
began  to  hold  their  meetings  in  private,  "  imi- 
tating," says  the  chronicler,  "  the  sons  of 
the  prophets  in  the  days  of  Ahab,  and  the 
Christians  of  the  early  church ;  assembling, 
as  opportunity  offered,  at  one  time  in  a  house, 
at  another  in  a  cavern,  and  at  times  in  a 
vineyard  or  a  wood.  On  such  occasions,  he 
among  them  who  was  most  conversant  with 
the  Holy  Scriptures  exhorted  the  rest;  and 
this  being  done,  they  all  prayed  together  with 
much  fervency,  cheered  by  the  hope  that  the 
Gospel  would  be  received  in  France,  and  the 
tyranny  of  Antichrist  be  at  an  end."129  Where 
is  the  power  can  arrest  the  progress  of  truth  1 

One  victim,  however,  did  not  satisfy  the 
persecutors ;  and  if  the  first  against  whom 
their  anger  wras  let  loose  was  but  a  wool- 
comber,  the  second  was  a  gentleman  of  the 
court.  It  was  become  necessary  to  overawe 
the  nobles  as  well  as  the  people.  The  Sor- 
bonne  of  Paris  was  unwilling  to  be  outstrip- 
ped by  the  Franciscans  of  Meaux.  Berquin, 
"  the  most  learned  among  the  nobles,"  con- 
tinuing to  gather  more  confidence  from  the 
Scriptures,  had  composed  certain  epigrams 
against  the  "  drones  of  the  Sorbonne ;"  and 
had  afterwards  gone  so  far  as  to  charge  them 
with  impiety.130 

Beda  and  Duchesne,  who  had  not  ventured 
any  reply  in  their  usual  style  to  the  witticisms 
of  a  gentleman  of  the  court,  adopted  a  dif- 
ferent line  of  conduct  when  they  discerned 
that  serious  convictions  were  at  the  bottom 

51 


of  these  attacks.  Berquin  had  become  a 
Christian ;  his  ruin  was  therefore  decided  on. 
Beda  and  Duchesne  having  seized  some  of 
his  translations,  found  in  them  sufficient  to 
bring  more  than  one  heretic  to  the  stake : 
"He  asserts,"  they  exclaimed,  "that  it  is 
wrong  to  invoke  the  Virgin  Mary  in  place  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  and  to  call  her  the  source 
of  all  grace!151  He  declares  himself  against  the 
custom  of  speaking  of  her  as  our  hope  and  our 
life,  and  says  that  these  titles  belong  only  to 
the  Son  of  God."  There  were  other  charges 
against  Berquin ; — his  closet  was  as  it  were 
a  library,  whence  the  supposed  tainted  Avorks 
were  diffused  through  the  kingdom.  Above 
all,  Melancthon's  Loci  Communes  served  to 
stagger  the  more  learned.  The  man  of  piety, 
entrenched  amid  his  folios  and  tracts,  had,  in 
his  Christian  love,  made  himself  translator, 

corrector,  printer,  and  bookseller It 

seemed  indispensable  to  stop  the  stream  at  its 
source. 

Accordingly,  one  day,  while  Berquin  was 
quietly  engaged  in  his  studies,  the  house  was 
of  a  sudden  surrounded  by  armed  men,  de- 
manding admittance.  The  Sorbonne  and  its 
agents,  armed  with  authority  from  the  Par- 
liament, were  at  his  door.  Beda,  the  dreaded 
syndic,  was  at  their  head,  and  never  did 
inquisitor  more  perfectly  perform  his  func- 
tion. Followed  by  his  satellites,  he  made 
his  way  to  Berquin's  study,  communicated 
the  object  of  his  mission,  and  desiring  his 
followers  to  keep  an  eye  upon  him,  com- 
menced his  search.  Not  a  volume  escaped 
his  notice,  and  an  exact  inventory  was  made 
under  his  direction.  Here  lay  a  treatise  by 
Melancthon ;  there  a  pamphlet  by  Carlstadt : 
farther  on  a  work  of  Luther's ; — here  '  hereti- 
cal' books  which  Berquin  had  translated 
from  Latin  into  French ;  there — others  of  his 
own  composition.  With  two  exceptions,  all 
the  books  seized  abounded  with  Lutheran 
doctrine,  and  Beda  quitted  the  house,  carrying 
away  his  booty,  and  more  elated  than  a  ge- 
neral laden  with  the  spoil  of  conquered 
nations.132 

Berquin  perceived  that  a  violent  storm  had 
burst  upon  his  head,  but  his  courage  did  not 
falter: — he  had  too  much  contempt  for  his 
adversaries  to  fear  them.  Meanwhile,  Beda 
lost  no  time.  On  the  31st  of  May,  1523,  the 
Parliament  decreed  that  all  the  books  seized 
at  Berquin's  house  should  be  laid  before  the 
faculty  of  theology.  Its  decision  was  soon 
made  known,  and  on  the  25th  of  June,  it  con- 
demned all  the  works,  except  the  two  already 
mentioned,  to  be  burnt  as  heretical;  and 
enjoined  that  Berquin  should  be  required  to 
abjure  his  errors.  The  Parliament  ratified 
the  decision.  Berquin  appeared  at  the  bar 
of  this  formidable  body :  he  knew  that  the 
next  step  beyond  it  might  be  to  the  scaffold ; 
but,  like  Luther  at  Worms,  he  stood  firm.  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  Parliament  insisted  on 
his  retracting ;  he  was  not  of  those  who  fall 
away  after  being  made  partakers  of  the  Holy 
Ghost.  He  that  is  begotten  of  God  keepeth 
himself^  and  that  wicked  one  touched  him  not. 


396 


HISTORY   OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Hebrews  vi.  4.  1  John  v.  18.  Every  such 
fall  proves  that  conversion  has  either  been 
only  apparent,  or  else  partial  ;*  now  Ber- 
quin's  was  a  real  conversion.  He  answered 
the  court  before  which  he  stood  with  decision ; 
and  the  Parliament,  using  more  severity  than 
the  Diet  of  Worms,  directed  its  officers  to 
take  the  accused  into  custody,  and  lead  him 
away  to  prison.  This  took  place  on  the  1st 
of  August,  1523.  On  the  5th,  the  Parlia- 
ment handed  over  the  heretic  to  the  Bishop 
of  Paris,  in  order  that  that  prelate  might  take 
cognisance  of  the  affair,  and,  jointly  with  the 
doctors  and  counsellors,  pass  sentence  on  the 
culprit.  Berquin  was  forthwith  transferred 
to  the  official  prison.133 

Bed  a,  Duchesne,  and  their  companions 
had  their  victim  in  their  clutches;  but  the 
court  bore  no  favour  to  the  Sorbonne,  and 
Francis  was  more  powerful  than  Beda.  A 
feeling  of  indignation  spread  among  the 
nobles :  what  do  those  monks  and  priests 
mean,  not  to  respect  the  rank  of  a  gentleman  1 
What  charge  do  they  bring  against  him  ? — 
was  the  question  asked  in  the  presence  of 
Francis.  Is  it  that  he  blames  the  practice  of 
invoking  the  Virgin  instead  of  the  Holy  Spi- 
rit1? But  Erasmus  and  many  more  have 
censured  it.  Is  it  on  such  frivolous  charges 
they  go  the  length  of  imprisoning  an  officer 
of  the  king]134This  attack  of  theirs  is  a  blow 
struck  against  knowledge  and  true  religion ; 
an  insult  to  nobles,  knights,  and  royalty 
itself.  The  king  decided  on  again  making 
the  Sorbonne  feel  the  weight  of  his  authority. 
He  issued  letters  summoning  the  parties  in 
the  cause  before  his  council,  and  on  the  8th 
of  August  a  messenger  presented  himself  at 
the  official  prison,  bearing  a  royal  mandate 
enjoining  that  Berquin  should  be  at  liberty. 

It  seemed  at  first  doubtful  whether  the 
monks  would  yield  compliance.  Francis  had 
anticipated  some  difficulty,  and,  in  charging 
the  messenger  wiih  the  execution  of  his  or- 
ders, had  added,  "If  you  meet  with  any 
resistance,  I  authorize  you  to  break  open  the 
doors."  There  was  no  misunderstanding 
these  words.  The  monks  and  the  Sorbonne 
submitted  to  the  affront  put  upon  them ;  and 
Berquin,  released  from  durance,  appeared  be- 
fore the  king's  council,  and  was  there  ac- 
quitted.135 

Thus  did  Francis  I.  humble  the  ecclesias- 
tical power.  Under  his  reign  Berquin  fondly 
hoped  that  France  might  free  herself  from 
the  Papal  yoke ;  and  he  began  to  meditate  a 
renewal  of  hostilities.  With  this  intent,  he 
opened  communications  with  Erasmus,  who 
at  once  acknowledged  his  right  intentions.136 
But  the  philosopher,  ever  timid  and  tempo- 
rizing, replied, — "Remember  to  avoid  irri- 
tating the  drones;  and  pursue  your  studies 
in  peace.137  Above  all,  do  not  implicate  me  in 
your  affairs,  for  that  will  be  of  no  service  to 
either  of  us."138 


*  This  is  believed  to  be  a  faithful  rendering  of 
the  original.  The  interpretation  and  the  applica- 
tion may  be  open  to  question. — (Tr.) 


Berquin  was  not  discouraged.  If  the  great 
genius  of  the  age  draws  back,  he  will  put  his 
trust  in  God,  who  never  deserts  His  work. 
God's  work  will  be  effected,  either  by  hum 
ble  instrumentality,  or  without  it.  Erasmus 
himself  acknowledged  that  Berquin,  like  the 
palm  tree,  rose  in  renewed  vigour  from  every 
new  gust  of  persecution  that  assailed  him.139 

Not  such  were  all  who  had  embraced  the 
Evangelical  doctrines.  Martial  Mazurier  had 
be-en  one  of  the  most  zealous  of  preachers. 
He  was  accused  of  having  advocated  very 
erroneous  opinions;140andeven  of  having  com- 
mitted, while  at  Meaux,  certain  acts  of  vio- 
lence. "This  Martial  Mazurier,  being  at 
Meaux," — such  are  the  words  of  a  manu- 
script preserved  in  that  city,  and  which  we 
have  already  had  occasion  to  quote,—"  enter- 
ing the  church  of  the  reverend  Fathers,  the 
Cordeliers,  and  seeing  the  statue  of  St.  Fran- 
cis, in  high  relief,  outside  the  door  of  the  con- 
vent, where  that  of  St.  Roche  is  now  placed, 
struck  it  down  and  broke  it."  Mazurier  was 
arrested  and  thrown  into  prison,  where  he  at 
once  fell  back  upon  his  own  reflections  and 
the  keenest  perplexity.111  It  was  the  Gospel 
rule  of  morals,  rather  than  its  great  doctrines, 
that  had  won  him  over  to  the  ranks  of  the 
Reformers*  and  that  rule,  taken  alone, 
brought  with  it  no  strength.  Terrified  at  the 
prospect  of  the  stake  awaiting  him,  and  be- 
lieving that,  in  France,  the  victory  would  be 
sure  to  remain  with  Rome,  he  easily  per- 
suaded himself  that  he  should  have  more 
influence  and  honour  by  going  back  to  the 
Papacy.  Accordingly,  he  recanted  his  former 
teaching,  and  directed  that  doctrines  altoge- 
ther opposed  to  those  ascribed  to  him  should 
be  preached  in  his  parish;142  and  uniting,  at  a 
later  period,  with  the  most  fanatical  of  the 
Romish  party,  and  particularly  with  the  cele- 
brated Ignatius  Loyola,  he  became  thence- 
forward the  most  zealous  supporter  of  the 
Papal  cause.143  From  the  days  of  the  Emperor 
Julian,  apostates  have  ever  been  among  the 
sternest  enemies  of  the  doctrines  which  they 
once  professed. 

An  occasion  soon  offered  for  Mazurier  to 
make  proof  of  his  zeal.  The  youthful  James 
Pavanne  had  also  been  thrown  into  prison. 
Martial  hoped  to  cover  his  own  shame  by  in- 
volving another  in  the  like  fall.  The  youth, 
the  amiable  disposition,  the  learning,  and  the 
integrity  of  Pavanne,  created  a  general  inte- 
rest in  his  favour ;  and  Mazurier  imagined 
that  he  himself  should  be  deemed  less  culpa- 
ble if  he  could  but  persuade  Master  James  to 
a  similar  course.  Visiting  him  in  his  cell,  he 
began  by  pretending  that  he  had  advanced 
further  in  inquiry  into  the  truth  than  Pavanne 
had  done.  "  You  are  under  a  mistake,  James," 
he  often  repeated  to  him :  "  You  have  not 
gone  deep  into  these  matters ;  you  have  made 
acquaintance  only  with  the  agitated  surface 
of  them."144  Sophisms,  promises,  threats,  were 
freely  resorted  to.  The  unfortunate  youth, 
deceived,  disturbed,  and  perplexed,  yielded 
to  these  perfidious  advances;  and  on  the  mor- 
row of  Christmas  day,  1524,  he  publicly  ab- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


397 


jured  his  pretended  errors.  But  from  that 
hour  a  spirit  of  melancholy  and  remorse,  sent 
by  the  Almighty,  weighed  heavy  on  his  soul. 
Deep  sadness  consumed  him,  and  his  sighs 
•were  unceasing.  "Ah!"  he  repeated,  '-for 
me  life  has  nothing  left  but  bitterness." 
Such  are  the  mournful  consequences  of  apos- 
tasy. 

Nevertheless,  among  those  Frenchmen  who 
had  received  the  word  of  God  were  found  men 
of  more  intrepid  hearts  than  Pavanne  and 
Mazurier.  Towards  the  end  of  1523,  Leclerc 
settled  at  Metz,  in  Lorraine,  "and  there," 
says  Theodore  Beza,  "he  acted  on  the  ex- 
ample of  St.  Paul,  who,  while  labouring  at 
Corinth  as  a  tent-maker,  persuaded  both  the 
Jews  and  the  Greeks."145  Leclerc,  while  pur- 
suing his  industry  as  a  wool-comber,  instruct- 
ed those  of  his  own  condition;  and  among 
these  last  there  had  been  several  instances  of 
real  conversion.  Thus  did  this  humble  arti- 
san lay  the  foundations  of  a  church  which 
afterwards  became  celebrated. 

But  at  Metz,  Leclerc  did  not  stand  alone. 
Among  the  ecclesiastics  of  that  city  was  one 
John  Chatelam,  an  Augustine  monk  of  Tour- 
nay,  and  doctor  of  theology,  who  had  been 
brought  to  the  knowledge  of  God  through  his 
acquaintance  with  the  Augustines  of  Antwerp.146 
Chatelain  had  gained*  the  reverence  of  the 
people  by  the  strictness  of  his  morals;147  and 
the  doctrine  of  Christ,  wheji  preached  by 
him,  attired  in  cope  and  stole,  appeared  less 
strange  to  the  inhabitants  of  Metz  than  when 
it  proceeded  from  the  lips  of  a  poor  artisan, 
laying  aside  the  comb  with  which  he  carded 
his  wool,  to  take  up  and  explain  a  French 
version  of  the  Gospels. 

By  the  active  zeal  of  these  two  men,  the 
light  of  evangelical  truth  began  to  be  diffused 
throughout  the  city.  A  very  devout  woman 
named  Toussaint,  one  of  the  middle  class  of 
the  people,  had  a  son  called  Peter,  with 
whom,  in  the  hours  of  his  childish  sports, 
she  would  often  speak  of  serious  things. 
Every  one,  even  to  the  humblest,  lived  then 
in  expectation  of  some  extraordinary  event. 
One  day  the  child  was  amusing  himself  in 
riding  on  a  stick,  in  a  room  where  his  mother 
was  conversing  with  some  friends  on  the 
things  of  God,  when  she  said,  in  a  voice  of 
emotion,  "Antichrist  will  soon  come  with 
great  power,  and  will  destroy  such  as  shall 
have  been  converted  by  the  preaching  of 
Elias."148 These  words  being  frequently  re- 
peated, arrested  the  attention  of  the  child, 
and  he  afterwards  recalled  them.  At  the 
time  when  the  doctor  of  theology  and  the 
wool-comber  were  engaged  in  preaching  the 
Gospel  at  Metz,  Peter  Toussaint  was  grown 
up.  His  relations  and  friends,  wondering  at 
his  precocious  genius,  conceived  the  hope  of 
seeing  him  in  an  exalted  station  in  the 
Church.  An  uncle  on  his  father's  side  was 
prinn'cicr,  or  head  of  the  chapter  of  Metz.149 
The  cardinal  John  of  Lorraine,  son  of  Duke 
Rene,  who  kept  a  large  establishment,  ex- 
pressed much  regard  for  the  primider  and  his 


i  nephew,  the  latter  of  whom,  notwithstanding 
j  his  youth,  had  just  before  obtained  a  prebend, 
when  his  attention  was  drawn  to  the  study  of 
the  Gospel.  Why  may  not  the  preaching  of 
Chatalain  and  Leclerc  be  that  of  Ellas'?  It  is 
true,  Antichrist  is  everywhere  arming  against 
it.  But  what  matter!  "Let  us,"  said  he, 
"  lift  up  our  heads,  looking  to  the  Lord,  who 
will  come  and  will  not  tarry."150  The  light  of 
truth  wras  beginning  to  find  entrance  among 
the  principal  families  of  Metz.  The  knight 
Esch,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  primicier,  or 
dean,  and  much  respected,  had  been  recently 
converted.151  The  friends  of  the  Gospel  were 
rejoicing  in  this  event: — Pierre  was  accus- 
tomed to  term  him  "  our  worthy  master  the 
knight;"  adding  with  noble  candour,  "if  we 
may  be  allowed  to  call  any  man  master  on 
earth."152 

Thus  Metz  was  about  to  become  a  focus 
of  light  when  the  rash  zeal  of  Leclerc  ab- 
ruptly arrested  its  slow  but  sure  progress,  and 
excited  a  commotion  which  threatened  ruin 
to  the  infant  church.  The  populace  of  Metz 
had  continued  to  observe  their  accustomed  su- 
perstitions, and  Leclerc's  spirit  was  stirred 
within  him  at  the  sight  of  the  city  almost 
wholly  given  to  idolatry.  One  of  their  high 
festivals  drew  nigh.  About  a  league  distant 
from  the  city  stood  a  chapel  enclosing  statues 
of  the  Virgin  and  of  the  most  venerated  saints 
of  the  surrounding  country,  whither  the  peo- 
ple of  Metz  were  in  the  habit  of  resorting  in 
pilgrimage  on  a  certain  day  in  the  year,  to 
worship  these  images  and  obtain  the  pardon 
of  their  sims. 

On  the  eve  of  this  festival  the  pious  and 
the  courageous  spirit  of  Leclerc  was  deeply 
agitated.  Had  not  God  said — "  Thou  shall 
not  bow  down  1o  their  gods,  but  thou  shall  utter- 
ly  overthrow  them,  ar.d  quite  break  down  Iheir 
images"  1  Exodus  xx.  4 ;  xxiii.  24.  Leclerc 
understood  the  words  as  addressed  to  himself, 
and  vithout  conferring  with  Chutelain,  Esch, 
or  any  of  those  whom  he  may  have  expected 
would  dissuade  him,  quitted  the  city,  and  ap- 
Droached  the  chapel.  There  he  collected  his 
.noughts  as  he  sat  silently  before  these  sta- 
:ues.  As  yet  the  way  was  open  to  him  to  re- 
ire  ;  but  to-morrow — in  a  few  hours — the  en- 
ire  population  of  a  city,  which  ought  to  be 
worshipping  God  alone,  will  be  bowing  be- 
fore these  blocks  of  wood  and  stone.  A  strug- 
gle ensued  in  the  heart  of  the  humble  wool- 
arder,  similar  to  that  which  was  so  often  en- 
dured in  the  hearts  of  the  early  Christians. 
What  signified  the  difference,  that  here  it 
wras  the  images  of  the  saints  of  the  neigh- 
jouring  country,  and  not  of  heathen  gods 
md  goddesses — did  not  the  worship  rendered 
o  these  images  belong  of  right  to  God  alone  ? 
jike  Polyeucte  before  the  idols  of  the  temple, 
lis  heart  shuddered  and  his  courage  was 
oused : 

Ne  perdons  plus  le  temps,  le  sacrifice  est  pret, 
Ailonsy  du  vrai  Dien  soutenir  I'interet ; 
Allons  fouler  aux  pieds  ce  foudre  ridicule 
Dont  arme  un  bois  pourri  ce  peuple  trop  credule; 


398 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


Aliens  en  eclairer  1'aveuglement  fatal, 
Allons  briser  ces  dieux  de  pierre  et  de  metal ; 
Abandonnons  nos  jours,  a  cette  ardeur  celeste — • 
Faisuns  triompher  Dieu;  qu'il  dispose  du  reste. 
Corneitle,  Polyeucte.* 

Leclerc  accordingly  rose  from  his  seat,  and 
approaching  the  images,  removed  them,  and 
broke  them,  in  his  holy  indignation  scattering 
the  fragments  before  the  altar.  He  did  not 
doubt  that  this  action  was  by  special  inspira- 
tion of  the  spirit  of  the  Lord,  and  Theodore 
Beza  was  of  the  same  judgment.153  This  done 
Leclerc  returned  to  Metz,  re-entering  it  at 
day-break,  and  noticed  only  a  few  persons  at 
the  moment  of  his  passing  the  gate  of  the 
city.'" 


Meanwhile  all  Were  in  motion  in  the  ancient 
city  of  Metz.  The  bells  rang,  the  various 
religious  bodies  mustered,  and  the  entire  popu- 
lation, headed  by  the  priests  and  monks,  left 
the  city,  reciting  prayers  and  chanting  hymns 
to  the  saints  whom  they  were  on  their  way  to 
worship.  Crosses  and  banners  went  forward 
in  orderly  procession,  and  drums  and  instru- 
ments of  music  mingled  with  the  hymns  of 
the  faithful.  After  an  hour's  march,  the  pro- 
cession reached  the  place  of  pilgrimage.  But 
what  was  the  astonishment  of  the  priests, 
when  advancing  with  censers  in  hand,  they 
beheld  the  images  they  had  come  to  worship 
mutilated,  and  their  fragments  strewed  upon 
the  earth.  They  drew  back  appalled, — and 
announced  to  the  crowd  of  worshippers  the 
sacrilege  that  had  been  committed.  Instantly 
the  hymns  were  hushed — the  music  stopped 
— the  banners  were  lowered,  and  agitation 
pervaded  the  assembled  multitude.  Canons, 
curates,  and  monks,  laboured  still  further  to 
inflame  their  anger  and  excited  them  to  search 
out  the  guilty  person,  and  require  that  he 
should  be  put  to  death.155  A  shout  was  raised 
on  all  sides.  "  Death — Death  to  the  sacri 
legious  wretch."  They  returned  in  haste  and 
disorder  to  the  city 

Leclerc  was  known  to  all;  several  times 
he  had  been  heard  to  call  the  images  idols  ; 
moreover  he  had  been  observed  at  day-break 
returning  from  the  direction  of  the  chapel. 
He  was  apprehended,  and  at  once  confessed 
the  fact,  at  the  same  time  conjuring  the  peo- 
ple to  worship  God  alone.  But  his  appea 
only  the  more  inflamed  the  rage  of  the  multi- 
tude, who  would  have  dragged  him  to  instan 
execution.  Placed  before  his  judges,  he 


!  of  monks  and  people.  They  began  by  cut- 
ing  off  his  right  hand ;  then  taking  up  the 
ed-hot  pincers,  they  tore  away  his  nose ;  af 
er  this,  with  the  same  instrument  they  lace 
rated  his  arms,  and  having  thus  mangled  him 
n  many  places,  they  ended  by  applying  the 
urnings  to  his  breasts.156  All  the  while  that 
lie  cruelty  of  his  enemies  was  venting  itself 
on  his  body,  his  soul  was  kept  in  perfect 
peace.  He  ejaculated  solemnly,157 — "Their 
dols  are  silver  and  gold,  the  work  of  men's 
hands.  They  have  mouths,  but  they  speak  not  : 
eyes  have  they,  but  they  see  not  :  they  have  ears, 
but  they  htar  not:  noses  have  they,  but  they 
smell  not :  they  have  hands,  but  they  handle  not  .• 
feet  have  they,  but  they  walk  not:  neither  speak 
they  through  their  throat.  They  that  make  them 
are  like  unto  them :  so  is  every  one  that  trusteth 
in  them.  0  Israel,  trust  thnu  in  the  Lord:  he 
is  their  help  and  (heir  shield."  The  enemies 


were  awed  by  the  sight  of  so  much  compo- 
sure,— believers  were  confirmed  in  their  faith,158 
and  the  people,  whose  indignation  had  vented 
itself  in  the  first  burst  of  anger,  were  astonished 
and  affected.159  After  undergoing  these  tortures, 
Leclerc  was  burned  by  a  slow  fire  in  conform- 
ity to  the  sentence.  Such  was  the  death  of 
the  first  martyr  of  the  Gospel  in  France. 

But  the  priests  of  Metz  did  not  rest  there : 
in  vain  had  they  laboured  to  shake  the 
fidelity  of  Chatelain-— "  He  is  like  the  deaf 
adder,"  said  they,  "he  refuses  to  hear  the 
truth."160  He  was  arrested  by  the  servants  of 
the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  and  transferred  to 
the  castle  of  Nommeny. 

After  this  he  was  degraded  by  the  officers 
of  the  bishop,  who  stripped  him  of  his  vest- 
ments, and  scraped  the  tips  of  his  fingers  with 
a  piece  of  broken  glass,  saying,  "Thus  do  we 
take  away  the  power  to  sacrifice,  consecrate, 
and  bless,  which  thou  didst  formerly  receive 
by  the  anointing  of  thy  hands."161  Then  throwing 
over  him  the  habit  of  a  layman,  they  handed 
him  over  to  the  secular  power,  which  doomed 
him  to  be  burnt  alive.  The  fire  was  quickly 
lighted,  and  the  servant  of  Christ  consumed 
in  the  flames.  "  Nevertheless,"  observe  the 
historians  of  the  Gallician  Church,  who,  in 
other  respects,  are  loud  in  commendation  of 


these  acts   of  rigour,  "Lutheranism 
through  all  the  district  of  Metz." 

From  the  moment  this  storm  had  descended 
on  the  church  of  Metz,  distress  and  alarm  had 
prevailed  in  the  household  of  Toussaint.  His 


courageous!)7"  declared  that  Jesus  Christ — God  |  uncle,  the  dean,  without  taking  an  active  part 
manifest  in  the  flesh — ought  to  be  the  sole    in  the  measures  resorted  to  against  Leclerc 


object  of  their  worship  ;  and  was  sentenced 
to  be  burnt  alive!  He  was  conducted  to  the 
place  of  execution. 

Here  an  awful  scene  awaited  him:  his 
persecutors  had  been  devising  all  that  could 
render  his  sufferings  more  dreadful.  At  the 
scaffold  they  were  engaged  heating  pincers, 
as  instruments  of  their  cruelty.  Leclerc 
heard  with  calm  composure  the  savage  yells 

*  Polyeucte,  by  P.  Corneille.  What  many  ad- 
mire in  poetry,  they  pass  condemnation  on  in  his- 
tory. 


and  Chatelain,  shuddered  at  the  thought  that 
his  nephew  was  one  among  those  people.  His 
mother's  fears  were  still  more  aroused :  not  a 
moment  was  to  be  lost:  all  who  had  given  ear 
to  the  evangelic  doctrine  felt  their  liberty  and 
lives  to  be  in  danger.  The  blood  shed  by  the 
inquisitors  had  but  increased  their  thirst  for 
more.  New  scaffolds  would  ere  long  be  erect- 
ed :  Pierre  Toussaint,  the  knight  Esch,  and 
others  besides,  hastily  quitted  Metz,  and 
sought  refuge  at  Basle. 

Thus  violently  did  the  storm  of  persecution 
rage  at  Meaux  and  at  Metz.     Repulsed  from 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


399 


the  northern  provinces,  the  Gospel  for  a  while 
seemed  to  give  way ;  but  the  Reformation  did 
but  change  its  ground,  and  the  south-eastern 
provinces  became  the  basis  and  theatre  of  the 
movement. 

Farel,  who  had  retired  to  the  foot  of  the 
Alps,  was  labouring  actively  in  his  work.  It 
was  a  small  thing  to  him  to  enjoy  in  the  bo- 
som of  his  family  the  sweets  of  domestic  life. 
The  report  of  the  events  that  had  taken  place 
at  Meaux  and  at  Paris  had  communicated  a 
degree  of  terror  to  his  brothers  ;  but  a  secret 
influence  attracted  them  toward  those  new  and 
wondrous  truths  which  their  brother  William 
was  in  the  habit  of  dwelling  upon.  The  latter, 
with  all  the  earnestness  of  his  character,  be- 
sought them  to  be  converted  to  the  Gospel;162 
and  Daniel,  Walter,  and  Claude  were  at  length 
won  over  to  that  God  whom  their  brother  de- 
clared to  them.  They  did  not  at  first  relin- 
quish the  worship  of  their  forefathers,  but 
when  persecution  arose,  they  boldly  suffered 
the  loss  of  friends,  property,  and  country,  for 
the  liberty  to  worship  Christ.163 

The  brothers  of  Luther  and  Zwingle  do  not 
appear  to  have  been  so  decidedly  converted  to 
the  Gospel.  The  Reformation  in  France  had 
from  its  outset  a  peculiarly  domestic  charac- 
ter. 

Farel's  exhortations  were  not  confined  to 
his  brothers.  He  made  known  the  truth  to 
his  relatives  and  friends  at  Gap  and  its  vicini- 
ty. It  would  even  appear,  if  we  give  credit 
to  one  manuscript,  that,  availing  himself  of 
the  friendship  of  certain  ecclesiastics,  he  be- 
gan to  preach  the  Gospel  in  some  of  the 
churches;  but  other  authorities  affirm  that  he 
did  not  at  this  time  occupy  the  pulpit.164  How- 
ever that  may  be,  the  opinions  he  professed 
were  noised  abroad,  and  both  priests  and  peo- 
ple insisted  that  he  should  be  silenced : 
•*  What  new  and  strange  heresy  is  this  ]"  said 
they  ;  "  how  can  we  think  that  all  the  prac- 
tices of  devotion  are  useless  1  The  man  is 
neither  monk  nor  priest :  he  has  no  business 
to  preach."1135 

It  was  not  long  before  the  whole  of  the 
authorities,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  were  com- 
bined against  Farel.  It  was  sufficiently  evi- 
dent that  he  was  acting  with  that  sect  which 
was  everywhere  spoken  against.  "  Let  us 
cast  out  from  amongst  us,"  cried  they,  "  this 
firebrand  of  discord."  Farel  was  summoned 
before  the  judges,  roughly  handled,  and  forci- 
bly expelled  the  city."166 

Yet  he  did  not.  forsake  his  country, — the 
open  plains  and  villages, — the  banks  of  the 
Durance, — of  the  Guisanne, — of  the  Isere, — 
vras  there  not  many  a  soul  in  those  localities 
that  stood  in  need  of  the  Gospel  ?  and  if  he 
should  run  any  risk,  were  not  those  forests, 
caverns,  and  steep  rocks,  which  had  been  the 
familiar  haunts  of  his  childhood,  at  hand  to 
afford  him  their  shelter!  He  began  therefore 
to  traverse  the  country,  preaching  in  private 
dwellings  and  secluded  meadows,  and  retiring 
for  shelter  to  the  woods  and  overhanging  tor- 
rents.167 It  was  a  training  by  which  God  was 
preparing  him  for  other  trials :  "  Crosses,  per- 


secutions, and  the  lying-in-wait  of  Satan,  of 
which  I  had  intimation,  were  not  wanting," 
said  he;  "  they  were  even  much  more  than  I 
could  have  borne  in  my  own  strength,  but  God 
is  my  father:  He  has  ministered,  and  will 
for  ever  minister  tomeall  needful  strength."163 
Very  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  coun- 
tries received  the  truth  from  his  lips ;  and 
thus  the  same  persecution  that  drove  Farel 
from  Paris  and  Meaux  was  the  means  of  dif- 
fusing the  Reformation  in  the  countries  of  the 
Saone,  the  Rhone,  and  the  Alps.  In  all  ages, 
it  has  been  found  that  they  who  have  been 
scattered  abroad,  have  gone  everywhere  preach- 
ing the  word  of  GOG?."  (Acts  viii.) 

Among  the  Frenchmen  who  were  at  this 
time  gained  over  to  the  Gospel,  was  a  Dauphin- 
ese  gentleman,  the  Knight  Anemond  de  Coct, 
the  younger  son  of  the  auditor  of  Coct,  the 
lord  of  Chatelard.  Active,  ardent,  truly  pious, 
and  opposed  to  the  generally  received  venera- 
tion of  relics,  processions  and  clergy,  Ane- 
mond readily  received  the  evangelic  doctrine, 
and  was  soon  entirely  devoted  to  it.  He  could 
not  patiently  endure  the  formality  that  reign- 
ed around  him,  and  it  was  his  wish  to  see  all 
the  ceremonies  of  the  Church  abolished.  The 
religion  of  the  heart,  the  inward  worship  of 
the  Spirit,  was  everything  in  his  estimation: 
"Never,"  said  he,  "  has  my  mind  found  any 
rest  in  externals.  The  sum  of  Christianity 
is  in  that  text, — 'John  truly  baptized  with, 
water,  but  ye  shall  be  baptized  with  the  Holy 
Ghost.'  We  must  become'newcreatures.'"169 

Coct,  endued  with  the  vivacity  of  his  nation, 
spoke  and  wrote  one  day  in  French,  the  next 
in  Latin.  He  read  and  quoted  Donatus, 
Thomas  Aquinas,  Juvenal,  and  the  Bible  ! 
His  style  was  brief,  and  marked  by  abrupt 
transitions.  Ever  restless,  he  would  present 
himself  wherever  a  door  seemed  to  be  open  to 
the  Gospel,  or  a  famous  teacher  was  to  be 
heard.  His  cordiality  won  the  affection  of 
all  his  acquaintances.  "  He  is  a  man  of  dis- 
tinction, both  for  his  birth  and  his  learning," 
observed  Zwingle,  at  a  later  period,  *'  but  yet 
more  distinguished  for  his  piety  and  obliging 
disposition."170  Anemond  is  a  sort  of  type  of 
many  Frenchmen  of  the  Reformed  opinions  : 
vivacity,  simplicity,  a  zeal  which  passes 
readily  into  imprudence, — such  are  the  quali- 
ties often  recurring  among  those  of  his  coun- 
trymen who  have  embraced  the  Gospel.  But 
at  the  very  opposite  extreme  of  the  French 
character,  we  behold  the  grave  aspect  of  Cal- 
vin, serving  as  a  weighty  counterpoise  to  the 
light  step  of  Coct.  Calvin  and  Anemond  are 
as  the  two  poles  between  whom  the  religious 
world  of  France  revolves. 

No  sooner  had  Anemond  received  from 
Farel  the  knowledge  of  Jesus  Christ  than  he 
set  about  winning  souls  to  that  doctrine  of 
"spirit  and  life."171  His  father  was  no  more. 
His  elder  brother, — of  a  stern  and  haughty 
temper, — disdainfully  repulsed  his  advances. 
Laurent,— the  youngest  of  the  family,  and  af- 
fectionately attached  to  him, — seemed  but 
half  to  enter  into  the  understanding  of  his 
words,  and  Anemond,  disappointed  in  his 


400 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


own  family,  turned  his  activity  in  another  di-  [ 
rection. 

Hitherto  it  was  among  the  laity  only  that  [ 
this  awakening  in  Dauphiny  had  been  known,  j 
Fare!,  Anemond,  and  their  friends,  wished  j 
much  to  see  a  priest  taking  the  lead  in  the  j 
movement,  which  promised  to  make  itself 
felt  throughout  the  Alps.  There  dwelt  at 
Grenoble  a  curate, — a  minorite,  by  name 
Pierre  de  Sebville,  famed  for  the  eloquence  of 
his  preaching,  right-minded  and  simple, — 
"conferring  not  with  flesh  and  blood," — and 
whom  God,  by  gradual  process,  was  drawing 
to  the  knowledge  of  Himself.172  It  was  not 
long  before  Sebville  was  brought  to  the  ac- 
knowledgment that  there  is  no  unerring 
Teacher  save  the  word  of  the  Lord ;  and,  re- 
linquishing such  teaching  as  rests  only  on  the 
witness  of  men,  he  determined  in  his  heart  to 
preach  a  Gospel,  at  once  "  clear,  pure,  and 
holy."173 These  three  words  exhibit  the  com- 
plete character  of  the  Reformation.  Coct  and 
Farel  rejoiced  to  hear  this  new  preacher  of 
Grace  raising  his  powerful  voice  in  their 
country;  and  they  concluded  that  their  own 
presence  would  thenceforth  be  less  neces- 
sary. 

The  more  the  awakening  spread,  the  more 
violently  did  opposition  arise.  Anemond, 
longing  to-  know  more  of  Luther,  Zwingle, 
and  of  the  countries  which  had  been  the  birth- 
place of  the  Reformation, — and  indignant  at 
finding  the  Gospel  rejected  by  his  own  coun- 
trymen, resolved  to  bid  farewell  to  his  coun- 
try and  family.  He  made  his  will, — settling 
his  property,  then  in  the  hands  of  his  elder 
brother,  the  lord  of  Chatelard,  on  his  brother 
Laurent.*  This  done,  he  quitted  Dauphiny 
and  France,  and  passing  over,  with  impetu- 
ous haste,  countries  which  were  then  not  tra- 
versed without  much  difficulty,  he  went 
through  Switzerland,  and  scarcely  stopping 
at  Basle,  arrived  at  Wittemberg,  where  Lu- 
ther then  was.  It  was  shortly  after  the  second 
diet  at  Nuremberg.  The  French  gentleman 
accosted  the  Saxon  Doctor  with  his  accus- 
tomed vivacity, — spoke  with  enthusiastic 
warmth  concerning  the  Gospel, — and  dwelt 
largely  on  the  plans  he  had  formed  for  the 
propagation  of  the  truth.  The  grave  Saxon 
smiled  as  he  listened  to  the  southern  imagi- 
nation of  the  speaker;  and  Luther,  who  had 
some  prejudices  against  the  national  character 
of  the  French,174 — was  won  and  carried  away 
by  Anemond.  The  thought  that  this  gentle- 
man had  made  the  journey  from  France  to 
Wittemberg,  for  the  Gospel's  sake,  affected 
him.175 "Certainly,"  remarked  the  Reformer 
to  his  friends.  "  that  French  knight  is  an  ex- 
cellent man,  and  both  learned  and  pious:"176 
and  Zwingle  formed  a  similar  opinion  of  him. 

Anemond  having  seen  what  had  been  ef- 
fected by  the  agency  of  Luther  and  Zwingle, 
imagined  that  if  they  would  but  take  in  hand 
France  and  Savoy,  nothing  could  stand  against 

*  -'My  brother  Anemond  Coct,  when  setting 
forth  from  this  country,  made  me  his  heir."  (MS. 
Letters  in  the  Library  at  Neufchatel.) 


them ;  and  accordingly,  failing  to  persuade 
them  to  remove  thither,  he  earnestly  desired 
of  them  that,  at  least,  they  would  write.  He 
particularly  besought  Luther  to  address  a  let- 
ter to  Charles  Duke  of  Savoy,  brother  of 
Louisa  and  of  Philibert,  and  uncle  to  Francis 
the  First  and  Margaret.  "That  prince,"  ob- 
served he  to  Luther,  "  is  much  drawn  to  piety 
and  true  religion,  and  he  takes  pleasure  in 
conversing  concerning  the  Reformation  with 
certain  persons  at  his  court.177  He  is  just  the 
one  to  enter  into  your  views, — for  his  motto 
is,  '  Nihil  deest  limeniibus  Deum  ,-'*  and  that 
is  your  own  maxim.  Assailed  alternately  by 
the  Empire  and  by  France,  humbled,  broken 
in  spirit,  and  continually  in  danger,  his  heart 
knows  its  need  of  God  and  His  grace:  all  he 
wants  is  to  be  impelled  to  action:  once  gain- 
ed over  to  the  Gospel,  his  influence  would  be 
immense  in  Switzerland,  Savoy,  and  France. 
Pray  write  to  him." 

Luther  was  a  thorough  German,  and  would 
not  have  been  at  ease  beyond  the  frontier  of 
his  own  nation.  Yet,  in  true  catholicity  of 
heart,  his  hand  was  immediately  put  out 
where  he  recognised  brethren  ;  and  wherever 
a  word  might  be  spoken  with  effect,  he  took 
care  to  make  it  heard.  Sometimes  on  the 
same  day  he  would  write  letters  to  countries 
separated  by  the  widest  distances, — as  the 
Netherlands,  Savoy,  Livonia. 

"Assuredly,"  he  answered  Anemond,  "  a 
love  for  the  Gospel  is  a  rare  and  inestimable 
jewel  in  a  prince's  crown. "17d  And  he  pro- 
ceeded to  write  to  the  Duke  a  letter  which 
Anemond  probably  carried  with  him  as  far  as 
Switzerland. 

"  1  beg  your  Highness's  pardon,"  wrote 
Luther,  "  if  I,  a  poor  and  unfriended  monk, 
venture  to  address  you;  or  rather  I  would 
ask  of  your  Highness  to  ascribe  this  boldness 
of  mine  to  the  glory  of  the  Gospel, — for  I  can- 
not see  that  glorious  light  arise  and  shine  in 
any  quarter,  without  exulting  at  the  sight.  .  .  . 
My  hope  is,  that  my  Lord  Jesus  Christ  may 
win  over  many  souls  by  the  power  of  your 
Serene  Highness's  example.  Therefore  it  is 
I  desire  to  instruct  you  in  our  teaching.  We 
believe  that  the  very  beginning  of  salvation 
and  the  sum  of  Christianity  consists  in  faith 
in  Christ,  who,  by  his  blood  alone, — and  not 
by  any  works  of  ours, — has  put  away  Sin, 
and  destroyed  the  power  of  death.  We  be- 
lieve that  this  faith  is  God's  gift,  formed  in 
our  hearts  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  not  at- 
tained by  any  effort  of  our  own; — for  faith  is 
a  principle  of  life,  begetting  man  spiritually, 
and  making  him  a  new  creature."17 

Luther  passed  thence  to  the  effects  of  faith, 
and  showed  that  it  was  not  possible  to  be 
possessed  of  that  faith  without  the  superstruc- 
ture of  false  doctrine  and  human  merits, — 
built  up  so  laboriously  by  the  Church, — being 
at  once  swept  away.  «'  If  Grace,"  said  he, 
"  is  the  purchase  of  Christ's  blood,  it  follows 

*  "They  that  fear  God  shall  want  no  good 
thing."  (Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Maison  de  Savoie  par 
Guichenon,  ii.  p.  228.) 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


401 


that  it  is  not  the  purchase  of  works  of  ours. 
Hence  the  whole  train  of  works  of  all  the 
cloisters  in  the  world  are, — for  this  pur.pose, 
• — useless ;  and  such  institutions  should  be 
abolished,  as  opposed  to  the  blood  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  as  leading  men  to  trust  in  their 
own  good  works.  Ingrafted  in  Christ,  no- 
thing remains  for  us  but  to  do  good  ;  because 
being  become  good  trees,  we  ought  to  give 
proof  of  it  by  bearing  good  fruits. 

*'  Gracious  Prince  and  Lord,"  said  Luther, 
in  conclusion  :  "  May  your  Highness,  having 
made  so  happy  a  beginning,  help  to  spread 
this  doctrine, — not  by  the  sword,  which  would 
be  a  hinderance  to  the  Gospel, — but  by  inviting 
to  your  states  teachers  who  preach  the  Word. 
It  is  by  the  breath  of  His  mouth  that  Jesus 
will  destroy  Antichrist;  so  that,  as  Daniel 
describes,  he  may  be  broken  without  hand. 
Therefore,  most  Serene  Prince,  let  your  High- 
ness cherish  that  spark  that  has  been  kindled 
in  your  heart.  Let  a  flame  go  forth  from  the 
house  of  Savoy,  as  once  from  the  house  of 
Joseph.130  May  all  France  be  as  stubble  before 
that  fire.  May  it  burn,  blaze,  purify, — that 
so  that  renowned  kingdom  may  truly  take  the 
title  of  'Most  Christian? — which  it  has  hith- 
erto received  only  in  reward  of  blood  shed  in 
the  cause  of  Antichrist." 

Thus  did  Luther  endeavour  to  diffuse  the 
Gospel  in  France.  We  have  no  means  of 
knowing  the  effect  of  this  letter  on  the  Prince ; 
but  we  do  not  find  that  he  ever  gave  signs  of 
a  wish  to  detach  himself  from  Rome.  In 
1523,  he  requested  Adrian  VI.  to  be  god- 
father to  his  first-born  son ;  and  at  a  later 
period,  we  find  the  Pope  promising  him  a 
cardinal's  hat  for  his  second  son.  Anemond, 
after  making  an  effort  to  be  admitted  to  see 
the  court  and  Elector  of  Saxony,181  and,  for  this 
purpose,  providing  himself  with  a  letter  from 
Luther,  returned  to  Basle,  more  than  ever  re- 
solved to  risk  his  life  in  the  cause  of  the  Gos- 
pel. In  the  ardour  of  his  purpose  he  would 
have  roused  the  entire  nation.  "  All  that  I 
am,  or  ever  can  be,"  said  he, — "  All  I  have  or 
ever  can  have,  it  is  my  earnest  desire  to  de- 
vote to  the  glory  of  God."182 

At  Basle,  Anemond  found  his  countryman 
Farel.  The  letters  of  Anemond  had  excited 
in  him  a  great  desire  to  be  personally  ac- 
quainted with  the  Swiss  and  German  Re- 
formers. Moreover,  Farel  felt  the  need  of  a 
sphere  in  which  his  activity  might  be  more 
freely  put  forth.  He  accordingly  quitted 
France,  which  already  offered  only  the  scaf- 
fold to  the  preachers  of  a  pure  Gospel 
Taking  by-paths,  and  hiding  in  the  woods 
he  with  difficulty  escaped  out  of  the  hands 
of  his  enemies.  Often  had  he  mistaken 
the  direction  in  which  his  route  lay.  "God," 
observes  he,  "  designs,  by  my  helpless- 
ness in  these  little  matters,  to  teach  me 
how  helpless  I  am  in  greater  things."183 At 
length  he  entered  Switzerland,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  1524.  There  he  was  destined  to 
spend  his  life  in  the  service  of  the  Gospel : 
and  then  it  was  that  France  began  to  pour 
into  Switzerland  those  noble  heralds  of  the 


Gospel  who  were  to  seat  the  Reformation  in 
Romane  Switzerland,  and  communicate  to  it 
a  new  and  powerful  impulse  throughout  and 
far  beyond  the  limits  of  the  confederated 
cantons. 

The  catholicity  of  the  Reformation  is  a 
beautiful  character  in  its  history.  The  Ger- 
mans pass  into  Switzerland — the  French  into 
ermany — and,  at  a  somewhat  later  period, 
we  see  the  English  and  the  Scotch  passing  to 
he  Continent,  and  the  Continental  teachers 
to  Great  Britain.  The  Reformations  of  the 
several  countries  take  their  rise  independently 
of  each  other ;  but  as  soon  as  they  look  around 
them,  their  hands  are  held  out  to  each  other. 
To  them  there  is  one  Faith,  one  Spirit,  one 
Lord.  It  is  an  error  to  treat  the  history  of 
the  Reformation  in  connection  with  any  sin- 
gle country :  the  work  was  one  and  the  same 
in  all  lands ;  and  the  Protestant  Churches 
were  from  the  very  beginning,  a  "whole 
body  fitly  joined  together."  Eph.  iv.  16. 

Certain  persons  who  had  fled  from  France 
and  Lorraine,  at  this  time,  formed  in  the  city 
of  Basle  a  French  Church,  whose  members 
had  escaped  from  the  scaffold.  These  per- 
sons had  spread  the  report  of  Lefevre,  Farel, 
and  the  events  that  had  occurred  at  Meaux ; 
and  when  Farel  entered  Switzerland  he  was 
already  known  as  one  of  the  m.ost  fearless 
heralds  of  the  truth. 

He  was  immediately  introduced  to  CEco- 
lampadius,  who,  some  time  before  this,  had 
returned  to  Basle.  Seldom  does  it  happen 
that  two  characters  more  opposite  are  brought 
together.  (Ecolampadius  charmed  by  his  gen- 
tleness ;  Farel  carried  away  his  hearers  by  his 
earnestness ;  but  from  the  moment  they  met, 
these  two  men  felt  themselves  one  in  heart.134 
It  resembled  the  first  meeting  of  Luther  and 
Melancthon.  (Ecolampadius  bade  him  wel- 
come, gave  him  an  apartment  in  his  house, 
received  him  at  his  table,  and  introduced  him 
to  his  friends ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the 
learning,  piety,  and  courage  of  the  young 
Frenchman  won  the  hearts  of  his  new  friends. 
Pellican,  Imelia,  Wolf  hard,  and  others  of  the 
preachers  of  Basle,  were  fortified  in  their  faith 
by  the  energy  of  his  exhortations.  (Ecolam- 
padius wras  just  then  suffering  under  depres- 
sion of  spirits : — "  Alas,"  he  wrote  to  Zwin- 
gle,  "  it  is  in  vain  I  preach ;  I  see  no  hope  of 
any  effect  being  produced.  Perhaps  among 
the  Turks  1  might  succeed  better."185"  Oh," 
added  he,  sighing,  "I  ascribe  the  failure  to 
myself  alone."  But  the  more  he  saw  of  Fa- 
rel, the  more  his  heart  felt  encouragement; 
and  the  courage  he  derived  from  the  French- 
man laid  the  ground  of  an  undying  affection. 
"Dear  Farel,"  s^id  he  to  him,  "I  trust  the 
Lord  will  make '-ours  a  friendship  for  all  eter- 
I  nity ;  and  if  we  are  parted  below,  our  joy  will 
i  only  be  the  greater  when  we  shall  be  gathered 
!  in  presence/of  Christ  in  the  heavens]"186Pious 
I  and  affecting  thoughts.  The  coming  of  Farel 
!  was  evidently  help  from  above. 

But  whilst  the  Frenchman  took  delight  in 

i  the  society  of  (Ecolampadias,  he  drew  back 

with  cool  independence  from  a  man  at  whose 


402 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


feet  the  principal  nations  of  Christendom  paid 
homage.  The  prince  of  scholars,  the  man 
whose  smile  and  words  were  objects  of  gene- 
ral ambition,  the  teacher  of  that  age — Eras- 
mus, was  passed  over  by  Farel.  The  young 
Dauphinese  had  declined  to  pay  his  respects 
to  the  venerated  philosopher  of  Rotterdam — 
having  no  relish  for  those  who  are  never  more 
than  half-hearted  for  truth,  and  who  in  the 
clear  understanding  of  the  consequences  of 
error,  are  nevertheless  full  of  allowances  for 
those  who  propagate  it.  Accordingly,  we 
have  in  Farel  that  decision  which  has  become 
one  of  the  distinguishing  characters  of  the 
Reformation  in  France,  and  in  those  cantons 
of  Switzerland  bordering  on  France — charac- 
ters which  have  been  by  some  deemed  stiff- 
ness, exclusiveness,  and  intolerance.  A  con- 
troversy had  commenced  between  Erasmus 
and  Lefevre,  arising  out  of  the  commentaries 
put  forth  by  the  latter ;  and  in  all  companies, 
parties  were  divided  for  the  one  and  against 
the  other.187  Farel  had  unhesitatingly  ranged 
himself  on  the  side  of  his  teacher.  But  that 
which  chiefly  roused  his  indignation  was  the 
cowardly  course  pursued  by  the  philosopher 
toward  the  evangelical  party; — Erasmus's 
doors  were  closed  against  them.  That  being 
the  case,  Farel  will  not  enter  them !  To  him, 
this  was  felt  to  be  no  loss ;  convinced  as  he 
was  that  the  very  ground  of  a  true  theology, 
the  piety  of  the  heart,  was  wanting  to  Eras- 
mus. "  Frobenius's  wife  knows  more  of  the- 
ology than  he  does,"  remarked  Farel ;  and 
stung  by  the  intelligence  that  Erasmus  had 
written  to  the  Pope,  advising  him  how  to  set 
about  "extinguishing  the  spread  of  Luther- 
anism,"188hepublicly  declared  that  Erasmus 
was  endeavouring  to  stifle  the  Gospel. 

This  independence  of  young  Farel  disturb- 
ed the  composure  of  the  man  of  learning. 
Princes,  kings,  learned  men,  bishops,  priests, 
and  men  of  the  world,  all  were  ready  to  offer 
him  the  tribute  of  their  admiration.  Luther 
himself  had  treated  him  with  respect,  so  far 
as  he  was  personally  mixed  up  in  this  con- 
troversy; and  this  Dauphinese,  a  nameless 
refugee,  ventured  to  brave  his  power.  So 
insolent  a  freedom  caused  Erasmus  more  an- 
noyance than  the  homage  of  the  world  at 
large  could  give  him  joy  ;  and  hence  he  lost 
no  opportunity  of  venting  his  spite  against 
Farel.  Moreover,  in  assailing  him,  he  con- 
tributed to  clear  himself,  in  the  judgment  of 
the  Roman  Catholics,  of  the  suspicion  of  he- 
resy. "  I  never  met  with  such  a  liar,  such  a 
restless  seditious  spiritasthatman, "'^observ- 
ed he;  "his  heart  is  full  of  vanity,  and  his 
tongue  charged  with  malice."190  But  the  anger 
of  Erasmus  did  not  stop  at  Farel ;  it  was  di- 
rected against  all  the  Frenchmen  who  had 
sought  refuge  at  Basle,  and  whose  frankness 
and  decision  were  an  offence  to  him.  They 
paid  evidently  no  respect  to  persons;  and 
wherever  the  truth  was  not  frankly  confessed, 
they  took  no  notice  of  the  man,  how  great 
soever  his  genius  might  be.  Wanting,  per- 
haps, in  the  graciousness  of  the  Gospel,  there 
was  in  their  faithfulness  that  which  reminds 


one  of  the  prophets  of  old :  and  it  is  truly  de- 
lightful to  contemplate  men  who  stand  erect 
before  that  to  which  the  world  bows  down. 
Erasmus,  astonished  by  this  lofty  disdain, 
complained  of  it  in  all  companies.  "What 
mean  we,"  wrote  he  to  Melancthon,  "  to  re- 
ject pontiffs  and  bishops,  only  to  submit  to 
the  insolence  of  more  cruel  ragamuffin  tyrants 
and  madmen ;  for  such  it  is  that  France  has 
given  us."191  "There  are  some  Frenchmen," 
he  wrote  to  the  Pope's  secretary,  (at  the  same 
time  sending  him  his  book  on  Free  Will,) 
"  who  are  even  more  insane  then  the  Ger- 
mans themselves.  They  have  ever  on  their 
lips  these  five  words :  Gospel,  Word  of  God, 
Faith,  Christ,  Holy  Spirit;  and  yet  I  doubt 
not  but  that  it  is  the  spirit  of  Satan  that  urges 
them  on."192  Inplace  of  Farellus  he  often  wrote 
Fallicus,  thus  designating  as  a  cheat  and  de- 
ceiver one  of  the  most  frank-hearted  men  of 
his  age. 

The  rage  and  anger  of  Erasmus  were  at 
their  height,  when  information  arrived  that 
Farel  had  termed  him  a  Balaam.  Farel 
thought  that  Erasmus,  like  that  prophet,  was 
(perhaps  unconsciously)  swayed  by  gifts  to 
curse  the  people  of  God.  The  man  of  learn- 
ing, no  longer  able  to  restrain  himself,  resolved 
to  chastise  the  daring  Dauphinese :  and  one 
day,  when  Farel  was  discussing  certain  topics 
of  Christian  doctrine  with  some  friends,  in 
the  presence  of  Erasmus,  the  latter  rudely  in- 
terrupted him  with  the  question, — "On  what 
ground  do  you  call  me  Balaam  T"93  Farel,  who 
was  at  first  disconcerted  by  the  abruptness  of 
the  question,  soon  recovered  himself,  and  made 
answer  that  it  was  not  he  who  had  given  him 
that  name.  Being  pressed  to  say  who  it  was, 
he  mentioned  Du  Blet  of  Lyons,  who  like  him- 
self had  sought  refuge  at  Basle.194  "Perhaps 
he  may  have  made  use  of  the  expression,"  re- 
plied Erasmus,  "  but  it  is  yourself  who  taught 
it  him."  Then  ashamed  to  have  lost  his  tem- 
per, he  hastily  changed  the  subject: — "  Why 
is  it,"  asked  he,  "  that  you  assert  that  we  are 
not  to  invoke  the  saints?  Is  it  because  Holy 
Scripture  does  not  enjoin  the  practice  f" — "  It 
is,"  answered  the  Frenchman.  "  Well,"  said 
the  man  of  learning,  "  I  call  on  you  to  show 
from  Scripture  that  we  should  invoke  the  Holy 
Ghost1?"  Farel  gave  this  clear  and  solid  an- 
swer :  "  If  He  be  God,  we  must  invoke  Him."193 
"I  dropt  the  conversation,"  said  Erasmus, 
"  for  the  night  was  closing  in."*  From  that 
time,  whenever  Farel's  name  came  under  his 
pen,  the  opportunity  was  taken  to  represent 
him  as  a  hateful  person,  on  every  account  to 
be  shunned.  The  Reformer's  letters  are,  on 
the  contrary,  marked  by  moderation  as  regards 
Erasmus.  Even  in  those  most  constitution- 
ally hasty,  the  Gospel  is  a  more  gracious  thing 
than  Philosophy. 

The  Evangelic  doctrine  had  already  many 
friends  in  Basle,  in  the  town-council,  and 
among  the  people ;  but  the  Doctors  and  tho 

*  Omissa  disputatione,  nam  imminebat  nox. 
(Ibid.)  We  have  only  Erasmus's  account  of  this 
conversation  ;  he  himself  reports  that  Fare!  gave 
a  very  different  account  of  it. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


403 


University  opposed  it  to  the  utmost  of  thei 
power.  CEcolampadius  and  Stor,  pastor  a 
Liestal,  had  maintained  certain  theses  agains 
them.  Farel  thought  it  well  to  assert  in 
Switzerland  also  the  great  maxim  of  the  Evan- 
gelic school  of  Pans  and  of  Meaux, — God's 
Word  is  all-sufficient.  He  requested  permis- 
sion of  the  University  to  maintain  some  theses, 
— "the  rather,"  he  modestly  added,  "to  he 
reproved  if  I  am  in  error,  than  to  teach  others."19 
But  the  University  refused  its  permission. 

Farel  then  appealed  to  the  Council,  and  the 
Council  issued  public  notice,  that  a  Christian 
man,  by  name  William  Farel,  having,  by 
the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  prepared 
certain  articles  conformable  to  the  Gospel, 
leave  was  given  him  to  maintain  the  same  in 
Latin.197  The  University  forbade  all  priests 
and  students  to  be  present  at  the  conference, 
and  the  Council  met  the  prohibition  by  one  of 
an  opposite  tenor. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  thirteen  pro- 
positions that  Farel  put  forth  : — 

"  Christ  has  left  us  the  most  perfect  rule  of 
life ;  no  one  can  lawfully  take  away,  or  add 
any  thing  thereto." 

"  To  shape  our  lives  by  any  other  precepts 
than  those  of  Christ  leads  directly  to  im- 
piety." 

"  The  true  ministry  of  priests  is  to  attend 
only  to  the  ministry  of  the  Word;  and  for 
them  there  is  no  higher  dignity." 

"  To  take  from  the  certainty  of  the  Gospel 
of  Christ  is  to  destroy  it." 

"  He  who  thinks  to  be  justified  by  any 
strength  or  merits  of  his  own,  and  not  by/at'/A, 
juts  himself  in  the  place  of  God." 

"Jesus  Christ,  who  is  head  overall  things, 
is  our  polar  star,  and  the  only  guide  we  ought 
to  follow."198 

Thus  did  this  native  of  France  stand  up  at 
JBasle.199A  child  of  the  mountains  of  Dauphiny, 
brought  up  at  Paris,  at  the  feet  of  Lefevre, 
thus  boldly  proclaimed  in  the  celeb  rated  Swiss 
University,  and  in  presence  of  Erasmus,  the 
great  principles  of  the  Reformation.  Two 
leading  ideas  pervaded  Farel's  theses, — the 
one  involved  a  return  to  the  Scripture,  the 
other  a  return  to  the  Faith, — two  movements 
distinctly  condemned  by  the  Papacy  at  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  as  here- 
tical and  impious,  in  the  celebrated  constitu- 
tion Unigenitus,  and  which,  ever  closely  con- 
nected with  each  other,  in  reality  overturn  the 
whole  of  the  Papal  system.  If  Faith  in  Christ 
is  the  beginning  and  end  of  Christianity,  the 
word  of  Christ,  and  not  the  voice  of  the  Church 
is  that  to  which  we  must  adhere.  Nor  is  this 
all ;  for  if  Faith  unites  in  one  the  souls  of  be- 
lievers, what  signifies  an  external  bond  ]  Can 
that  holy  union  depend  for  its  existence  on 
croziers,  bulls,  or  tiaras?  Faith  knits  to- 
gether in  spiritual  and  true  oneness  all  those 
in  whose  hearts  it  has  taken  up  its  abode. 
Thus  at  one  blow  disappeared  the  triple  de- 
lusion of  human  deservings,  traditions  of  men, 
and  simulated  unity.  And  these  compose  the 
sum  of  Roman  Catholicism. 

The  discussion  was  opened  in  Latin.200  Farel 
52 


and  CEcolampadius  stated  and  established 
their  articles,  calling  repeatedly  upon  those 
who  differed  from  them  to  make  answer;  but 
none  answered  to  the  call.  The  sophists,  as 
CEcolampadius  terms  them,  boldly  denied 
them,201-but  from  their  skulking  corners.  The 
people,  therefore,  began  to  look  with  contempt 
upon  the  cowardice  of  their  priests,  and  learn- 
ed to  despise  their  tyranny.202 

Thus  did  Farel  take  his  stand  among  the 
defenders  of  the  Reformation.  So  much  learn- 
ing and  piety  rejoiced  the  hearts  of  observers, 
and  already  more  signal  victories  were  looked 
forward  to. — "  He  is  singly  more  than  a  match 
for  all  the  Sorbonne  put  together,"203saidthey. 
His  openness,  sincerity,  and  candour,  charmed 
all.204But  in  the  very  height  of  his  activity  he 
did  not  forget  that  every  mission  must  begin 
at  our  own  souls.  The  mild  CEcolampadius 
made  with  the  earnest-hearted  Farel  an  agree- 
ment, by  which  they  mutually  engaged  to  ex- 
ercise themselves  in  humility  and  gentleness 
in  their  familiar  intercourse.  Thus  on  the 
very  field  of  contention  were  these  courageous 
men  engaged  in  composing  their  souls  to  peace. 
— The  impetuous  zeal  of  Luther  and  of  Farel 
were  not  unfrequently  necessary  virtues  ;  for 
a  degree  of  effort  is  required  to  move  society 
and  recast  the  Church.  In  our  days  we  are 
very  apt  to  forget  this  truth,  which  then  was 
acknowledged  by  men  of  the  mildest  charac- 
ter. "  Some  there  are,"  said  CEcolampadius  to 
Luther,  in  introducing  Farel  to  him,  "who 
would  moderate  his  zeal  against  the  opposers 
of  the  truth ;  but  I  cannot  help  discerning  in 
that  same  zeal  a  wonderful  virtue,  and  which, 
if  but  well  directed,  is  not  less  needed  than 
gentleness  itself."205  Posterity  has  ratified  the 
judgment  of  CEcolampadius. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1524,  Farel,  with 
some  friends  from  Lyons,  repaired  to  Schaff- 
hausen,  Zurich,  and  Constance.  Zwingle 
and  Myconius  welcomed  with  the  liveliest 
joy  the  French  refugee,  and  Farel  never  forgot 
the  kindness  of  that  welcome.  But  on  his 
return  to  Basle  he  found  Erasmus  and  others 
of  his  enemies  at  work,  and  received  an  order 
to  quit  the  city.  His  friends  loudly  express- 
ed their  displeasure  at  this  stretch  of  autho- 
rity— but  in  vain,  and  he  was  driven  from  that 
Swiss  territory  which  was  even  then  regarded 
as  an  asylum  for  signal  misfortunes. — "  Such 
s  our  hospitality !"  ejaculated  (Ecolampadius 
n  indignation :  "  We  are  a  people  like  unto 
Sodom."206 

At  Basle,  Farel  had  contracted  a  close 
'riendship  with  the  knight  D'Esch — the  latter 
resolved  to  bear  him  company,  and  they  set 
'brth,  provided  by  CEcolampadius  with  letters 
"or  Capito  and  Luther,  to  whom  the  doctor  of 
Basle  commended  Farel  as  the  same  William 
who  had  laboured  so  abundantly  in  the  work 
of  God.207  At  Strasburg,  Farel  formed  an  inti- 
macy with  Capito,  Bucer,  and  Hedio — but 
we  have  no  account  of  his  having  gone  to 
Wittemberg. 

When  God  withdraws  his  servants  from 
he  field  of  combat,  it  is  commonly  that  they 
may  be  again  brought  forward  in  increased 
2M 


404 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


strength  and  more  completely  armed  for  the 
conflict.  Farel  and  his  companions  from 
Meaux,  from  Metz,  from  Lyons,  and  from 
Dauphiny,  driven  by  persecution  from  France, 
had  been  tempered  with  new  firmness  in 
Switzerland  and  in  Germany,  in  the  society 
of  the  early  Reformers ;  and  now,  like  sol- 
diers scattered  by  the  first  charge  of  the  enemy, 
but  instantly  collecting  again  their  force,  they 
were  about  to  turn  round  and  go  forward  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord.  Not  only  on  the 
frontiers,  but  in  the  interior  of  France,  the 
friends  of  the  Gospel  were  beginning  to  take 
courage.  The  signal  was  made — the  com- 
batants were  arming  for  the  assault — the  word 
was  given.  "  Jesus,  his  truth  and  grace" — 
a  word  of  more  power  than  the  clang  of  arms 
in  the  tug  of  war,  filled  all  hearts  with  enthu- 
siasm, and  all  gave  omen  of  a  campaign 
pregnant  with  new  victories  and  new  and 
more  wide-spreading  calamities. 

Montbeliard  at  this  time  stood  in  need  of  a 
labourer  in  the  Gospel.  Duke  Ulric  of  Wur- 
temberg — young,  impetuous  and  cruel — hav- 
ing been  dispossessed  of  his  hereditary  states 
in  1519  by  the  Suabian  league,  had  retired  to 
that  province,  his  last  remaining  possession. 
In  Switzerland  he  became  acquainted  with 
the  Reformers.  His  misfortunes  had  a  whole- 
some effect,  and  he  listened  to  the  truth.298 
(Ecolampadius  apprized  Farel  that  a  door 
was  opened  at  Montbeliard,  and  the  latter 
secretl}'  repaired  to  Basle. 

Farel  had  not  regularly  entered  on  the  mi- 
nistry of  the  word ;  but  at  this  period  of  his 
life  we  see  in  him  all  the  qualifications  of  a 
servant  of  the  Lord.209 It  was  not  lightly  or 
rashly  that  he  entered  the  service  of  the 
Church. — "If  I  considered  my  own  qualifi- 
cations," said  he,  "  I  would  not  have  pre- 
sumed to  preach,  but  would  have  preferred  to 
wait  till  the  Lord  should  send  more  gifted 
persons."  But  he  received  at  this  time  three 
several  calls.  No  sooner  had  he  reached 
Basle  than  CEcolampadius,  moved  by  the 
wants  of  France,  besought  him  to  give  him- 
self to  the  work  there.  "  Consider,"  said  he, 
"  how  little  Jesus  is  made  known  in  their 
language — will  you  not  teach  them  a  little  in 
their  own  dialect,  to  enable  them  to  under- 
stand the  Scriptures."210  At  the  same  time  the 
inhabitants  of  Montbeliard  invited  him  among 
them,  and  lastly,  the  prince  of  that  country 
gave  his  assent  to  the  invitation,211  Was  not 
this  a  thrice  repeated  call  from  God  1"  .  .  "  I 
did  not  see,"  said  he,  "  how  I  could  refuse  to 
act  upon  it.212 It  was  in  obedience  to  God  that 
I  complied  with  it."  Concealed  in  the  house 
of  CEcolampadius,  little  disposed  to  take  the 
responsible  post  offered  to  him,  and  yet  con- 
strained to  yield  to  so  manifest  an  indica- 
tion of  God's  will,  Farel  undertook  the  task — 
and  (Ecolampadius,  calling  upon  the  Lord, 
ordained  him,213giving  him  at  the  same  time 
some  wise  counsels.—"  The  more  you  find 
yourselves  inclined  to  vehemence,"  said  he, 
*'  the  more  must  you  exercise  yourself  to 
maintain  a  gentle  bearing; — temper  your  lion 


heart  with  the  softness  of  the  dove."214 The 
soul  of  Farel  responded  to  such  an  appeal. 

Thus  Farel, — once  the  devoted  adherent  of 
the  ancient  Church, — was  about  to  enter  on 
the  life  of  a  servant  of  God,  and  of  the  Church 
in  its  renewed  youth.  If,  in  order  to  a  valid 
ordination,  Rome  requires  the  imposition  of 
the  hands  of  a  bishop  deriving  uninterrupted 
succession  and  descent  from  the  Apostles, 
she  does  so — because  she  sets  the  tradition 
of  men  above  the  authority  of  the  word  of 
God.  Every  church  in  which  the  supremacy 
of  the  Word  is  not  acknowledged,  must  needs 
seek  authority  from  some  other  source  ; — and 
then  what  more  natural  than  to  turn  to  the 
most  revered  servants  of  God,  and  ask  of 
them  what  we  do  not  know  that  we  have  in 
God  himself?  If  we  do  not  speak  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  Christ,  is  it  not  at  least  some- 
thing gained  to  be  able  to  speak  in  the  name 
of  St.  John  or  of  St.  Paul  1  One  who  has 
with  him  the  voice  of  antiquity  is  indeed 
more  than  a  match  for  the  rationalist,  who 
speaks  only  his  own  thought.  But  Christ's 
minister  has  yet  a  higher  authority.  He 
preaches, — not  because  he  is  the  successor  of 
St.  Chrysostom  or  St.  Peter — but  because  the 
Word  which  he  proclaims  is  from  God.  Suc- 
cessional  authority, — venerable  as  it  may  ap- 
pear,— is  yet  no  more  than  a  thing  of  man's 
invention,  in  place  of  God's  appointment.  In 
Farel's  ordination,  we  see  nothing  of  succes- 
sionally  derived  sanction.  Nay,  more,  we  do 
not  see  in  it  that  which  becomes  the  congre- 
gations of  the  Lord, — among  whom  every  thing 
should  be  done  '*  decently  and  in  order"  and 
whose  God  is  "not  the  God  of  confusion."  In 
his  case  there  was  no  setting  apart  by  the 
Church;  but  then  extraordinary  emergencies 
justify  extraordinary  measures.  At  this 
eventful  period,  God  himself  was  interposing, 
and  Himself  ordaining,  by  marvellous  dis- 
pensations, those  whom  he  called  to  bear  a 
part  in  the  regeneration  of  society ;  and  that 
was  an  ordination  that  abundantly  compen- 
sated for  the  absence  of  the  Church's  seal. 
In  Farel's  ordination  we  see  the  unchanging 
word  of  God,  intrusted  to  a  man  of  God,  to 
bear  it  to  the  world ; — the  calling  of  God  and 
of  the  people,  and  the  consecration  of  the 
heart. — And  perhaps  no  minister  of  Rome  or 
of  Geneva  was  ever  more  lawfully  ordained 
for  that  holy  ministry.  Farel  took  his  de- 
parture for  Montbeliard,  in  company  with  the 
kniorht  D'Esch. 

Thus  did  Farel  find  himself  occupying  an 
advanced  post.  Behind  him  were  Basle  and 
Strasburg,  assisting  him  by  their  advice  and 
by  the  productions  of  their  printing  presses. 
Before  him  lay  the  provinces  of  Franchecomte, 
Burgundy,  Lorraine,  Lyons,  and  other  dis- 
tricts of  France ;  wherein  men  of  God  were 
beginning  to  stand  up  against  error,  in  the 
thick  darkness.  He  set  himself  immediately 
to  preach  Christ, — exhorting  believers  not  to 
suffer  themselves  to  be  turned  aside  from  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  either  by  threatenings  or 
artifice.  Taking  the  part  long  afterwards 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


405 


taken  by  Calvin  on  a  grander  scale,  Farel,  at 
Montbeliard,  was  like  a  general  stationed  on 
a  height,  surveying,  with  searching  vigilance, 
the  field  of  battle,  cheering  those  who  were 
actively  engaged,  rallying  those  whom  the 
enemy's  charge  had  forced  to  give  way,  and 
by  his  courage  animating  those  who  hung 
back.*  Erasmus  wrote  directly  to  his  Ro- 
man Catholic  friends,  informing  them  that  a 
Frenchman,  escaped  out  of  France,  was  mak- 
ing a  great  noise  in  these  regions.215 

The  efforts  of  Farel  were  not  without 
effect.  People  wrote  to  him :  "  On  all  sides 
seem  to  multiply  men  who  devote  their  lives 
to  the  extension  of  Christ's  kingdom. "216The 
friends  of  the  Gospel  gave  thanks  to  God  for 
the  daily  increasing  brilliancy  in  which  the 
Gospel  shone  in  France.217  Gainsayers  were 
confounded,  and  Erasmus,  writing  to  the 
bishop  of  Rochester,  observed, — "The  fac- 
tion is  every  day  spreading,  and  has  pene- 
trated into  Savoy,  Lorraine,  and  France."218 

For  a  considerable  time  Lyons  seemed  the 
centre  of  the  Evangelic  movement  in  the 
interior,  as  Basle  was  of  that  beyond  the 
frontiers.  Francis  the  First,  called  to  the 
south,  on  an  expedition  against  Charles  V., 
arrived  in  those  countries,  attended  by  his 
mother  and  sister,  and  by  his  court.  Marga- 
ret had  with  her,  in  her  company,  certain 
men  who  had  embraced  the  Gospel.  "  The 
rest  of  her  people  she  left  behind,"  remarks 
a  letter  written  at  the  time.219  Whilst  under 
the  eyes  of  Francis,  14,000  Swiss,  6,000 
Frenchmen,  and  1,500  noble  knights,  were 
defiling  through  Lyons,  on  their  wray  to  repel 
the  Imperial  army  that  had  invaded  Provence, 
and  that  great  city  resounded  with  the  clang 
of  arms,  the  tramp  of  cavalry,  and  the  sound 
of  trumpets, — the  friends  of  the  Gospel  were 
on  their  way  to  the  more  peaceful  triumphs. 
They  were  intent  on  attempting,  at  Lyons, 
what  they  had  not  been  able  to  realize  at 
Paris.  Remote  from  the  Sorbonne  and  the 
Parliament,  a  freer  course  might  be  open  to 
God's  word.  Perhaps  the  second  city  of  the 
kingdom  was  destined  to  be  the  first  wherein 
the  Gospel  should  be  received.  Was  it  not 
there  that  the  excellent  Peter  Waldo  had 
begun  to  make  known  the  divine  Word  1  In 
that  earlier  age  he  had  roused  the  national 
mind.  Now  that  God  had  made  all  things 
ready  to  emancipate  His  church,  was  there 
not  ground  to  hope  for  more  extensive  and 
decisive  results  1  Accordingly,  the  Lyonese, 
who  in  general  were  not,  it  must  be  confess- 
ed, "  poor  men,"  began  to  handle,  with  more 
confidence,  the  "  sword  of  the  Spirit,  which 
is  the  word  of  God."  . 

Among  those  about  Margaret's  person, 
was  her  almoner,  Michel  d'Arande.  The 
Duchess  gave  direction  that  the  Gospel 
should  be  publicly  preached  in  Lyons,  and 

*  The  comparison  is  in  the  words  of  a  friend 
who  was  acquainted  with  Farel,  during  his  abode 
at  Montbeliard  : — Strenuum  et  oculatum  impera- 
toretn,  qui  iis  eiiam  animum  facias  qui  in  acie 
versantur.  (Tossanus  Farello,  MS.  de  Neuf- 
chatel,  2d  Sept.  1524.) 


master  Michel  boldly  proclaimed  the  pure  word 

;  of  God  to  a  numerous  auditory, — attracted 

|  partly  by  the  good  tidings,  and  partly  by  the 

favour  with  which  the  preacher  and  his  preach- 

|  ing  were  regarded  by  the  sister  of  their  king.220 

Anthony  Papillon,  a  man  of  cultivated 
mind,  an  accomplished  Latinist,  a  friend  of 
Erasmus,  the  earliest  of  his  countrymen 
thoroughly  instructed  in  the  Gospel,  accom- 
panied the  Princess.221  At  Margaret's  request 
he  had  translated  Luther's  tract  on  the  monk's 
vows,  "  on  which  account  he  was  often  called 
in  question  by  that  vermin  of  the  city  of  Pa- 
ris," remarks  Sebville.^But  Margaret  had 
protected  the  scholar  from  the  enmity  of  the 
Sorbonne,  and  had  obtained  for  him  the  ap- 
pointment of  chief  master  of  requests  to  the 
Dauphin,  with  a  seat  in  the  council.223  He 
was  almost  equally  useful  to  the  Gospel  by 
the  sacrifices  he  made  for  its  cause  as  by  his 
great  prudence.  Vaugris,  a  merchant,  and 
Anthony  Du  Blet,  a  gentleman,  and  a  friend 
of  Farel,  were  the  principal  persons  who 
took  part  with  the  Reformation  at  Lyons. 
The  latter,  whose  activity  was  untiring, 
served  as  a  sort  of  connecting  link  between 
the  Christians  scattered  throughout  those 
countries,  and  was  the  medium  of  their  inter- 
course with  Basle.  The  armed  bands  of 
Francis  the  First  had  done  no  more  than  tra- 
verse Lyons,  whilst  the  spiritual  soldiery  of 
Jesus  Christ  had  paused  within  it,  and  leav- 
ing the  former  to  carry  war  into  Provence, 
they  commenced  the  "  fight  of  faith"  in  the 
city  of  Lyons  itself. 

But  their  efforts  were  not  confined  to  Ly- 
ons. Casting  their  eyes  over  the  surround- 
ing country,  their  operations  were  carried  on, 
at  one  and  the  same  time,  at  different  points ; 
and  the  Christians  of  Lyons  supported  and 
encouraged  the  confessors  of  Christ  in  the 
adjacent  provinces,  and  bore  His  name  where 
as  yet  it  was  not  known.  The  new  teaching 
reascended  the  banks  of  the  Saone,  and  the 
voice  of  one  "bringing  the  glad  tidings"  was 
heard  in  the  narrow  and  irregular  streets  of 
Macon.  Michel  d'Arande,  the  almoner  of 
the  king's  sister,  himself  visited  that  place 
in  1524,  and,  by  Margaret's  intercession,  ob- 
tained license  to  preach  in  a  town  which  was 
afterwards  deluged  with  blood,  and  became 
forever  memorable  for  its  sauteries.*3* 

After  extending  their  travels  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Saone,  the  Christians  of  Lyons, 
ever  looking  for  an  open  door,  reascended  the 
acclivities  of  the  Alps.  There  was,  at  Ly- 
ons, a  Dominican  named  Maigret,  who  had 
been  expelled  from  Dauphiny,  where  he  had 
preached  the  new  doctrine  with  singular 
boldness,  and  who  earnestly  requested  that 
some  one  would  go  over  and  help  his  brethren 
of  Grenoble  and  Gap.  Papillon  and  Du 
Blet  repaired  thither.*  A  violent  storm  had 


*  II  y  a  eu  deux  grands  personages  a  Grenoble. 
(Coct  a  Farel,  Dec.  1524,  MS.  de  Neufchatel., 
The  title  Messire  is  given  to  Du  Blet,  indicating 
a  person  of  rank.  I  incline  to  think  that  that  of 
negotiator,  elsewhere  given  him,  refers  to  his 
activity :  yet  he  might  be  a  merchant  of  Lyons. 


406 


HISTCfRY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


just  broken  out  there  against  Sebville  and 
his  preaching.  The  Dominicans  moved  hea- 
ven and  earth,  and,  in  their  rage  at  the  escape 
of  Farel,  Anemond,  Maigret,  and  the  other 
preachers,  sought  to  crush  such  as  were 
within  their  clutches.225They,  therefore,  in- 
sisted that  Sebville  should  be  arrested.226 

The  friends  of  the  Gospel  at  Grenoble 
caught  the  alarm.  Was  Sebville,  also,  on 
the  eve  of  being  lost  to  them?  Margaret 
interceded  with  her  brother.  Some  persons 
of  distinction  at  Grenoble,  including  the 
king's  advocate,  either  secretly  or  avowedly 
favourable  to  the  Gospel,  exerted  themselves 
in  his  behalf;  and  he  was  happily  rescued 
from  the  fury  of  his  enemies.227 

His  life  was  indeed  saved,  but  his  mouth 
was  stopped.  "Remain  silent,"  said  his 
friends,  "  or  you  will  be  brought  to  the 
scaffold."  "  Only  think  what  it  is,"  wrote 
he  to  De  Coct,  "to  have  silence  imposed 
upon  me,  under  pain  of  death."228  Some, 
whose  firmness  had  been  most  relied  on, 
were  overawed  by  these  threatenings.  The 
king's  advocate,  £nd  others,  exhibited  mark- 
ed coldness,229and  many  returned  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  communion,  alleging  that  they 
would  still  offer  to  God  a  spiritual  worship 
in  the  privacy  of  their  hearts,  and  give  to  the 
outward  observances  of  Catholicism  a  spirit- 
ual interpretation : — a  melancholy  snare,  and 
one  that  leads  men  from  one  act  of  unfaith- 
fulness to  another.  There  is  no  false  system 
adhesion  to  which  may  not  in  this  way  be 
justified.  The  unbeliever,  taking  up  with 
fancied  myths  and  allegories,  will  preach 
Christ  from  the  pulpit: — and  the  follower  of 
a  superstition  held  in  abhorrence  among  the 
heathen,  will,  by  a  moderate  exercise  of  in- 
genuity, trace  in  it  the  symbol  of  a  pure  and 
elevated  thought.  In  religion  the  very  first 
essential  is  truth.  There  were,  however, 
some  of  the  Christians  of  Grenoble,  and 
among  them  Amedee  Galbert  and  a  cousin  of 
Anemond,  who  held  fast  to  their  faith.230 
These  men  of  piety  were  accustomed  secretly 
to  meet  together  with  Sebville  at  each  other's 
houses,  and  thus  "spake  often  one  to  an- 
other." Their  place  of  meeting  was  chosen 
for  the  sake  of  its  retirement;  they  met  at 
night  in  the  apartment  of  a  brother,  with 
closed  doors,  to  pray  to  Christ, — as  if  they 
had  been  robbers  meeting  for  some  guilty 
purpose !  Rumour  would  often  follow  them 
to  their  humble  meeting  with  some  ground- 
less alarm.  Their  enemies  winked  at  such 
secret  conventicles,  but  they  had  inwardly 
doomed  to  the  stake  any  one  who  should 
venture  to  open  his  lips  in  public  to  speak 
the  word  of  God.231 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  Dvi  Blet  and 
Papillon  arrived  in  Grenoble.  Finding  that 
Sebville  had  been  silenced,  they  exhorted 
him  to  go  to  Lyons,  and  there  preach  Christ. 
The  following  Lent  promised  to  afford  him 
the  favourable  opportunity  of  a  vast  crowd  of 
hearers.  Michel  d'Arande,  Maigret,  and 
Sebville  agreed  together  to  put  themselves  in 
front  of  the  battle,  and  thus  all  was  arranged 


j  for  an  impressive  testimony  to  the  truth  in 
the  second  city  of  the  kingdom.  The  rumour 

|  of  the  approaching  Lent  spread  into  Switzer- 

'  land  :  "  Sebville  is  at  large,  and  is  purposing 
to  preach  at  Lyons,  in  the  church  of  St. 
Paul,"  wrote  Anemond  to  Farel.232  But  dis- 
asters, bringing  with  them  confusion  through- 
out France,  intervened,  and  prevented  the 
spiritual  contest.  It  is  in  periods  of  tran- 
quillity that  the  Gospel  achieves  its  blessed 
conquests.  The  battle  of  Pavia,  \vhich  took 
place  in  the  month  of  February,  disconcerted 
the  bold  project  of  the  Reformers. 

Meanwhile,  without  waiting  for  Sebville, 
Maigret,  amidst  much  opposition  from  the 
clergy  and  the  monks,  had  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  winter  been  preaching  at  Lyons, 
Salvation  by  Christ  alone.^In  his  sermons, 
he  passed  over  the  worship  of  the  creature, — 
the  saints, — the  Virgin, — and  the  power  of 
the  priesthood.  The  great  mystery  of  Godli- 
ness,— "  God  manifest  in  the  flesh," — was 
the  one  great  doctrine  exalted  by  him.  "  The 
early  heresies  of  the  Poor  Men  of  Lyons  were 
again  showing  themselves  under  a  more  dan- 
gerous form  than  ever,"  it  was  remarked.  In 
spite  of  opposers,  Maigret  continued  his 
preaching :  the  faith  that  animated  him  found 
utterance  in  emphatic  words;  it  is  in  the 
very  nature  of  Truth  to  embolden  the  heart 
that  receives  it.  Nevertheless,  it  was  de- 
creed that  at  Lyons,  as  at  Grenoble,  Rome 
should  get  the  upper  hand.  Under  the  very 
eyes  of  Margaret,  the  preacher  was  arrested, 
dragged  through  the  streets,  and  committed 
to  prison.  Vaugris,  a  merchant  who  was 
just  then  leaving  the  town  on  l}is  way  to 
Switzerland,  carried  with  him  the  news  of 
what  had  happened.  One  thought  cheered 
the  melancholy  tfcese  tidings  diffused  among 
the  friends  of  the  Reformation, — "Maigret  is 
seized,"  said  they,  "but  thanks  be  to  God, 
Madame  ri'Jllenpon  is  on  the  spot."234 

Their  hopes  soon  left  them.  The  Sor- 
bonne  had  formally  condemned  certain  pro- 
positions maintained  by  the  faithful  preacher;235 
Margaret,  whose  position  was  every  day  be- 
coming more  embarrassing,  beheld  the  daring 
of  the  Reformers  and  the  hatred  of  those  in 
power  both  rising  at  the  same  moment. 
Francis  the  First  was  beginning  to  lose  pa- 
tience at  the  restless  zeal  of  the  preachers, 
and  to  regard  them  as  fanatics  whom  it  was 
good  policy  to  reduce  to  submission.  Mar- 
garet, therefore,  fluctuating  between  her 
desires  to  serve  her  brethren  in  Christ,  and 
the  failure  of  her  ability  to  preserve  them, 
sent  them  word  that  they  were  to  abstain 
from  jushing  into  new  difficulties,  seeing  that 
she  could  not  again  make  application  to  the 
king  in  their  behalf.  The  friends  of  the 
Gospel  believed  that  this  resolution  could  not 
be  irrevocable :  "  God  give  her  grace,"  said 
they  "to  say  and  write  only  what  is  needful 
to  poor  souls."236  But  even  if  they  should  lose 
this  help  of  man,  Christ  was  with  them, — 
and  it  seemed  well  that  the  soul  should  be 
stripped  of  other  dependence,  that  it  might 

]  lean  upon  God  alone. 


HISTORY   OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


407 


The  friends  of  the  Gospel  had  lost  their 
power,  and  the  powerful  were  declaring 
against  it.  Margaret  was  alarmed.  Soon — 
heavy  news,  received  from  heyond  the  Alps, 
was  to  plunge  the  whole  kingdom  into 
mourninor, — absorbing  attention  in  the  one 
object  of  saving  France  and  her  king.  But 
if  the  Christians  of  Lyons  were  motionless, 
did  not  Basle  contain  within  its  walls  soldiers 
escaped  from  the  battle,  and  ready  to  renew 
it '?  The  exiles  from  France  have  never  for- 
gotten her:  banished  for  three  centuries  by 
Koman  fanaticism,  we  see  their  last  descend- 
ants carrying  to  the  towns  and  plains  of  their 
father-land,  the  treasure  of  which  the  Pope 
deprives  them.  At  the  crisis,  when  the  good 
soldiers  of  Christ  in  France  dejectedly  threw 
away  their  arms,  we  see  the  refugees  at 
Basle  preparing  for  renewed  efforts.  With 
the  example  before  their  eyes  of  the  sceptre 
of  St.  Louis  and  of  Charlemagne  falling  from 
the  grasp  of  a  Francis  the  First,  should  they 
not  be  incited  to  lay  hold  on  a  "kingdom 
which  cannot  be  moved?"  Heb.  xii.  28. 

Farel,  Anemond,  Esch,  Toussaint,  and 
their  friends  in  Switzerland,  composed  an 
Evangelical  Association,  having  for  its  object 
the  deliverance  of  their  country  from  spiritual 
darkness.  Intelligence  reached  them  from 
all  sides,  that  there  was  an  increasing  thirst 
after  God's  word  in  France;237it  was  desirable 
to  take  advantage  of  it,  and  to  water  and  sow 
the  seed  while  yet  it  was  seed-time.  (Eco- 
lampadius,  Oswald  Myconius,  and  Zwingle, 
continually  encouraged  them  to  this.  The 
Swiss  teacher,  Myconius,  wrote  thus  in 
January,  1525,  to  De  Coct:  "  Exiled  as  you 
are  from  your  country  by  the  tyranny  of  Anti- 
christ, your  presence  amongst  us  is  the  proof 
that  you  have  courageously  stood  forth  in  the 
cause  of  Truth.  The  oppressions  of  Christian 
Bishops  will  lead  the  people  to  regard  them 
as  no  better  than  deceivers.  Stand  fast ;  the 
time  is  not  distant  when  we  shall  arrive  in 
the  wished-for  haven,  whether  we  be  struck 
down  by  the  oppressors  or  they  themselves 
be  cast  down,  and  all  will  then  be  well  with 
us,  if  we  do  but  continue  faithful  to  Jesus 
Christ."238 

These  cheering  words  were  precious  indeed 
to  the  French  refugees ;  but  just  then,  a  blow 
struck  by  those  very  Christians  of  Switzer- 
land, and  of  Germany,  who  sought  to  cheer 
them,  carried  grief  to  their  hearts.  In  the 
feeling  of  their  recent  escape  from  the  fires 
of  persecution,  they,  at  this  time,  beheld  with 
dismay  the  evangelical  Christians  beyond 
the  Rhine  disturbing  their  repose  by  their 
deplorable  differences.  The  controversy,  in 
relation  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  had  begun. 
Deeply  affected,  and  feeling  the  need  of  mu- 
tual love,  the  French  Reformers  would  have 
made  any  sacrifice  to  conciliate  the  divergent 
parties.  It  became  the  great  object  of  their 
desire.  None  more  than  they  felt  from  the 
outset  the  need  of  Christian  unity.  At  a 
later  period,  Calvin  afforded  proof  of  this. 
"Would  to  God,"  said  Peter  Toussaint, 
"  that,  by  my  worthless  blood,  I  could  pur- 


chase peace,  concord,  and  union  in  Christ 
Jesus."239  The  French,  gifted  with  quick  dis- 
cernment, saw,  from  the  very  beginning,  how 
the  rising  dissensions  would  stand  in  the  way 
of  the  Reformation.  "  All  would  go  favour- 
ably beyond  our  hopes,  if  we  were  but  agreed 
among  ourselves.  Many  there  are  who  would 
gladly  come  to  the  light,  but  they  are  pre- 
vented by  seeing  such  divisions  among  the 
learned."240 

The  French  were  the  first  to  suggest  con- 
ciliatory advances  :  "  Why,"  wrote  they  from 
Strasburg,  "  why  not  send  Bucer  or  some 
other  man  of  learning  to  confer  with  Luther  ? 
The  more  we  delay  the  wider  will  our  dif- 
ferences become."  These  fears  seemed  every 
day  more  founded.211 

Failing  in  their  endeavours,  these  Chris- 
tians turned  their  eyes  towards  France,  and 
the  conversion  of  their  own  country  to  the  faith 
thenceforth  exclusively  engaged  the  hearts 
of  these  generous  men,  whom  history, — so 
loud  in  praise  of  men  who  have  sought  only 
their  own  glory, — has,  for  three  centuries, 
scarcely  mentioned.  Cast  upon  a  foreign 
soil,  they  threw  themselves  on  their  knees, 
and,  daily  in  their  solitude,  called  down  bless- 
ings from  God  upon  their  fatherland.242Prcyer 
was  the  great  instrument  by  which  the  Gos- 
pel spread  through  the  kingdom,  and  the  great 
engine  by  which  the  conquests  of  the  Re- 
formation were  achieved. 

But  there  were  other  men  of  prayer  besides 
these.  Never,  perhaps,  have  the  ranks  of  the 
Gospel  comprised  combatants  more  prompt  to 
suffer  in  the  hour  of  conflict.  They  felt  the 
importance  of  scattering  the  Scriptures  and 
pious  writings  in  their  country,  which  was 
still  overclouded  with  the  thick  darkness  of 
superstition.  A  spirit  of  inquiry  was  dawn- 
ing in  their  nation,  and  it  seemed  necessary 
on  all  sides  to  unfurl  the  sails  to  the  wind. 
Anemond,  ever  prompt  in  action,  and  Michel 
Bentin,  another  refugee,  resolved  to  employ, 
in  concert,  their  zeal  and  talents.  Bentin  de- 
cided to  establish  a  printing-press  at  Basle, 
and  the  knight  to  turn  to  account  the  little  he 
knew  of  German,  by  translating  out  of  that  lan- 
guage the  more  striking  tracts  written  by  the 
Reformers.  "  Oh  !"  exclaimed  they,  rejoicing 
in  their  project;  "would  to  God  that  France 
were  so  supplied  with  Gospel  writings  that 
in  cottages,  and  in  palaces,  in  cloisters,  and 
in  presbyteries,  and  in  the  inner  sanctuary  of 
all  hearts,  a  powerful  witness  might  be  borna 
for  the  grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ."243 

For  such  an  undertaking  funds  were  neces- 
sary,— and  the  refugees  were  destitute  of 
funds.  Vaugris  was  then  at  Basle.  Ane- 
mond, on  parting  with  him,  gave  him  a  letter 
to  the  brethren  of  Lyons,  some  of  whom  had 
considerable  possessions  in  lands,  and,  not- 
withstanding they  were  oppressed,  remained 
faithful  to  the  Gospel.  In  his  letter,  he  asked 
their  assistance  ;  but  that  could  not  at  all  meet 
the  extent  of  the  need.244The  Frenchmen  re- 
solved to  establish  several  presses  at  Basle, 
that  should  be  worked  day  and  night,  so  as  to 
inundate  all  France  with  God's  word.245 At 


408 


HISTORY    OF    THE   REFORMATION. 


Meaux,  Metz,  and  other  places,  there  were 
those  rich  enough  to  contribute  to  this  work  ; 
and  as  no  one  could  appeal  to  Frenchmen  with 
more  authority  than  Farel,  it  was  to  him  that 
Anemond  made  application.246 

We  do  not  find  that  the  scheme  of  Anemond 
was  realized ;  but  the  work  was  carried  out 
by  others.  The  presses  of  Basle  were  inces- 
santly employed  in  printing  French  works, 
which  were  forwarded  to  Farel,  and  by  him 
introduced  into  France.  One  of  the  earliest 
of  the  issues  of  this  Religious  Tract  Society- 
was  Luther's  Exposition  of  the  Lord's  Prayer. 
"  We  sell  the  Paier  at  four  deniers  de  Bale  to 
private  persons,"  wrote  Vaugris — "  but  to  the 
wholesale  dealer,  we  supply  copies  at  the  rate 
of  200  for  two  florins,  which  is  something  less."247 

Anemond  was  accustomed  to  transmit  from 
Bale  to  Farel  any  profitable  books  published 
or  received  in  that  city — at  one  time  a  tract  on 
ordination,  at  another,  an  essay  on  the  educa- 
tion of  children.243  Farel  looked  through  them, 
composing,  translating,  and  seeming,  at  one 
and  the  same  time,  all  activity,  and  yet  all 
meditation.  Anemond  urged  on  and  superin- 
tended the  printing,  and  these  letters,  requests, 
and  books,  all  these  little  single  sheets,  were 
among  the  instruments  of  regeneration  to  that 
age.  While  dissoluteness  and  profligacy  de- 
scended from  the  throne  to  the  lower  orders, 
and  darkness  spread  from  the  very  steps  of 
the  altar,  these  writings,  so  inconsiderable  and 
unnoticed,  alone  diffused  the  beams  of  light 
and  the  seeds  of  holiness. 

But  it  was  especially  God's  word  that  the 
evangelic  merchant  of  Lyons  required  for  his 
fellow-countrymen.  That  generation  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  so  eager  for  all  that  could 
satisfy  the  re-awakened  intellect,  was  to 
receive  in  its  vernacular  tongue  those  early 
records  of  the  first  ages,  redolent  with  the 
young  breath  of  human  nature, — and  those 
holy  oracles  of  apostolic  times,  bright  with 
the  fulness  of  the  revelation  of  Christ.  Vau- 
gris  wrote  to  Farel — "  Pray,  see  if  it  be  not 
possible  to  have  the  New  Testament  trans- 
lated by  some  competent  hand  ; — it  would  be 
a  great  blessing  to  France,  Burgundy,  and 
Savoy.  And  if  you  should  not  be  already 
provided  with  the  proper  types,  I  would  order 
some  from  Paris  or  Lyons — but  if  we  have 
the  types  at  Basle,  it  would  be  all  the  better." 

Lefevre  had  previously  published  at  Meaux, 
but  by  detached  portions,  the  books  of  the 
New  Testament  in  the  French  language. 
Vaugris  wished  some  one  to  undertake  a  re- 
vision of  the  whole  for  a  new  edition.  Lefe- 
vre undertook  to  do  so, and,  as  we  have  alrea- 
dy related,  published  the  entire  volume  on  the 
12th  October,  1534.  Conrad,  an  uncle  of 
Vangris,  who  had  also  sought  an  asylum  in 
Basle,  sent  for  a  copy.  De  Coct,  happening 
to  be  in  company  with  a  friend  on  the  18th 
November,  first  saw  the  book,  and  was  over- 
joyed. "Lose  no  time  in  going  to  press 
again,"  said  he,  "for  T  clonht  not  a  vast  num- 
ber of  copies  will  be  called  for."* 


MS.  of  the  Conclave  of  Neufchatel. 


Thus  was  the  word  of  God  offered  to  France 
side  by  side  with  those  traditions  of  the 
I  Church  which  Rome  is  still  continually  pre- 
senting to  her.  "  How  can  we  discern," 
asked  the  Reformers,  "  between  what  is  of 
man  in  your  traditions  and  that  which  is  of 
God,  save  only  by  the  Scriptures  of  truth"? — 
The  maxims  of  the  Fathers,  the  decretals  of 
the  Church,  cannot  be  the  rule  of  faith :  they 
show  us  what  was  the  judgment  of  those 
earlier  divines,  but  only  from  the  Word  can 
we  gather  the  thoughts  of  God.  Every  thing 
must  be  tested  by  Scripture." 

In  this  manner,  for  the  most  part,  these 
printed  works  were  circulated.  Farel  and  his 
friends  transmitted  the  sacred  books  to  certain 
dealers  or  colporteurs — poor  men  of  good  cha- 
racter for  piety,  who.  bearing  their  precious 
burden,  went  through  towns  and  villages — 
from  house  to  house — in  Franchecomte,  Bur- 
gundy, and  the  neighbouring  districts,  knock- 
ing at  every  door.  The  books  were  sold  to 
them  at  a  low  price,  that  the  interest  they  had 
in  the  sale  might  make  them  the  more  indus- 
trious in  disposing  of  them.249 Thus  as  early 
as  1524  there  existed  in  Basle,  and  having 
France  for  the  field  of  their  operations,  a  Bi- 
ble society — an  association  of  colporteurs — 
and  a  religious  tract  society.  It  is,  then,  a  mis- 
take to  conceive  that  such  efforts  date  only 
from  our  own  age  ;  they  go  back, — at  least  in 
the  identity  of  the  objects  they  propose, — not 
merely  to  the  days  of  the  Reformation,  but 
still  further,  to  the  first  ages  of  the  Church. 

The  attention  which  Farel  bestowed  on 
France  did  not  cause  him  to  neglect  the  places 
where  he  resided.  Arriving  at  Montbeliard, 
towards  the  end  of  July,  1524,  he  had  no 
sooner  sown  the  seed,  than,  to  use  the  lan- 
guage of  (Ecolampadius,  the  first-fruits  of  the 
harvest  began  to  appear.  Farel,  exulting, 
communicated  his  success  to  his  friend. — "It 
is  easy,"  replied  the  doctor  of  Basle,  "to  in- 
stil a  few  dogmas  into  the  ears  of  our  audi- 
tors ;  butGodalonecanchangetheirhearts."2' 

De  Coct,  overjoyed  with  this  intelligence, 
hurried  to  Peter  Toussaint's  house.  "To- 
morrow," said  he,  with  his  usual  vivacity,  "I 
set  off  to  visit  Farel."  Toussaint,  more 
calm,  was  then  writing  to  the  evangelist  of 
Montbeliard  :  "  Have  a  care,"  wrote  he ;  "  the 
cause  you  have  taken  in  hand  is  of  solemn 
importance,  and  should  not  be  contaminated 
by  the  counsels  of  men.  The  great  ones  may 
promise  you  their  favour,  assistance,  ay,  and 
heaps  of  gold — but  to  put  put  confidence  in 
these  things  is  to  forsake  Jesus  Christ,  and 
to  walk  in"darkness."251Toussaint  was  in  the 
act  of  closing  his  letter  when  De  Coct  enter-  , 
ed  ;  and  the  latter,  taking  charge  of  it,  set 
off  for  Montbeliard. 

He  found  all  the  city  in  commotion.    Seve-  \ 
ral  of  the  nobles,  in  alarm,  and  casting  a  look 
of  contempt  on  Farel,  exclaimed,  "  What  can  ; 
this  poor  wretch  want  with  us  1     Would  that 
he  had  never  come  amongst  us.     He  must  not 
remain  here,  or  he  will  bring  ruin  upon  us  as  j 
well  as  upon  himself."     These  nobles,  who 
had  retired  to  Montbeliard  in  company' with 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


409 


the  duke  for  shelter,  feared  lest  the  stir  which 
everywhere  accompanied  the  spread  of  the  Re- 
formation, should  by  drawing  upon  them  the 
notice  of  Charles  V.  and  Ferdinand,  lead  to 
their  being  driven  from  their  only  remaining 
asylum.  But  the  ecclesiastics  were  Farel's 
bitterest  opponents.  The  superior  of  the 
Franciscans  at  Besancon  hastened  to  Montbe- 
liard,  and  concocted  defensive  measures  with 
the  clergy  of  that  place.  The  following  Sun- 
day Farel  had  scarcely  begun  to  preach  when 
he  was  interrupted,  and  called  a  liar  and  a 
heretic.  Immediately  the  whole  assembly 
was  in  an  uproar.  The  audience  rose,  and 
called  for  silence.  The  duke  hastened  to  the 
spot,  put  both  the  superior  and  Farel  under  ar- 
rest, and  insisted  that  the  former  should  prove 
his  charges,  or  else  retract  them.  The  supe- 
rior chose  the  latter  course,  and  an  official  re- 
port was  published  of  the  transaction.252 

This  attack  only  rendered  Farel  more  zeal- 
ous than  before  :  thenceforward  he  believed  it 
his  duty  fearlessly  to  unmask  these  interested 
priests  ;  and,  drawing  the  sword  of  the  Word, 
he  applied  it  unsparingly.  He  was  now  more 
than  ever  led  to  imitate  Jesus,  rather  in  his 
character  as  the  purifier  of  the  temple,  driving 
but  thence  the  traffickers  and  money-changers, 
and  overthrowing  their  tables — than  as  the 
one  of  whom  prophecy  declared,  "  He  shall  not 
strive  nor  cry,  neither  shall  his  voice  be  heard  in 
the  streets."  (Ecolampadius  was  affrighted. 
These  two  men  were  the  perfect  types  of  two 
charac'ers  diametrically  opposite,  and  yet  both 
worthy  of  our  admiration.  "Your  mission," 
wrote  (Ecolampadius  to  Farel,  "is  gently  to 
draw  men  to  the  truth,  not  to  drag  them  with 
violence  ;  to  preach  the  Gospel, — not  to  pro- 
nounce maledictions.  Physicians  resort  to 
amputation,  only  when  external  applications 
have  failed.  Act  the  part  of  the  physician,  not 
of  the  executioner.  In  my  judgment,  it  is 
not  enough  that  you  are  gentle  towards  the 
friends  of  the  Truth.  You  must  likewise  win 
over  the  adversaries.  Or  if  the  wolves  are  to 
be  driven  from  the  fold,  at  least  let  the  sheep 
hear  the  voice  of  the  shepherd.  Pour  oil  and 
wine  into  the  wounded  heart253-and  be  the  he- 
rald of  glad  tidings,  not  a  judge  or  tyrant." 
The  report  of  these  things  spread  both  in 
France  and  Lorraine,  and  this  gathering  to- 
gether of  refugees  in  Basle  and  Montbeliard 
began  to  alarm  the  Sorbonne  and  the  Cardi- 
nal. Gladly  would  they  have  broken  up  so 
ominous  an  alliance ;  for  error  knows  no  greater 
triumph  than  the  enlisting  a  renegade  in  its 
ranks.  Already  had  Martial  Mazurier  and 
others  given  the  papal  party  in  France  an  op- 
portunity of  rejoicing  over  shameful  deser- 
tions; but  if  they  could  only  succeed  in  se- 
ducing one  of  those  confessors  of  Christ  who 
had  fled  for  safety  to  the  banks  of  the  Rhine, 
— one  who  had  suffered  much  for  the  name  of 
the  Lord, — that  were  indeed  a  victory  for  the 
hierarchy.  Measures  were  concerted  and  di- 
rected in  the  first  instance  against  the  young- 
est. 

The  Dean,  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,' and  all 
the  circle  which  assembled  at  the  prelate's 


house,  deplored  the  sad  fate  of  Peter  Tous- 
saint,  once  the  object  of  so  many  hopes.  He 
is  at  Basle,  s.aid  they,  living  in  the  very  house 
of  (Ecolampadius,  in  close  intercourse  with 
that  leader  in  this  heresy.  They  wrote  to 
him  movingly,  as  though  his  salvation  was  at 
stake.  These  letters  were  the  more  distress- 
ing to  the  poor  young  man,  because  they  bore 
evident  marks  of  sincere  affection.254  One  of 
his  relations,  probably  the  Dean  himself, 
urged  him  to  remove  to  Paris,  Metz,  or  what- 
ever place  he  pleased,  provided  it  were  but  ata 
distance  from  the  Lutherans.  This  relation, 
bearing  in  mind  how  much  Toussaint  was  in- 
debted to  him,  doubted  not  his  immediate 
compliance  with  the  injunction  ;  when  there- 
fore he  found  his  efforts  unavailing,  his  affec- 
tion was  succeeded  by  violent  hatred.  This 
resistance,  on  the  part  of  the  young  refugee, 
exasperated  against  him  all  his  family  and 
friends.  Recourse  was  had  to  his  mother,  who 
was  entirely  under  the  influence  of  the  monks:255 
the  priests  came  about  her,  frightening  her,  and 
persuading  her  that  her  son  had  been  guilty 
of  crimes  which  could  not  be  named  without 
shuddering.  On  this  the  distressed  parent 
wrote  to  her  son  an  affecting  letter,  "full  of 
tears,"  as  he  says,  in  which  she  described  her 
misery  in  heart-rending  terms.  "  Oh  !  wretch- 
ed mother,"  said  she,  "Oh!  unnatural  son! 
— Cursed  be  the  breasts  that  suckled  thee, 
cursed  be  the  knees  that  bare  thee."256 

Poor  Toussaint  was  overwhelmed  with  con- 
sternation. What  was  he  to  do1?  Return  to 
France  he  could  not.  To  leave  Basle  and 
proceed  to  Zurich  or  Wittemberg,  beyond  the 
reach  of  his  kindred,  would  only  have  added 
to  their  distress.  (Ecolampadius  suggested 
a  middle  course.  "  Leave  rny  house,"  said 
he.257  With  a  sorrowful  heart  Toussaint  com- 
plied, and  went  to  lodge  with  a  priest,  both 
ignorant  and  obscure,  and  so  well  fitted  to 
quiet  the  fears  of  his  relations.258WThat  a  change 
for  him !  He  had  no  intercourse  with  his  host 
except  at  meals.  At  such  times  they  were 
continually  differing  on  matters  of  faith,  but 
— no  sooner  was  his  meal  ended,  than  Tous- 
saint hastened  to  shut  himself  in  his  chamber; 
where,  undisturbed  by  noise  and  controversy, 
he  carefully  studied  the  word  of  God.  "  The 
Lord  is  my  witness,"  said  he,  "  that  in  this 
valley  of  tears,  I  have  but  one  desire,  and  that 
is,  to  see  Christ's  kingdom  extend  itself,  that 
all  with  one  mouth  rnay  glorify  God."259 

One  incident  took  place  and  cheered  Tous- 
saint. The  enemies  of  the  Gospel  at  Metz 
were  becoming  more  and  more  powerful.  At 
his  entreaty,  the  Chevalier  d'Esch  undertook 
a  journey,  in  July,  1525,  to  strengthen  the 
evangelical  Christians  of  that  city.  He  tra- 
versed the  forests  of  Vosges,  and  reached  the 
place  where  Leclerc  had'laid  down  his  life, 
bringing  with  him  several  books  with  which 
Farel  had  supplied  him.260 

But  the  French  exiles  did  not  confine  their 
attention  to  Lorraine.  De  Coct  received  let- 
ters from  one  of  Farel's  brothers,  depicting, 
in  gloomy  colours,  the  condition  of  Dauphiny. 
He  carefully  avoided  showing  them,  lest  he 


410 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


should  alarm  the  faint-hearted,  but  bore  them 
on  his  heart  before  God  in  fervent  prayer,  for  j 
His  all-powerful  aid.261  In  December,  1524, 
one  Peter  Verrier,  a  messenger  from  Dauphmy, 
intrusted  with  commissions  for  Farel  and 
Anemond,  arrived  on  horseback  at  Montbe- 
liard.  The  knight,  with  his  usual  impetuosi- 
ty, immediately  resolved  on  returning  into 
France.  "  If  the  said  Peter  has  brought  mo- 
ney," wrote  he  to  Farel,  "do  you  take  it:  if 
he  has  brought  letters,  open  them,  take  copies, 
and  send  them  to  me.  Do  not  however  sell 
the  horse,  but  keep  it,  since  I  may  perhaps 
need  it.  I  am  minded  to  enter  France  se- 
cretly, and  visit  Jacobus  Faber  (Lefevre)  and 
Arandius.  Write  me  your  opinion  of  this 
plan."2-5 

Such  was  the  unreserved  confidence  which 
existed  among  these  refugees.  De  Coct,  it  is 
true,  was  already  indebted  thirty-six  crowns 
to  Farel,  whose  purse  was  ever  at  the  service 
of  his  friends.  The  knight's  plan  of  return- 
ing to  France  was  one  of  more  zeal  than  wis- 
dom. His  habitual  want  of  caution  would 
have  exposed  him  to  certain  death.  This 
Farel  doubtless  explained  to  him.  Leaving 
Basle  he  withdrew  to  a  small  town,  having, 
as  he  said,  "  great  hopes  of  acquiring  the 
German  tongue,  God  willing."263 

Farel  continued  to  preach  the  Gospel  at 
Montbeliard.  His  spirit  was  grieved  within 
him,  beholding  the  great  body  of  the  people 
of  that  place  wholly  given  to  the  worship  of 
images.  In  his  opinion  it  was  no  better  than 
a  return  to  heathen  idolatry. 

Nevertheless  the  exhortations  of  (Ecolam- 
padius,  and  the  fear  of  compromising  the 
truth,  would,  perhaps,  have  long  restrained 
them,  but  for  an  unforeseen  circumstance. 
One  day,  towards  the  end  of  February,  (it 
was  the  feast  of  St.  Anthony,)  Farel  was 
walking  near  the  banks  of  a  little  river  that 
runs  through  the  town,  below  the  lofty  rock 
on  which  stands  the  citadel,  when,  as  he 
reached  the  bridge,  he  met  a  procession  re- 
citing prayers  to  St.  Anthony,  and  headed  by 
two  priests  bearing  the  image  of  that  saint. 
He  thus  found  himself  suddenly  brought  into 
contact  with  these  superstitions.  A  violent 
struggle  took  place  in  his  soul ;  shall  he  be 
silent,  or  conceal  himself?  would  it  not  be  a 
cowardly  want  of  faith  ?  These  dumb  idols, 
borne  on  the  shoulders  of  ignorant  priests, 
made  his  blood  boil.  He  boldly  advanced, 
snatched  from  the  priests'  arms  the  shrine  of 
the  holy  hermit,  and  threw  it  from  the  bridge 
into  the  stream.  Then,  turning  toward  the 
astonished  crowd,  he  exclaimed  aloud,  "  Poor 
idolaters,  will  ye  never  put  away  your 
idols?"264 

The  priests  and  people  were  motionless  in 
astonishment.  A  holy  fear  for  a  while  para- 
lyzed them  ;  but  soon  recovering,  they  ex- 
claimed, "  The  image  is  sinking,"  and  their 
motionless  silence  was  succeeded  by  trans- 
ports of  rage.  The  crowd  would  have  rushed 
upon  the  sacrilegious  wretch  who  had  hurled 
into  the  river  the  object  of  their  adoration; 


but  Farel,  we  know  not  how,  escaped  thei 

fury.* 

Many  may  regret  that  the  Reformer  allow- 
ed himself  to  be  hurried  into  an  act  which 
tended  to  check  the  progress  of  the  truth. 
We  can  enter  into  their  feelings.  Let  no  man 
think  himself  authorized  to  attack  with  vio- 
lence an  institution  which  has  the  public  sanc- 
tion. Yet  is  there  in  this  zeal  of  the  Refor- 
mer a  something  more  noble  than  that  cold 
prudence  so  common  in  the  world,  and  which 
shrinks  from  incurring  the  smallest  danger  or 
making  the  most  trifling  sacrifice  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  God's  kingdom.  Farel  well 
knew  that  by  this  act  he  was  exposing  him- 
self to  the  death  which  Leclerc  had  suffered. 
But  his  own  conscience  bore  testimony  that 
he  desired  only  to  promote  the  glory  of  God, 
and  this  elevated  him  above  all  fear. 

After  this  incident  of  the  bridge,  in  which 
we  discern  his  natural  character,  Farel  was 
obliged  to  conceal  himself,  and  soon  after- 
wards to  quit  the  city.  He  took  refuge  with 
(Ecolampadius  at  Basle  ;  but  he  ever  retained 
that  attachment  to  Montbeliard,  which  a  ser- 
vant of  God  never  ceases  to  cherish  for  the 
scene  of  the  first-fruits  of  his  ministry.265 

At  Basle,  sad  tidings  awaited  him.  Him- 
self a  fugitive,  he  now  learned  that  Anemond 
de  Coct  was  dangerously  ill.  Farel  imme- 
diately remitted  to  him  four  gold  crowns :  but 
on  the  25th  of  March,  a  letter  from  Oswald 
Myconius  brought  him  intelligence  of  the 
knight's  death.  "  Let  us  so  live,"  wrote  Os- 
wald, "  that  we  may  enter  into  that  rest  which 
we  trust  the  soul  of  Anemond  has  now  entered 
upon."266 

Thus  prematurely  died  Anemond ; — still 
young,  full  of  activity  and  energy, — in  him- 
self a  host, — ready  to  undertake  every  labour, 
and  brave  every  danger  in  the  hope  of  evan- 
gelizing France.  God's  ways  are  not  our 
ways.  Not  long  before,  and  near  Zurich  too, 
another  noble,  Ulric  von  Hiitten,  had  breathed 
his  last.  Points  of  resemblance  are  not  want- 
ing between  the  two ;  but  the  piety  and  Chris- 
tian virtues  of  the  native  of  Dauphiny  en- 
title him  to  rank  far  above  the  level  of  the 
witty  and  intrepid  enemy  of  the  Pope  and 
monks. 

Shortly  after  Anemond's  death,  Farel,  find- 
ing it  impossible  to  remain  at  Basle  whence 
he  had  already  been  expelled,  joined  his 
friends  Capito  and  Bucer  at  Strasburg. 

Thus  at  Montbeliard  and  at  Basle,  as  well 
as  at  Lyons,  the  ranks  of  the  Reformers  were 
thinned.  Of  those  who  most  zealously  con- 
tended for  the  faith,  some  had  been  removed 
by  death — others  were  scattered  by  persecu- 
tion, and  in  exile.  In  vain  did  the  combatants 
turn  their  efforts  in  every  direction.  On  all 


*  M.  Kirchhoffer,  in  his  Life  of  Farel,  gives 
this  circumstance  as  an  uncertain  tradition  :  but 
it  is  related  by  Protestant  writers,  and  besides 
seems  to  be  perfectly  consistent  with  the  charac- 
ter of  Farel  and  the  fears  of  (Ecolampadius.  It 
is  our  duty  to  admit  the  weaknesses  of  the  Re- 
formation. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


411 


sides  they  were  repulsed.  But  though  the 
forces  concentrated  first  at  Meaux,  then  at 
Lyons,  and  lastly  at  Basle,  had  been  suc- 
cessively broken  up,  there  remained  here  and 
there,  in  Lorraine,  at  Meaux,  and  even  in 
Paris,  good  soldiers,  who  struggled,  more  or 
less  openly,  in  support  of  God's  word  in 
France.  Though  the  Reformation  saw  its 
ranks  broken,  it  still  had  its  single  cham 
pions.  Against  these  the  Sorbonne  and  the 
Parliament  now  turned  their  anger.  The  re- 
solution was  taken  to  exterminate  from  the 
soil  of  France  the  devoted  men  who  had  un- 
dertaken to  plant  thereon  the  standard  of 
Jesus  Christ; — and  unprecedented  misfor- 
tunes seemed  at  this  season  to  conspire  with 
the  enemies  of  the  Reformation  to  favour  the 
attainment  of  their  purpose. 

During  the  latter  part  of  Farel's  stay  at 
Montbeliard,  great  events  had  indeed  taken 
place  on  the  theatre  of  the  world.  Lannoy, 
and  Pescara,  Charles's  generals,  having  quit- 
ted France  on  the  approach  of  Francis  I.,  that 
Prince  crossed  the  Alps,  and  blockaded  Pa- 
via.  On  the  24th  of  February,  1525,  Pescara 
attacked  him.  Bonnivet,  la  Tremouille,  la 
Palisse,  and  Lescure  died  fighting  by  his  side. 
The  Duke  of  Alencon,  the  first  prince  of  the 
blood  and  husband  of  Margaret,  fled,  carrying 
with  him  the  rear-guard,  and  died  of  shame 
and  grief  at  Lyons.  Francis  himself,  thrown 
from  his  horse,  surrendered  his  sword  to 
Charles  de  Lannoy,  viceroy  of  Naples,  who 
received  it  kneeling  on  one  knee.  The  King 
of  France  was  the  Emperor's  prisoner !  His 
captivity  seemed  to  be  the  greatest  of  all  mis- 
fortunes. "Nothing  is  left  me  but  honour 
and  life,"  wrote  that  Prince  to  his  mother. 
But  to  none  was  this  event  more  affecting 
than  to  Margaret.  The  glory  of  her  country 
overclouded,  France  without  a  monarch,  and 
exposed  to  accumulated  dangers,  her  beloved 
brother  the  captive  of  his  haughty  foe,  her 
husband  dishonoured  and  dead,  —  what  an 
overflowing  cup  of  bitterness !  But  she  had 
a  Comforter:— and  whilst  her  brother  sought 
to  comfort  himself  by  repeating,  "  Tout  est 
perdu, fors  Fhonneur  /"  (All  is  lost  save  ho- 
nour!)  .  .  She  was  able  to  say,  "  Fors  Jesus 
seul,  monfrere,Jils  de  Dieu," — "  Save  Christ 
alone,  my  brother,  Son  of  God  !"267 

All  France,  nobles,  parliament,  and  people, 
were  overwhelmed  in  consternation.  Ere 
long,  as  in  the  first  three,  centuries  of  the 
Church  the  calamity  which  had  overtaken 
the  state  was  charged  upon  the  Christians, — 
and  the  cry  of  fanatics  on  all  sides  demanded 
their  blood  as  the  means  of  averting  further 
misfortunes.  The  moment,  therefore,  was 
favourable  to  the  opposers  of  the  truth ;  it 
was  not  enough  to  have  dislodged  the  evan- 
gelical Christians  from  the  three  strong  posi- 
tions they  had  taken  up,  it  was  necessary  to 
profit  by  the  popular  panic  to  strike  while  the 
iron  was  hot,  and  utterly  to  extirpate  a  power 
which  was  becoming  so  formidable  to  the 
Papacy. 

At  the  head  of  this  conspiracy,  and  loudest 
in  these  clamours,  were  Beda,  Duchesne,  and 
53 


Lecouturier.  These  irreconcilable  enemies  of 
the  Gospel  flattered  themselves  that  they 
might  easily  obtain,  from  public  terror,  the 
victims  hitherto  refused.  They  went  imme- 
diately to  work,  employing  fanatical  ha- 
rangues, lamentations,  threats,  and  libels,  to 
arouse  the  angry  passions  of  the  nation  and 
its  governors, — vomiting  fire  and  flame  against 
their  adversaries,  and  heaping  insults  upon 
them.268 

They  stopped  at  nothing; — dishonestly 
quoting  their  words,  without  reference  to  any 
explanatory  context,  substituting  expressions 
of  their  own  in  place  of  those  used  by  the 
teachers  they  wished  to  inculpate,  and  omit- 
ting or  adding  according  as  was  necessary  to 
blacken  the  character  of  their  opponents-269 
Such  is  the  testimony  of  Erasmus  himself. 

Nothing  so  much  excited  their  anger  as 
the  doctrine  of  Salvation  by  Free  Grace, — 
the  corner-stone  of  Christianity  and  of  the 
Reformation.  *«  When  I  contemplate,"  said 
Beda,  "  these  three  men,  Lefevre,  Erasmus, 
and  Luther,  in  other  respects  gifted  with  so 
penetrating  a  genius,  leagued  together  in  a 
conspiracy  against  meritorious  works,  and 
resting  all  the  weight  of  salvation  on  faith 
alone,  I  am  no  longer  astonished  that  thou- 
sands, led  away  by  such  teaching,  begin  to 
say,  *  Why  should"  I  fast  and  mortify  my 
body]'270  Let  us  banish  from  France  this 
hateful  doctrine  of  grace.  This  neglect  of 
Sfood  works  is  a  fatal  snare  of  the  devil." 

Thus  did  the  syndic  of  the  Sorbonne  fight 
against  the  faith.  He  would  naturally  find 
supporters  in  a  profligate  court,  and  likewise 
in  another  class  of  people,  more  respectable, 
but  not  less  opposed  to  the  Gospel; — we 
mean  those  grave  men,  and  rigid  moralists, 
who,  devoted  to  the  study  of  laws  and  judi- 
cial forms,  discern  in  Christianity  no  more 
than  a  system  of  laws,  and  in  the  Church 
only  a  sort  of  moral  police,  and  who,  unable 
;o  make  the  doctrines  of  man's  spiritual  help- 
lessness, the  new  birth,  and  justification  by 
faith,  square  with  the  legal  habit  of  their 
minds,  are  induced  to  regard  them  as  fanciful 
imaginations,  dangerous  to  public  morals  and 
to  national  prosperity.  This  aversion  to  the 
doctrine  of  free  grace  manifested  itself  in  the 
sixteenth  century  under  two  widely  different 
^orms.  In  Italy  and  in  Poland  it  took  the 
form  of  Socinianism,  so  called  from  its  ori- 
ginator, who  was  descended  from  a  celebrated 
'amily  of  jurists  at  Sienna ;  while  in  France, 
t  showed  itself  in  the  stem  decrees  and 
>urnings  of  the  Parliament. 

Contemning  the  great  truths  of  the  Gospel, 
as  promulgated  by  the  Reformers,  and  think- 
ng  it  necessary  to  do  something  at  this 
season  of  overwhelming  calamity,  the  Par- 
iament  presented  an  address  to  Louisa  of 
Savoy,  remonstrating  strongly  on  the  conduct 
f  the  government  towards  the  new  teaching : 
•  Heresy,"  said  they,  "  has  raised  its  head 
amongst  us,  and  the  king,  by  his  neo-lecting 
to  bring  the  heretics  to  the  scaffold,  has 
drawn  down  upon  us  the  wrath  of  heaven." 

At  the  same  time  the  pulpits  resounded 


412 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


with  lamentations,  threatenings,  and  male- 
dictions ;  and  prompt  and  signal  punishments 
were  loudly  demanded.  Martial  Mazurier 
took  a  prominent  part  among  the  preachers 
of  Paris,  and  endeavouring  by  his  violence 
to  efface  the  recollection  of  his  former  con- 
nection with  the  partisans  of  the  Reforma- 
tion, inveighed  against  such  as  were  "  secretly 
the  disciples  of  Luther."  "Know  you," 
cried  he,  "  the  rapid  progress  of  this  poison  1 
Know  you  its  strength]  It  acts  with  incon- 
ceivable rapidity;  in  a  moment  it  may  de- 
stroy tens  of  thousands  of  souls.  Ah !  well 
may  we  tremble  for  France."271 

It  was  not  difficult  to  excite  the  Queen- 
mother  against  the  favourers  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. Her  daughter  Margaret,  the  chief  per- 
sonages of  the  court,  she  herself,  Louisa  of 
Savoy,  who  had  ever  been  devoted  to  the 
Roman  Pontiff,  had  been  by  certain  of  the 
fanatics  charged  with  countenancing  Lefevre, 
Berquin,  and  the  other  innovators.  Had  she 
not  been  known,  insinuated  her  accusers,  to 
read  their  tracts  and  translations  of  the  Bible  1 
The  Queen-mother  was  not  unwilling  to 
clear  herself  of  such  dishonouring  suspicions. 
Already  she  had  despatched  her  confessor  to 
the  Sorbonne  to  inquire  of  that  body  as  to  the 
best  method  of  extirpating  this  heresy.  "  The 
detestable  doctrine  of  Luther,"  said  she  in 
her  message  to  the  faculty,  "every  day  gains 
new  adherents."  The  faculty  smiled  on  the 
receipt  of  this  message.  The  time  had  been 
when  the  representations  they  had  made 
were  dismissed  without  so  much  as  a  hear- 
ing ;  but  now  their  advice  was  humbly  soli- 
cited in  the  matter.  At  length  they  held 
within  their  grasp  that  heresy  which  they 
had  so  long  desired  to  stifle.  They  deputed 
Noel  Beda  to  return  an  immediate  answer  to 
the  Queen-regent.  "  Since,"  said  the  fana- 
tical syndic,  "  the  sermons,  discussions,  and 
books,  with  which  we  have  so  often  opposed 
heresy,  have  failed  to  arrest  its  progress,  a 
proclamation  ought  to  be  put  forth,  prohibit- 
ing the  circulation  of  the  writings  of  the 
heretics — and  if  these  measures  should  prove 
insufficient,  force  and  restraint  should  be 
employed  against  the  persons  of  the  false 
teachers ;  for  they  who  resist  the  light  must 
be  subdued  by  punishments  and  terror"2™ 

But  Louisa  had  not  even  waited  for  their 
answer.  Scarcely  had  Francis  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  Charles  V.,  when  she  wrote  to 
the  Pope,  consulting  him  as  to  his  wishes 
with  respect  to  heretics.  It  was  important 
to  Louisa's  policy  to  secure  to  herself  the 
favour  of  a  pontiff  who  had  power  to  raise 
all  Italy  against  the  conqueror  of  Pavia;  and 
she  did  not  think  that  favour  would  be  too 
dearly  bought  at  the  cost  of  some  French 
blood.  The  Pope,  delighted  at  the  opportu- 
nity of  letting  loose  his  vengeance  in  the 
"most  Christian  kingdom,"  against  a  heresy 
of  which  he  had  failed  to  arrest  the  progress 
either  in  Switzerland  or  Germany,  gave 
instant  directions  for  the  establishment  of  the 
Inquisition  in  France,  and  despatched  a  bull 
to  that  effect  to  the  Parliament.  At  the  same 


time  Duprat,  whom  the  Pontiff  had  created  a 
cardinal,  at  the  same  time  bestowing  upon 
him  the  archbishopric  of  Sens  and  a  rich 
abbey,  laboured  to  testify  his  gratitude  for 
these  favours,  by  his  indefatigable  opposition 
to  the  heretics.  Thus  the  Pope,  the  Regent, 
the  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne  and  the  Parlia- 
ment, the  Chancellor  and  the  fanatics,  were 
now  combining  to  ruin  the  Gospel  and  put 
its  confessors  to  death. 

The  Parliament  was  first  in  motion.  The 
time  had  arrived,  when  it  was  necessary  that 
the  first  body  in  the  state  should  take  steps 
against  the  new  doctrine :  moreover,  it  might 
seem  called  to  act,  inasmuch  as  the  public 
tranquillity  was  at  stake.  Accordingly,  the 
Parliament,  "under  the  impulse  of  a  holy 
zeal  against  the  innovations,"  issued  an 
edict,  "  that  the  Bishop  of  Paris,  and  certain 
other  bishops,  should  be  held  responsible  to 
M.  Philippe  Pott,  president  of  requests,  and 
Andrew  Verjus,  its  counsellor,  and  to  Mes- 
sires  William  Duchesne,  and  Nicolas  Le- 
clerc,  doctors  of  divinity,  to  institute  and 
conduct  the  trial  of  persons  tainted  with  the 
Lutheran  doctrine."273 

"  And  with  a  purpose  of  making  it  appear 
that  those  persons  were  acting  rather  under 
the  authority  of  the  Church  than  of  the  Par- 
liament, it  pleased  his  Holiness,  the  Pope,  to 
forward  a  brief,  dated  20th  May,  1525,  in 
which  he  approved  the  commissioners  that 
had  been  named." 

"  Accordingly,  in  pursuance  of  these  mea- 
sures, all  who,  being  called  before  these 
deputies,  were  by  the  bishop  or  by  the  eccle- 
siastical judges,  pronounced  Lutherans,  were 
handed  over  to  the  secular  arm, — that  is,  to 
the  said  Parliament,  who  forthwith  condemn- 
ed them  to  the  flames."*  We  quote  the  very 
words  of  a  manuscript  of  that  age. 

Such  was  the  dreadful  court  of  Inquisition, 
appointed,  during  the  captivity  of  Francis  I., 
to  take  cognisance  of  the  charge  against  the 
evangelic  Christians  of  France,  as  dangerous 
to  the  state.  Its  members  were  two  laymen 
and  two  ecclesiastics :  and  one  of  these  latter 
was  Duchesne,  next  to  Beda  the  most  fana- 
tical of  the  adverse  party.  Shame  had  pre- 
vented their  placing  Beda  himself  in  the 
commission,  but  his  influence  was  only  the 
more  secured  by  the  precaution. 

Thus  the  machinery  was  set  up,  its  various 
springs  in  order, — and  every  one  of  its  blows 
likely  to  be  mortal.  It  was  an  important 
point  to  settle  against  whom  its  first  proceed- 
ings should  be  taken.  Beda,  Duchesne,  and 
Leclerc,  M.  Philip  Pott,  the  president,  and 
Andrew  Verjus,  the  counsellor,  met  to  delibe- 
rate on  this  point.  Was  there  not  the  Count 
of  Montbrun,  the  old  friend  of-  Louis  XII.,' 
and  the  former  ambassador  at  the  court  of 
Rome,  Briconnet,  then  Bishop  of  Meaux? 
This  committee  of  public  safety,  of  1525, 


*  The  MS.  of  the  Library  of  St.  Genevieve, 
whence  I  have  derived  this  fragment,  bears  the 
name  of  Lezeau,  but  in  the  catalogue  that  of 
Lefebre. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


413 


thought  that  by  singling  out  its  object  from  an 
elevated  station,  it  should  strike  terror  through 
all  hearts.  This  consideration  seems  to  have 
decided  them ;  and  the  venerable  bishop  re- 
ceived notice  of  trial. 

Far  from  quailing  before  the  persecution 
of  1523,  Briconnet  had  persisted,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Lefevre,  in  opposing  the  popular 
superstitions.  The  more  eminent  his  station 
in  the  Church  and  in  the  State,  the  more  fatal 
did  the  effect  of  his  example  appear,  and  the 
more  did  his  enemies  judge  it  necessary  to 
extort  from  him  a  public  recantation,  or  to 
bring  him  to  a  yet  more  public  retribution. 
The  court  of  Inquisition  lost  no  time  in  col- 
lecting and  preparing  the  evidence  against 
him.  He  was  charged  with  harbouring  the 
teachers  of  the  new  heresy:  it  was  alleged 
that  a  week  after  the  superior  of  the  Corde- 
liers had  preached  in  St.  Martin's  church  at 
Meaux,  by  direction  of  the  Sorbonne,  to  re- 
store sound  doctrine, — Briconnet  had  himself 
occupied  the  pulpit,  and,  in  publicly  refuting 
Kim,  had  designated  the  preacher  and  his 
brother  Cordeliers  impostors,  false  prophets, 
and  hypocrites  ;  and  that,  not  satisfied  with 
that,  he  had,  through  his  official,  summoned 
the  superior  to  appear  personally  to  answer 
to  him.274 

It  would  even  seem,  if  we  may  trust  to  one 
manuscript  of  the  time,  that  the  Bishop  had 
gone  much  further,  and  that  he  in  person,  at- 
tended by  Lefevre,  had  in  the  autumn  of  1524, 
gone  over  his  diocese,  committing  to  the 
flames,  wherever  he  came,  all  images,  the 
crucifix  alone  excepted.  So  daring  a  conduct, 
which  would  go  to  prove  so  much  decision, 
combined  with  much  timidity  in  the  charac- 
ter of  Briconnet — if  we  give  credit  to  the  fact 
— would  not  fix  upon  him  the  blame  visited 
on  other  iconoclasts ;  for  he  was  at  the  head 
of  that  Church  whose  superstitions  he  then 
sought  to  reform,  and  was  therefore  acting  at 
least  in  the  sphere  of  his  rights  and  duties.* 

However  we  may  regard  it,  in  the  eyes  of 
the  enemies  of  the  Gospel  the  charge  against 
Briconnet  was  of  a  very  aggravated  character. 
He  had  not  merely  impugned  the  Church's 
authority,  he  had  erected  himself  against  the 
Sorbonne  itself, — that  society,  all  the  energies 
of  which  were  directed  to  the  perpetuation  of 
its  own  greatness.  Great,  therefore,  was  the 
joy  in  the  society  at  the  intelligence  that  its 


*  In  the  library  of  the  pastors  of  Neufchatel  is 
a  letter  of  Sebville,  in  which  the  following  pas- 
sage occurs:  "  Je  te  notifie  que  1'eveque  de 
Meaux  en  Brie  pres  Paris  cum  Jacolio  Fabro  sfapu- 
lensi,  depuis  trois  mois,  en  visitant  1'eveche  ont 
brule  actu  tous  les  images,  reserve  le  crucifix,  et 
sont  personellement  ajournes  a  Paris  a  ce  mois  de 
mars  venant  pour  repondre  coram  suprema  curia  et 
univcrsitate."  I  am  rather  disposed  to  think  the 
fact  truly  stated,  though  Sebville  was  not  on  the 
spot.  Mezeray,  Daniel,  and  Maimbourg  make  no 
mention  of  it.  These  Roman  Catholic  writers, 
who  are  not  very  circumstantial,  may  have  had 
motives  for  passing  over  the  fact  in  silence,  con- 
sidering the  issue  of  the  trial ;  and  moreover,  the 
report  of  Sebville  agrees  with  all  the  known  facts. 
However,  the  matter  is  open  to  question. 


adversary  was  to  stand  a  trial  before  the  In- 
quisition, and  John  Bochart,  one  of  the  lead- 
ing lawyers  of  the  time,  pleading  before  the 
Parliament  against  Briconnet,  exclaimed 
aloud, — "Neither  the  Bishop  nor  any  sin- 
gle individual  can  lawfully  exalt  himself 
or  open  his  mouth  against  the  faculty. 
Neither  is  the  faculty  called  to  discuss  or  give 
its  reasons  at  the  bar  of  the  said  Bishop, 
whose  duty  it  is  to  offer  no  opposition  to  the 
wisdom  of  that  holy  society,  but  to  esteem  it 
as  under  the  guidance  of  God  himself."275 

In  conformity  with  this  representation,  the 
Parliament  put  forth  an  edict  on  the  3d  Octo- 
ber, 1525,  wherein,  after  authorizing  the  ar- 
rest of  all  those  who  had  been  informed 
against,  it  gave  orders  that  the  bishop  should 
be  examined  by  Master  James  Menager  and 
Andrew  Verjus,  counsellors  of  the  court, 
touching  the  matters  charged  against  him.276 

The  order  of  the  Parliament  struck  terror 
to  the  Bishop's  heart.  Briconnet,  twice 
honoured  with  the  post  of  ambassador  at 
Rome, — Bri(;onnet,  a  bishop,  a  noble,  the  in- 
timate friend  of  Louis  XII.  and  Francis  I.,— . 
to  undergo  an  interrogatory  by  two  counsel- 
lors of  the  court He  who  had  fondly 

dreamed  that  God  would  kindle  in  the  hearts 
of  the  king,  his  mother,  and  his  sister,  a  flame 
that  would  run  through  the  kingdom,  now  be- 
held that  kingdom  turning  against  him  in  the 
endeavour  to  quench  that  fire  which  it  had  re- 
ceived from  heaven.  The  king  was  a  captive ; 
his  mother  was  placing  herself  at  the  head  of 
the  enemy's  force ;  and  Margaret,  dismayed 
by  the  misfortunes  of  her  country,  no  longer 
dared  to  avert  the  blow  directed  against  her 
dearest  friends,  and  falling  first  on  the  spirit- 
ual father  who  had  so  often  cheered  and  com- 
forted her.  Not  long  before  this,  she  had 
written  to  Briconnet  a  letter  full  of  pious  emo- 
tions. "  Oh,"  she  had  said,  "  that  this  poor 
languid  heart  might  experience  some  warmth 
of  that  love  with  which  I  would  that  it  were 
burnt  to  ashes."277  But  the  time  had  arrived 
when  the  question  was  one  of  literal  burn- 
ings. Such  mystical  expressions  were  not 
now  in  season;  and  one  who  resolved  to  con- 
fess the  faith  must  brave  the  scaffold !  The 
poor  Bishop,  who  had  been  so  sanguine  in 
the  hope  to  see  the  Reformation  gradually 
and  gently  winning  its  way  in  men's  minds, 
trembled  in  dismay,  when  he  found,  that,  at 
the  eleventh  hour,  it  must  be  purchased,  at 
the  sacrifice  of  life  itself.  It  is  possible  such 
a  thought  may  never  before  have  occurred 
to  him,  and  he  recoiled  from  it  in  an  agony  of 
fear. 

One  hope,  however,  remained  for  Bricon- 
net; and  that  was,  that  he  might  be  allowed 
to  appear  before  the  Chambers  of  Parliament 
in  general  assembly,  agreeably  to  the  privilege 
belonging,  by  custom,  to  his  rank.  Doubt- 
less, in  that  august  and  numerous  assembly, 
some  generous  hearts  would  respond  to  his 
appeal  and  espouse  his  cause.  Accordingly, 
he  humbly  petitioned  the  court  to  grant  him 
this  indulgence  ;  but  his  enemies  had  equally 
with  himself  calculated  the  possible  issue  ol 


414 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


such  a  hearing.  Had  they  not  learned  a  les- 
son when  Luther,  in  presence  of  the  Germanic 
Diet,  at  Worms,  had  shaken  the  resolution  of 
those  who  had  previously  seemed  most  decid- 
ed 1  Carefully  closing  every  avenue  of  escape, 
they  had  exerted  themselves  with  such  effect, 
that  the  Parliament,  on  the  25th  October, 
15*25,  in  an  edict  affirming  that  previously  is- 
sued, refused  Brie,  ormet  the  favour  he  had  pe- 
titioned for.278 

Behold  the  Bishop  of  Meaux,  placed  like 
a  common  priest  of  the  lowest  order  before 
Masters  James  Menager  and  Andrew  Verjus. 
Those  two  jurisconsults,  the  obedient  tools 
of  the  Sorbonne,  were  not  likely  to  be  swayed 
by  those  higher  considerations  to  which  the 
Chambers  of  Parliament  might  be  accessible ; 
they  were  men  of  facts : — was  it,  or  was  it 
not,  a  fact  that  the  Bishop  had  set  himself  in 
opposition  to  the  society  ]  With  them,  this 
was  the  only  question.  Accordingly,  Bri- 
connet's  conviction  was  secured. 

Whilst  the  sword  was  thus  impending  over 
the  head  of  the  Bishop,  the  monks,  priests, 
and  doctors  made  the  best  use  of  their  time  ; 
they  saw  plainly  that  if  Briconnet  could  be 
persuaded  to  retract,  their  interests  would  be 
better  served  than  by  his  martyrdom.  His 
death  would  but  inflame  the  zeal  of  those 
who  were  united  with  him  in  their  faith, 
while  his  apostasy  would  plunge  them  in  the 
deepest,  discouragement.  They  accordingly 
went  to  work.  They  visited  him,  and  pressed 
him  with  their  entreaties.  Martial  Mazurier 
especially  strained  every  nerve  to  urge  him 
to  a  fall,  as  he  himself  had  fallen.  Arguments 
were  not  wanting,  which  might,  to  Briconnet, 
seem  specious.  Would  he  then  take  the  con- 
sequence, and  be  rejected  from  his  office  ?  If 
he  remained  in  the  church,  might  not  he  use 
his  influence  with  the  king  and  the  court  to 
an  extent  of  good  which  it  was  not  easy  to 
estimate  ?  What  would  become  of  his  friends 
when  his  power  was  at  an  end  ]  Was  not  his 
resistance  likely  to  compromise  the  success 
of  a  Reformation  which,  to  be  salutary  and 
lasting,  ought  to  be  carried  into  effect  by  the 
legitimate  "influence  of  the  clergy  ?  How 
many  would  be  stumbled  by  his  persisting  in 
opposition  to  the  Church;  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  how  many  would  be  won  over  by  his 
concessions]  His  advisers  pretended  that 
they,  too,  were  anxious  for  a  Reformation; — 
"  All  is  going  on  by  insensible  steps,"  said 
they ;  "  both  at  the  court,  in  the  city,  and  in 
the  provinces,  things  are  progressing — and 
would  he,  in  the  mere  lightness  of  his  heart, 
dash  the  fair  prospect  in  view !  After  all,  he 
was  not  asked  to  relinquish  what  he  had 
taught,  but  merely  to  comply  with  the  estab- 
lished order  of  the  Church.  Could  it  be 
well,  at  a  time  when  France  was  suffering 
under  the  pressure  of  so  many  reverses, — to 
stir  up  new  confusions  1  "  In  the  name  of 
religion,  country,  friends — nay,  even  of  the 
Reformation  itself — consent  /"  said  they.  Such 
are  the  sophisms  that  are  the  ruin  of  many  a 
noble  enterprise. 

Yet  every  one  of  these  considerations  had 


its  influence  on  the  Bishop's  mind.  The 
Tempter,  who  came  to  Jesns  in  the  wilder- 
ness, presented  himself  to  Briconnet  in  fair 
and  specious  colours; — and  instead  of  saying, 
with  his  Master,  "  Get  thee  behind  me,  Sa- 
tan!" he  heard,  listened,  and  considered  his 
suggestions.  . .  .  Thenceforward  his  faith  ful- 
ness was  at  an  end. 

Briconnet  had  never  been  embarked,  with 
all  his  heart,  like  Farel  or  Luther  in  the  move- 
ment which  was  then  remoulding  the  Church. 
There  was  in  him  a  sort  of  mystical  tendency, 
which  enfeebles  the  souls  in  which  it  gains 
place,  and  takes  from  them  the  firmness  and 
confidence  which  are  derived  from  a  Faith 
that  rests  simply  on  the  word  of  God.  The 
cross  he  was  called  to  take  up,  that  he  might 
follow  Christ,  was  too  heavy  forhim.279Shaken 
in  resolution,  alarmed,  dizzy,  and  not  know- 
ing which  way  to  turn,  he  faltered,  and 
stumbled  against  the  stone  that  had  been  art- 
fully laid  in  his  path280.  .  he  fell ;— and,  in- 
stead of  throwing  himself  into  the  arms  of 
Christ,  he  cast  himself  at  the  feet  of  Mazurier,281 
and  by  a  shameful  recantation,  brought  a  dark 
cloud  upon  the  glory  of  a  noble  fidelity.282 

Thus  fell  Briconnet,  the  friend  of  Lefevre 
and  of  Margaret ;  and  thus  the  earliest  pro- 
tector of  the  Gospel  in  France,  denied  that 
good  news  of  Grace,  in  the  criminal  thought 
that  his  abiding  faithful  would  compromise 
his  influence  in  the  Church,  at  the  court,  and 
in  the  kingdom.  But  what  his  enemies  repre- 
sented as  the  saving  of  his  country,  was,  per- 
haps, the  greatest  of  its  misfortunes.  What 
might  not  have  been  the  consequence,  if  Bri- 
connet had  possessed  the  courage  of  Luther  1 
If  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  French 
bishops,  enjoying  the  respect  of  the  king  and 
the  love  of  the  people,  had  ascended  the 
scaffold,  and  there,  like  "  the  poor  of  this 
world,"  sealed,  by  a  courageous  confession 
and  a  Christian  death,  the  truth  of  the  Gos- 
pel,— would  not  France  herself  have  been 
put  upon  reflection?  Would  not  the  blood 
of  the  Bishop  of  Meaux  have  served,  like 
that  of  Polycarp  and  Cyprian,  as  seed  of  the 
Church;  and  should  we  not  have  seen  those 
provinces,  so  famed  for  many  recollections, 
emancipating  themselves,  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  from  the  spiritual  darkness  in  which 
they  are  still  enveloped  1 

Briconnet  underwent  the  form  of  an  inter- 
rogatory, in  presence  of  Masters  James 
Menager  and  Andrew  Verjus,  who  declared 
that  he  had  sufficiently  vindicated  himself 
from  the  crime  charged  against  him.  He 
was  then  put  under  penance,  and  convened  a 
synod,  at  which  he  condemned  the  writings 
of  Luther,  retracted  whatever  he  had  taught 
at  variance  with  the  Church's  teaching,  re- 
stored the  custom  of  invocation  of  saints, 
aersuading  such  as  had  left  the  rites  of  the 
Church  to  return  to  them;  and,  as  if  desiring 
to  leave  no  doubt  as  to  his  reconciliation  with 
the  Pope  and  the  Sorbonne,  kept  a  solemn 
fast  on  All-saints-eve,  and  issued  orders 
for  pompous  processions,  in  which  he  ap- 
peared personally,  evidencing  still  further 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


415 


his  faith  hy  his  largesses  and  apparent  de- 
votion.* 

The  fall  of  Briconnet  is  perhaps  the  most 
memorable  of  all  those  recorded  of  that  period. 
There  is  no  like  example  of  one  so  deeply 
engaged  in  the  work  of  the  Reformation  so 
abruptly  turning  against  it;  yet  must  we 
carefully  consider  both  his  character  and  his 
fall.  Briconnet  stood  relatively  to  Rome  as 
Lefevre  stood  in  relation  to  the  Reformation. 
Both  represented  a  sort  of  juste  milieu, — ap- 
pertaining, in  strictness  of  speech,  to  neither 
party, — as  it  were,  one  on  the  right  and  the 
other  on  the  left  centre.  The  Doctor  of  Eta- 
pies  leans  towards  the  Word  ;  the  Bishop  in- 
clines towards  the  Hierarchy  ; — and  when 
these  men,  who  touch  each  other,  are  driven 
to  decision,  we  see  the  one  range  himself  on 
the  side  of  Christ,  and  the  other  on  the  side 
of  Rome.  We  may  add,  that  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  think  that  Brigonnet  can  have  entirely 
laid  aside  the  convictions  of  his  faith ;  and  at 
no  time  did  the  Roman  doctors  put  confidence 
in  him ;  not  even  after  he  had  retracted.  But 
he  did,  as  did  afterwards  the  Bishop  of  Cam- 
bray,  whom  he  in  some  points  resembled  ;  he 
flattered  himself  he  might  outwardly  submit 
to  the  Pope's  authority,  while  he  in  his  heart 
continued  subject  to  the  divine  Word.  Such 
weakness  is  incompatible  with  the  principle 
of  the  Reformation.  Briconnet  was  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  of  the  quietist  or 
mystic  school ;  and  it  is  well  known  that  one 
of  the  leading  maxims  of  that  school  has 
ever  been  to  settle  down  in,  and  adapt  itself 
to,  the  church  in  which  it  exists,  whatever 
that  church  may  be. 

The  mournful  fall  of  Briconnet  was  felt  as 
a  shock  to  the  hearts  of  his  former  friends, 
and  was  the  sad  forerunner  of  those  deplor- 
able apostasies  to  which  the  friendship  of  the 
world  so  often  led,  in  another  age  of  French 
history.  The  man  who  seemed  to  hold  the 
reins  of  the  movement  was  abruptly  precipi- 
tated from  his  seat,  and  the  Reformation  was, 
in  that  country,  thenceforth  to  pursue  its 
course  without  a  leader  or  guide,  in  loneliness 
and  secrecy.  But  the  disciples  of  the  Gospel 
from  that  time  lifted  up  their  eyes,  regarding, 
with  more  fixedness  of  faith,  their  Head  in 
heaven,  whose  unchanging  faithfulness  their 
souls  had  known. 

The  Sorbonne  was  triumphant.  A  great 
advance  toward  the  final  ruin  of  the  Reforma- 
tion in  France  had  been  made,  and  it  was 
important  to  follow  up  their  success.  Lefevre 
stood  next  after  Brigonnet,  and  Beda  had, 
therefore,  without  loss  of  time,  turned  his 
hostility  against  him,  publishing  a  tract 
against  the  celebrated  doctor,  full  of  such 
gross  calumnies,  that  we  have  Erasmus's 
judgment  of  them,  that  "even  cobblers  and 
smiths  could  lay  their  finger  on  the  falsehood 
of  them."  What  seemed  above  all  to  enrage 
him  was  that  doctrine  of  Justification  by  Faith, 
which  Lefevre  had  proclaimed  in  the  ears  of 

.    *  Mezeray.  ii.  p.  981 ;    Daniel,  v.  p.  644 ;  Mo- 
reri,  article  Bri§onnet. 


Christians.  To  this  Beda  continually  re- 
curred as  an  article  which,  according  to  him, 
overturned  the  Church.  "What?"  he  ex- 
claimed, "  Lefevre  affirms  that  whoever  as- 
cribes to  himself  the  power  to  save  himself 
will  be  lost,  whilst  whosoever,  laying  aside 
all  strength  of  his  own,  casts  himself  into 

the  arms  of  Christ,  shall  be  saved Oh, 

what  heresy !  thus  to  teach  the  uselessness 
of  meritorious  works What  hellish  doc- 
trine ! — what  delusion  of  the  devil !  Let  us 
oppose  it  with  all  our  power."25 

Instantly  that  engine  of  persecution,  which 
took  effect  in  the  recantation  or  in  the  death, 
of  its  victims,  was  turned  against  Lefevre; 
and  already  hopes  were  entertained  that  he 
would  share  the  fate  of  Leclerc  the  wool- 
comber,  or  that  of  the  Bishop  Bric.onnet. 
His  trial  was  quickly  gone  through ;  and  a 
decree  of  Parliament  condemned  nine  propo- 
sitions extracted  from  his  commentaries  on 
the  Gospels,  and  placed  his  translation  of  the 
Scriptures  in  the  list  of  prohibited  works.284 

These  measures  were  felt  by  Lefevre  to  be 
only  the  prelude  of  others.  From  the  first 
intimation  of  the  approaching  persecution  he 
had  clearly  perceived,  that  in  the  absence  of 
Francis  the  First  he  would  not  be  able  to 
bear  up  under  his  enemies'  attacks,  and  that 
the  time  had  arrived  to  act  on  the  direction, 
"  When  they  persecute  you  in  one  city,  Jlee  ye 
unto  another."  Matt.  x.  14—23.  Lefevre 
quitted  Meaux,  where,  ever  since  the  bishop's 
apostasy,  he  had  experienced  nothing  but 
bitterness  of  soul,  and  had  found  his  efforts 
paralyzed ;  and  as  he  looked  back  upon  his 
persecutors,  he  shook  off  the  dust  from  his 
feet, — "not  to  call  down  evil  upon  them,  but 
in  testimony  of  the  evils  that  were  coming 
upon  them :  for,"  says  he,  "  as  that  dust  is 
shaken  from  off  our  feet,  just  so  are  they  cast 
off  from  the  favour  andpresenceoftheLord."285 

The  persecutors  beheld  their  victim  at 
large ;  but  they  derived  comfort  from  the 
thought  that,  at  least,  France  was  delivered 
from  this  father  of  heresy. 

Lefevre,  a  fugitive  from  his  enemies,  ar- 
rived at  Strasburg  under  an  assumed  name. 
There  he  was  immediately  introduced  to  the 
friends  of  the  Reformation;  and  what  must 
have  been  his  joy,  to  hear  publicly  taught 
that  same  Gospel  of  which  he  had  caught  the 
first  gleams  in  the  Church ; — why,  it  was  just 
his  own  faith!  It  was  exactly  what  he  had 
intended  to  express !  It  was  as  if  he  had 
been  a  second  time  born  to  the  Christian  life. 
Gerard  Roussel,  one  of  those  Evangelical 
Christians,  who,  nevertheless,  like  the  Doc- 
tor of  Etaples,  attained  not  to  complete  en- 
franchisement, had  been  likewise  compelled 
to  quit  France.  Both  together  attended  the 
lectures  ofCapitoandBucer,286and  met  in  pri- 
vate intercourse  with  those  faithful  teachers.287 
It  was  even  rumoured  that  they  had  been 
commissioned  to  do  so  by  Margaret,  the 
king's  sister.288  Buttheadoring  contemplation 
of  the  ways  of  God,  rather  than  polemical 
questions,  engaged  Lefevre's  attention.  Cast- 
ing a  glance  upon  the  state  of  Christendom, 
2  N 


416 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


and  filled  with  wonder  at  what  he  beheld 
passing  on  its  stage,  moved  with  feelings  of 
gratitude,  and  full  of  hopeful  anticipation,  he 
threw  himself  on  his  knees,  and  prayed  to  the 
Lord  "  to  perfect  that  which  he  saw  then  be- 
ginning."239 

At  Strasburg  one  especially  agreeable  sur- 
prise awaited  him :  his  pupil,  "  his  son  in  the 
faith,"  Farel,  from  whom  he  had  been  parted 
by  persecution  for  nearly  three  years,  had 
arrived  there  just  before.  The  aged  doctor 
of  the  Sorbonne  found,  in  his  young  pupil,  a 
man  in  the  vigour  of  life,  a  Christian  "  strong 
in  the  faith;"  and  Farel  grasped  with  affec- 
tionate respect  the  shrivelled  hand  which  had 
guided  its  earliest  steps,  conscious  of  the 
liveliest  joy  at  thus  recovering  his  spiritual 
father  in  the  society  of  faithful  men,  and  in  a 
city  that  had  received  the  truth.  They  at- 
tended in  company  the  pure  teaching  of  emi- 
nent teachers;  broke  bread  together  in  the 
supper  of  the  Lord,  according  to  Christ's  in- 
stitution, and  received  touching  proofs  of  the 
love  of  the  brethren.  "  Do  you  recollect," 
said  Farel  to  Lefevre,  "an  expression  you 
once  let  fall  to  me,  when  we  were  both  as  yet 
in  darkness?  'William,  God  will  renew  the 
world ,-  and  you  will  live  to  see  it  /'  See  here 
the  beginning  of  what  you  then  foretold." 
"  Yes,"  answered  the  pious  old  man,  "  God 
is  renewing  the  world.  .  .  .  O,  my  son,  con- 
tinue to  preach  boldly  the  holy  Gospel  of 
Jesus  Christ."290 

Lefevre,  from  an  excess  of  prudence,  doubt- 
less, chose  to  remain  incognito  at  Strasburg, 
and  took  the  name  of  Anthony  Peregrinus, 
whilst  Roussel  chose  that  of  Sulnin.  But  the 
celebrated  doctor  could  not  elude  notice ;  and 
soon  the  whole  city,  even  to  the  very  child- 
ren, saluted  him  with  marks  of  respect.291  He 
did  not  dwell  by  himself,  but  lodged  in  the 
same  house  with  Capito,  Farel,  Roussel,  and 
Vedastus,  (known  and  loved  for  his  retiring 
diffidence,)  and  a  certain  converted  Jew  named 
Simon.  The  houses  of  Capito,  (Ecolampa- 
dius,  Zwingle,  and  Luther,  offered  a  kind  of 
open  table  and  lodging.  Such,  in  those  days, 
was  the  attraction  of  "  brotherly  love."  Many 
Frenchmen,  besides,  were  residing  in  this 
city  on  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  and  there 
composed  a  church  in  which  Farel  often 
preached  the  doctrine  of  Salvation.  Such 
Christian  communion  soothed  the  feeling  of 
banishment  from  their  native  land. 

Whilst  these  brethren  were  thus  enjoying 
the  asylum  afforded  them  by  brotherly  love, 
those  in  Paris  and  other  parts  of  France  were 
exposed  to  great  danger.  Briconnet  had  re- 
canted ;  Lefevre  was  beyond  the  frontier :  all 
this  was  something  gained,  but  the  Sorbonne 
was  still  without  those  public  examples  of 
punishment  which  it  had  advised.  .Beda  and 
his  followers  were  without  victims.  One  man 
there  was  who  gave  them  more  annoyance 
than  either  Briconnet  or  Lefevre,  and  he  was 
Louis  Berquin.  The  gentleman  of  Artois, 
more  fearless  than  his  tutors,  allowed  no  op- 
portunity to  pass  of  teasing  the  monks  and 
theologians,  and  unmasking  their  fanaticism. 


Passing  from  the  capital  to  the  provinces,  he 
would  collect  the  writings  of  Erasmus  and  of 
Luther.252 These  he  would  translate;  at  other 
times  himself  composing  controversial  tracts, 
and  defending  and  disseminating  the  new 
teaching  with  the  zeal  of  a  young  convert. 
Louis  Berquin  was  denounced  by  the  bishop 
of  Amiens,  Beda  seconded  the  accusation, 
and  the  Parliament  committed  him  to  prison. 
"This  one,"  said  the  enemy,  "shall  not  es- 
cape so  easily  as  Briconnet  or  Lefevre."  But 
their  bolts  and  bars  had  no  effect  on  Berquin. 
In  vain  did  the  superior  of  the  Carthusians 
and  other  persons  labour  to  persuade  him  to 
apologize ;  he  declared  he  would  not  retract 
an  iota.  "  It  seemed  then,"  says  a  chronicler, 
"  that  no  way  remained  but  to  send  him  to 
the  stake."293 

Margaret,  in  consternation  at  what  had 
happened  to  Briconnet,  dreaded  to  see  Ber- 
quin dragged  to  that  scaffold  which  the 
bishop  had  so  shamefully  eluded.  Not 
daring  to  visit  him  in  his  prison,  she  en- 
deavoured to  convey  a  few  words  of  consola- 
tion to  him — and  he  may  have  been  upon 
her  heart — when  the  princess  composed  that 
touching  complaint  in  which  a  prisoner  thus 
addresses  the  Lord : 

O  refuge  free  to  all  who  feel  distress  ! 
Their  help  and  stay ' — Judge  of  the  fatherless  ! 
Exhaustless  treasure  of  consoling  grace  ! 
The  iron  doors,  the  moat,  the  massive  wall 
Keep  far  from  me, — a  lone,  forgotten  thrall — 
Friend,  kinsman,  brother, — each  familiar  face  : 
Yet  mercy  meets  even  this  extremity ; 
For  iron  doors  can  never  shut  out  Thee  ! — 
Thou,  Lord  !  art  with  me  here — here  in  this  dis- 
mal place.294 

But  Margaret  did  not  rest  there,  she  imme- 
diately wrote  to  her  brother  to  solicit  a  pardon 
for  her  attendant.  Fortunate  might  she  deem 
herself  if  her  efforts  were  not  too  late  to  rescue 
him  from  the  hatred  of  his  enemies. 

While  awaiting  this  victim,  Beda  resolved 
to  strike  terror  into  the  adversaries  of  the  Sor- 
bonne and  monks,  by  crushing  the  most  cele- 
brated man  among  them.  Erasmus  had  de- 
clared himself  against  Luther  : — But  this  mat- 
tered little; — if  the  ruin  of  Erasmus  could  be 
accomplished,  then  heyond  all  doubt  the  de- 
struction of  Farel,  of  Luther,  and  their  associ- 
ates would  be  sealed.  The  surest  way  of 
reaching  our  mark  is  to  aim  beyond  it.  Let 
the  ecclesiastical  power  only  set  its  heel  on 
the  neck  of  the  philosopher  of  Rotterdam,  and 
where  was  the  heretical  doctor  who  could  hope 
to  escape  the  vengeance  of  Rome1?  The  at- 
tack had  already  been  commenced  by  Lecou- 
tnrier,  better  known  by  his  Latin  name  of 
Sutor,  who,  from  the  solitude  of  a  Carthusian 
cell,  launched  against  Erasmus  a  publication 
of  the  most  violent  character,  in  which  he 
called  his  adversaries,  theologasters  and 
miserable  apes,  and  charged  them  with  scan- 
dalous offences,  with  heresy  and  blasphemy. 
Handling  subjects  which  he  did  not  under- 
stand, he  reminded  his  readers,  as  Erasmus 
sarcastically  remarks,  of  the  old  proverb  :— 
"  Ne  sutor  ultra  crepidam." 


HISTORY   OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


417 


Beda  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  his  con- 
federate. He  ordered  Erasmus  to  write  no 
more;295  and  himself  taking  up  the  pen,  which 
he  had  enjoined  the  greatest  tvriter  of  the  age 
to  lay  down,  he  made  a  selection  of  all  the 
calumnies  which  the  monks  had  invented 
against  the  philosopher,  translated  them  into 
French,  and  formed  them  into  a  book  which 
he  circulated  at  court  and  in  the  city,  in  the 
hope  that  all  France  would  join  in  the  outcry 
he  was  raising.296 This  book  was  the  signal 
for  a  general  onset;  the  enemies  of  Erasmus 
started  up  on  every  side.  Nicolas  D'Ecmond, 
an  old  Carmelite  of  Louvain,  used  to  exclaim, 
as  often  as  he  mounted  the  pulpit,  "There  is 
no  difference  between  Erasmus  and  Luther, 
unless  it  be  that  Erasmus  is  the  greater  here- 
tic of  the  two;"297 and  wherever  the  Carmelite 
might  be, — at  the  table  or  on  a  journey,  on 
the  land  or  on  the  water, — he  was  raving 
against  Erasmus,  the  heresiarch  and  forger.298 
The  faculty  of  Paris,  excited  by  these  cla- 
mours, drew  up  a  decree  of  censure  against 
the  illustrious  writer. 

Erasmus  was  astounded.  Was  this,  then, 
the  fruit  of  all  his  politic  forbearance, — was  it 
for  this  that  he  had  even  engaged  in  hostilities 
against  Luther?  He  with  an  intrepidity  which 
no  one  else  had  displayed,  had  flung  himself 
into  the  breach, — and  was  he  now  to  be  tram- 
pled down  only  that  the  common  enemy  might 
be  reached  more  safely  over  his  prostrate  body  ? 
His  indignation  is  raised  at  the  thought,  he 
turns  sharply  round,  and  while  yet  warm  from 
his  attack  upon  Luther,  deals  his  retributive 
blows  on  the  fanatical  doctors  who  have  as- 
sailed him  in  the  rear.  Never  was  his  corres- 
pondence more  active  than  now.  He  takes  a 
survey  of  his  position,  and  his  piercing  eye 
immediately  discovers  in  whose  hands  rests 
the  balance  of  his  fate.  He  hesitates  not  an 
instant; — he  will  at  once  lay  his  complaint 
and  his  protest  at  the  feet  of  the  Sorbonne, — 
of  the  Parliament, — of  the  King, — of  the  Em- 
peror himself. — "  How  was  this  fearful  flame 
of  Lutheranism  kindled  ?" — says  he,  writing 
to  those  among  the  divines  of  the  Sorbonne  in 
•whose  impartiality  he  still  reposed  some  con- 
fidence : — "  How  has  it  been  fanned  into  fury, 
— except  by  such  outrages  as  these  which  Beda 
has  committed'?299 In  war, — a  soldier  who  has 
done  his  duty  receives  a  reward  from  his  gene- 
rals,— but  the  only  reward  that  you, — the 
generals  in  this  war, — have  to  bestow  upon 
me, — is  to  deliver  me  up  to  the  calumnies  of 
Beda  and  Lecouturier!" 

"  What,"  he  exclaims,  addressing  the  Par- 
liament of  Paris,  "when  I  had  these  Luther- 
ans on  my  hands, — when,  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Emperor,  the  Pope  and  the  other  princes, 
I  was  struggling  against  them,  even  at  the 
peril  of  my  life,  must  I  be  assailed  behind  my 
back  by  the  foul  libels  of  Lecouturier  and  Beda? 
Ah,  if  evil  fortune  had  not  deprived  us  of 
King  Francis,  I  might  have  appealed  to  that 
avenger  of  the  muses  against  these  insults  of 
the  barbarians.300  But  now  it  rests  with  you  to 
restrain  their  malignity." 

No  sooner  did  an  opportunity  present  itself 


of  conveying  a  letter  to  the  King,  than  he  wrote 
to  him  also.  His  penetrating  glance  detected 
in  these  fanatical  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,  the 
germs  of  the  League,  the  precursor  of  the 
three  Priests,  who  at  a  later  period  were  to  set 
up  the  sixteen  against  the  last  of  the  race  of 
Valois; — his  genius  enabled  him  to  warn  the 
King  of  future  crimes  and  miseries  which  the 
experience  of  his  successors  would  but  too 
fully  realize. — "Religion,"  said  he,  "is  their 
pretext, — but  their  true  aim  is  despotic  power, 
to  be  exercised  even  over  princes. — They  are 
moving  onward  with  a  steady  step,  though 
their  path  lies  under  ground.  Should  the 
sovereign  not  be  inclined  to  submit  himself  in 
all  things  to  their  guidance,  they  will  imme- 
diately declare  that  he  may  be  deposed  by  the 
Church;  that  is  to  say,  by  a  few  false  monks, 
and  a  few  false  divines  conspiring  together 
against  the  public  peace."301  Erasmus,  when 
writing  to  Francis  the  First,  could  not  have 
touched  a  more  sensitive  string. 

Finally,  that  he  might  still  more  effectually 
secure  himself  against  the  malice  of  his  ene- 
mies, Erasmus  invoked  the  protection  of 
Charles  the  Fifth  himself. — "  Invincible  Em- 
peror," said  he,  "  a  horrible  outcry  has  been 
raised  against  me,  by  men  who,  under  the 
pretence  of  religion,  are  labouring  to  establish 
their  own  tyrannical  power,  and  to  gratify 
their  own  sensual  appetites.302!  am  fighting 
under  your  banner,  and  under  the  standard  of 
Jesus  Christ.  It  is  by  your  wisdom  and  your 
authority  that  peace  must  be  restored  to  the 
Christian  world." 

It  was  in  language  like  this  that  the  prince 
of  literature  addressed  himself  to  the  rulers  of 
the  age.  The  danger  which  impended  over 
his  head  was  averted ;  the  secular  power  in- 
terposed, and  the  vultures  were  compelled  to 
abandon  the  prey  which  in  fancy  they  had  al- 
ready clutched.  They  then  turned  their  eyes 
elsewhere  in  search  of  other  victims,  and  they 
were  soon  found. 

It  was  in  Lorraine  first  that  blood  was  ap- 
pointed to  flow  afresh.  From  the  earliest  days 
of  the  Reformation,  there  had  been  an  alliance 
in  fanaticism  between  Paris  and  the  country 
of  the  Guises.  If  Paris  was  at  peace  for  a 
while,  Lorraine  took  up  the  work,  and  then 
Paris  began,  again,  to  give  time  for  Nancy 
and  Metz  to  recruit  their  strength.  The  first 
blow,  apparently,  was  destined  to  fall  upon  an 
excellent  man,  one  of  the  refugees  of  Basle,  a 
friend  of  Farel  and  Toussaint.  The  Cheva- 
lier d'Esch,  while  residing  at  Metz,  had  not 
been  able  to  screen  himself  from  the  suspicions 
of  the  priests.  It  was  ascertained  that  he  car- 
ried on  a  correspondence  with  Christians  of  the 
Evangelic  Faith,  and  on  that  discovery  he 
was  thrown  into  prison  at  Pont-a-Mousson,  a 
place  situated  five  miles  from  Metz,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Moselle.303The  tidings  filled  the 
French  refugees,  and  the  Swiss  themselves, 
with  the  deepest  concern.  "  Alas !  for  that 
innocent  heart !"  exclaimed  CEcolampadius  : 
"I  have  full  confidence  in  the  Lord,"  added 
he,  "that  he  will  preserve  this  man  to  us, 
either  in  life  as  a  preacher  of  righteousness, 


418 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


to  make  known  His  name  ;  or  in  death  to  con- 
fess Him  as  a  martyr."304 But  at  the  same  time 
(Ecolampadius  censured  the  thoughtlessness, 
— the  precipitancy, — and  what  he  termed  the 
imprudent  zeal  for  which  the  French  refugees 
were  distinguished.  "  I  wish,"  said  he,  "  that 
my  dear  friends,  the  worthy  gentlemen  of 
France,  would  not  be  so  eager  to  return  to 
their  own  country,  until  they  have  made  all 
due  inquiries  beforehand ;  for  the  devil  lays 
his  snares  everywhere.  Nevertheless,  let 
them  obey  the  Spirit  of  Christ,  and  may  that 
Spirit  never  forsake  them.305 

There  was  reason,  indeed,  to  tremble  for 
the  fate  of  the  chevalier.  The  rancour  of  the 
enemy  had  broken  out  in  Lorraine  with  re- 
doubled fury.  Brother  Bonaventure  Renel, 
the  principal  of  the  Cordeliers,  and  the  confes- 
sor of  Duke  Anthony  the  Good,  a  man  of  an 
audacious  temper,  and  of  very  questionable 
moral  character,  allowed  that  weak  prince, 
who  reigned  from  1508  to  1544,  a  large  mea- 
sure of  license  in  his  pleasures ;  and  persuaded 
him,  on  the  other  hand,  by  way  of  atonement, 
as  it  were,  to  exercise  a  merciless  severity 
against  all  innovators.  "  It  is  quite  sufficient 
for  any  one,"  said  the  prince,  profiting  by  the 
able  instructions  of  Renel,  "  if  he  can  repeat 
the  Pater  and  the  Jive-Maria  t  the  greatest 
doctors  are  those  who  occasion  the  greatest 
disorders."306 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year  1524,  informa- 
tion was  conveyed  to  the  Duke's  court,  that  a 
pastor,  named  Schuch,  was  preaching  a  new 
kind  of  doctrine  in  the  town  of  Saint  Hippo- 
lyte,  at  the  foot  of  the  Vosages.  "  Let  them 
return  to  their  duty,"  said  Anthony  the  Good, 
"  or  I  will  march  against  the  town,  and  lay 
it  waste  with  fire  and  sword  !"307 

Hereupon  the  faithful  pastor  resolved  to  de- 
vote himself  for  hfs  flock:  he  repaired  to 
Nancy,  where  the  prince  resided.  Imme- 
diately on  his  arrival,  he  was  lodged  in  a 
noisome  prison,  under  the  custody  of  brutal 
and  cruel  men  :  and  now  at  last  brother  Bona- 
venture had  the  heretic  in  his  power.  It  was  he 
who  presided  at  the  tribunal  before  which  he 
was  examined.  "Heretic!"  cried  headdressing 
the  prisoner,  "  Judas  !  Devil !"  Schuch,  pre- 
serving the  utmost  tranquillity  and  composure, 
made  no  reply  to  these  insults ;  but  holding 
in  his  hand  a  little  Bible,  all  covered  with 
notes  which  he  had  written  in  it,  he  meekly 
and  earnestly  confessed  Jesus  Christ  and  him 
crucified  !  On  a  sudden,  he  assumed  a  more 
animated  mein, — stood  up  boldly,  raised  his 
voice  as  if  moved  by  the  Spirit  from  on  high, 
—and,  looking  his  judges  in  the  face,  de- 
nounced against  them  the  fearful  judgments 
of  God. 

Brother  Bonaventure  and  his  companions, 
inwardly  appalled,  yet  agitated  with  rage, 
rushed  upon  him  at  once  with  vehement  cries, 
snatched  away  the  Bible,  from  which  he  read 
those  menacing  words, — and  "raging  like 
so  many  mad  dogs,"  says  the  chronicler, 
«'  because  they  could  not  wreak  their  fury  on 
the  doctrine,  carried  the  book  to  their  convent, 
and  burnt  it  there."308 


The  whole  court  of  Lorraine  resounded  with 
the  obstinacy  and  presumption  of  the  minis- 
ter of  St.  Hippolyte;  and  the  prince,  impelled 
by  curiosity  to  hear  the  heretic,  resolved  to 
be  present  at  his  final  examination, —  se- 
cretly, however,  and  concealed  from  the 
view  of  the  spectators.  But  as  the  interro- 
gatory was  conducted  in  Latin,  he  could  not 
understand  it:  only  he  was  struck  with  the 
steadfast  aspect  of  the  minister,  who  seemed  to 
be  neither  vanquished  nor  abashed.  Indignant 
at  this  obstinacy,  Anthony  the  Good  started 
from  his  seat,  and  said  as  he  retired, — "Why 
dispute  any  longer  1  He  denies  the  sacrament 
of  the  mass ;  let  them  proceed  to  execution 
against  him."309  Schuch  was  immediately  con- 
demned to  be  burnt  alive.  When  the  sen- 
tence was  communicated  to  him,  he  lifted  up 
his  eyes  to  heaven,  and  mildly  made  answer; 
"  I  was  glad  when  they  said  unto  me,  Let  us 
go  into  the  house  of  the  Lord."  (Psalm 
cxxii.  1.) 

On  the  19th  of  August,  1525,  the  whole 
city  of  Nancy  was  in  motion.  The  bells 
gave  notice  of  the  death  of  a  heretic.  The 
mournful  procession  set  out.  It  must  pass 
before  the  convent  of  the  Cordeliers,  and 
there  the  whole  fraternity  were  gathered  in 
joyful  expectation  before  the  door.  As  soon 
as  Schuch  made  his  appearance,  Father  Bona- 
venture, pointing  to  the  carved  images  over 
the  convent  gateway,  cried  out,  "  Heretic,  pay 
honour  to  God,  his  mother,  and  the  saints  !" 
— "  O  hypocrites !"  replied  Schuch,  standing 
erect  before  those  pieces  of  wood  and  stone, 
"  God  will  destroy  you,  and  bring  your  de- 
ceits to  light!" 

When  the  martyr  reached  the  place  of  exe- 
cution, his  books  were  first  burnt  in  his  pre- 
sence, and  then  he  was  called  upon  to  recant ; 
but  he  refused,  saying,  "Thou,  God,  hast 
called  me,  and  thou  wilt  strengthen  me  to  the 
end;"310  and  immediately  he  began,  with  a 
loud  voice,  to  repeat  the  51st  Psalm,  "  Have 
mercy  upon  me,  O  God  !  according  to  thy 
loving-kindness !"  Having  mounted  the  pile, 
he  continued  to  recite  the  psalm  until  the 
smoke  and  flames  stifled  his  voice. 

Thus  did  the  persecutors  in  France  and 
Lorraine  behold  a  renewal  of  their  triumphs, 
— their  counsels  had  at  length  been  followed. 
At  Nancy  the  ashes  of  a  heretic  had  been 
scattered  to  the  winds :  this  seemed  a  chal- 
lenge addressed  to  the  capital  of  France. 
What!  should  Beda  and  Lecourturier  be  the 
last  to  show  their  zeal  for  the  Pope?  Rather 
let  one  blazing  pile  serve  as  the  signal  for 
another,  and  heresy,  swept  from  the  soil  of 
France,  would  soon  be  driven  back  beyond 
the  Rhine. 

But  Beda  was  not  to  pursue  his  successful 
career,  until  a  contest,  half  serious,  half  ludi- 
crous, had  taken  place  between  him  and  one 
of  those  men  with  whom  the  struggle  against 
Popery  was  only  a  capricious  effort  of  the 
intellect,  not  the  solemn  engagement  and 
willing  duty  of  the  heart. 

Among  the  learned  men  whom  Briconnet 
had  allured  to  his  diocese  was  a  doctor  of  the 


HISTORY  -OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


419 


Sorbonne,  named  Peter  Caroli,  a  man  of  a 
vain  and  frivolous  cast  of  mind,  and  as  quar- 
relsome and  litigious  as  Beda  himself.  Caroli 
viewed  the  new  doctrine  as  the  means  of 
making  an  impression,  and  of  thwarting  Beda, 
whose  ascendancy  he  could  not  endure. — 
Accordingly,  on  his  return  from  Meaux  to 
Paris  he  caused  a  great  sensation,  by  intro- 
ducing into  every  pulpit  what  was  called 
"  the  new  way  of  preaching."  Then  began 
a  pernicious  strife  between  the  two  doctors ; 
it  was  blow  for  blow  and  trick  for  trick. 
Beda  cites  Caroli  before  the  Sorbonne,  and 
Caroli  summons  him  before  the  episcopal 
court  to  answer  for  an  infringement  of  privi- 
lege. The  Sorbonne  proceeds  with  the 
inquiry,  and  Caroli  gives  intimation  of  an 
appeal  to  the  Parliament.  A  provisional 
sentence  excludes  him  from  the  pulpit,  and 
still  he  goes  on  preaching  in  all  the  churches 
of  Paris.  Being  absolutely  forbidden  to 
preach  in  any  pulpit,  he  takes  to  publicly 
expounding  the  Psalms  in  the  college  of 
Cambray.  The  Sorbonne  prohibits  him  from 
continuing  that  practice,  but  he  asks  permis- 
sion to  conclude  the  exposition  of  the  twenty- 
second  Psalm  which  he  has  begun.  Finally, 
on  this  petition  being  rejected,  he  posts  the 
following  placard  on  the  college-gates: — 
"Peter  Caroli,  being  desirous  to  obey  the  injunc- 
tions of  the  sacred  faculty,  has  ceased  to  teach  ,• 
he  will  resume  his  lectures,  whenever  it  shall 
please  God,  at  the  verse  tvhere  he  left  off.- 

1  TlIEY    HAVE    PIERCED    MY    HANDS    AND    MY 

FEET.'  "  Thus  had  Beda  at  length  found  an 
opponent  with  whom  he  wras  fairly  matched. 
If  Caroli  had  defended  the  truth  in  right 
earnest,  the  stake  would  have  been  his  re- 
ward ;  but  he  was  of  too  carnal  a  spirit  to 
expose  himself  to  the  risk  of  death.  How 
could  capital  punishment  be  inflicted  on  a 
man  who  laughed  his  judges  out  of  counte- 
nance 1  Neither  the  episcopal  court,  nor  the 
parliament,  nor  the  council,  could  ever  pro- 
ceed to  a  definitive  judgment  in  his  cause. 
I  Two  such  men  as  Caroli  would  have  wearied 
out  the  activity  of  Beda  himself; — but  two 
like  him  the  Reformation  did  not  produce.311 
This  troublesome  contest  concluded,  Beda 
|  applied  himself  to  matters  of  more  serious 
i  concern.  Happily  for  the  syndic  of  the  Sor- 
bonne, there  were  men  who  gave  persecution 
a  better  hold  of  them  than  Caroli.  Briconnet, 
indeed,  and  Erasmus,  and  Lefevre,  and  Ber- 
quin  had  escaped  him ;  but  since  he  cannot 
reach  these  distinguished  personages,  he  will 
content  himself  with  meaner  victims.  The 
poor  youth,  James  Pavanne,  ever  since  his 
abjuration  at  Christmas,  1524,  had  done  no- 
thing but  weep  and  sigh.  He  was  constantly 
seen  with  a  gloomy  brow,  his  eyes  fixed  on 
the  ground,  groaning  inwardly,  and  muttering 
reproaches  against  himself  for  having  denied 
his  Lord  and  Saviour.312 

Pavanne  undoubtedly  was  the  most  retiring 
and  the  most  inoffensive  of  men ; — but  what 
of  that"? — he  had  been  at  Meaux,  and  this,  in 
those  days,  was  sufficient.  "  Pavanne  has 
relapsed!"  was  the  cry:  "the  dog  has  re- 
54 


turned  to  his  vomit,  and  the  swine  that  was 
washed  to  his  wallowing  in  the  mire."  He 
was  seized  immediately,  cast  into  prison, 
and  after  a  while  brought  before  the  judges. 
This  was  all  that  young  Pavanne  desired.— 
He  felt  his  mind  relieved  as  soon  as  the  fet- 
ters were  fastened  on  his  limbs,  and  recovered 
all  his  energy  in  the  open  confession  of  Jesus 
Christ!313 The  persecutors  smiled  when  they^ 
saw  that  this  time  nothing  could  disappoint 
them  of  their  victim, — no  recantation, — no 
flight, — no  intervention  of  a  powerful  protec- 
tion. The  meekness  of  the  youth,  his  candour, 
his  courage,  were  altogether  unavailing  to  ap- 
pease the  malice  of  his  enemies.  He,  on  the 
contrary,  looked  on  them  with  affection, — for 
by  loading  him  with  chains,  they  had  restored 
his  peace  of  mind  and  his  joy, — but  that 
benevolent  look  of  his  only  hardened  their 
hearts  the  more.  The  proceedings  against 
him  were  conducted  with  all  despatch,  and  a 
very  short  time  had  elapsed  before  a  pile  was 
erected  in  the  Place  de  Greve,  on  which 
Pavanne  made  a  joyful  end, — strengthening 
by  his  example  all  who  in  that  great  city  had 
openly  or  secretly  embraced  the  Gospel  of 
Christ. 

But  this  was  not  enough  for  the  Sorbonne. 
If  men  of  mean  condition  only  are  to  be 
sacrificed,  their  number  at  least  must  make 
amends  for  their  want  of  rank.  The  flames 
in  the  Place  de  Greve  have  struck  terror  into 
Paris  and  into  the  whole  of  France;  but  an- 
other pile,  kindled  on  some  other  spot,  will  re- 
double that  terror.  It  will  be  the  subject  of 
conversation  at  the  court,  in  the  colleges,  in 
the  workshop  of  the  artisan  :  and  tokens  like 
these,  better  than  all  the  edicts  that  can  be 
issued,  will  prove  that  Louisa  of  Savoy,  the 
Sorbonne,  and  the  Parliament,  are  determined 
to  sacrifice  the  very  last  heretic  to  the  anathe- 
mas of  Rome. 

In  the  forest  of  Livry,  three  leagues  distant 
from  Paris,  and  not  far  from  the  site  of  an  an- 
cient abbey  of  the  order  of  St.  Augustin, 
lived  a  hermit,  who,  having  chanced  in  his 
wanderings  to  fall  in  with  some  of  the  men  of 
Meaux,  had  received  the  truth  of  the  Gospel 
into  his  heart.314  The  poor  hermit  had  felt 
himself  rich  indeed  that  day  in  his  solitary  re- 
treat, when,  along  with  the  scanty  dole  of 
broad  which  public  charity  had  afforded  him, 
he  brought  home  Jesus  Christ  and  his  grace. 
He  understood  from  that  time  how  much  bet- 
ter it  is  to  give  than  to  receive.  He  went 
from  cottage  to  cottage  in  the  villages  around, 
and  as  soon  as  he  crossed  the  threshold,  be- 
gan to  speak  to  the  poor  peasants  of  the  Gos- 
pel, and  the  free  pardon  which  it  offers  to 
every  burdened  soul,  a  pardon  infinitely  more 
precious  than  any  priestly  absolution.315  The 
good  hermit  of  Livry  was  soon  widely  known 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris ;  many  came  to 
visit  him  at  his  poor  hermitage,  and  he  dis- 
charged the  office  of  a  kind  and  faithful  mis- 
sionary to  the  simple-minded  in  all  the  adja- 
cent districts. 

It  was  not  long  before  intelligence  of  what 
was  doing  by  the  new  evangelist  reached  the 
2N2 


420 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


ears  of  the  Sorbonne,  and  the  magistrates  of 
Paris.  The  hermit  was  seized, — dragged 
from  his  hermitage — from  his  forest — from 
the  fields  he  had  daily  traversed, — thrown 
into  a  dungeon  in  that  great  city  which  he 
had  always  shunned, — brought  to  judgment, 
— convicted, — and  sentenced  to  "  the  exem- 
plary punishment  of  being  burnt  by  a  slow 
fire."316 

In  order  to  render  the  example  the  more 
striking,  it  was  determined  that  he  should  be 
burnt  in  the  close  of  Notre  Dame ;  before  that 
celebrated  cathedral,  which  typifies  the  ma- 
jesty of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.     The 
whole  of  the  clergy  were  convened,  and  a 
degree  of  pomp  was  displayed  equal  to  that 
of  the  most  solemn  festivals.317  A  desire  was 
shown  to  attract  all  Paris,  if  possible,  to  the 
place  of  execution.     "The  great  bell  of  the 
church  of  Notre  Dame  swinging  heavily," 
says  an  historian,  "to  rouse  the  people  all 
over  Paris."     And  accordingly  from  every 
surrounding  avenue,  the  people  came  flocking 
to  the  spot.     The  deep-toned  reverberations 
of  the  bell  made  the  workman  quit  his  task, 
the  student  cast  aside  his  books,  the  shop- 
keeper  forsake  his   traffic,  the  soldier  start 
from  the  guard-room  bench, — and  already  the 
close  was  filled  with  a  dense  crowd,  which 
was  continually  increasing.318  The  hermit,  at- 
tired in  the  robes  appropriated  to  obstinate 
heretics,  bareheaded,  and  with  bare  feet,  was 
led   out  before  the  doors  of  the  cathedral. 
Tranquil,  firm,  and  collected,  he  replied  to 
the  exhortations  of  the  confessors,  who  pre- 
sented him  with  the  crucifix,  only  by  declar- 
ing that  his  hope  rested  solely  on  the  mercy 
of  God.     The  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne,  who 
stood  in  the  front  rank  of  the  spectators,  ob- 
serving his  constancy,  and  the  effect  it  pro- 
duced upon  the  people,  cried  aloud — "  He  is 
a  man  foredoomed  to  the  fires  of  hell."3l9The 
clang  of  the  great  bell,  which  all  this  while 
was^rung  with  a  rolling   stroke,  while  it 
stunned  the  ears  of  the  multitude,  served  to 
heighten  the  solemnity  of  that  mournful  spec- 
tacle.    At  length  the  bell  was  silent, — and 
the  martyr  having  answered  the  last  interro- 
gatory of  his  adversaries  by  saying  that  he 
was  resolved  to  die  in  the  faith  of  his  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  underwent  his  sentence  of  be- 
ing "  burnt  by  a  slow  fire."     And  so,  in  the 
cathedral  close  of  Notre  Dame,  beneath  the 
stately  towers  erected  by  the  piety  of  Louis 
the  younger,  amidst  the  cries  and  tumultuous 
excitement  of  a  vast  population,  died  peace- 
ably, a  man  whose  name  history  has  not  deign- 
ed to  transmit  to  us, — "the  hermit  of  Livry." 
While  men  were  thus  engaged  in  destroying 
the  first  confessors  of  Jesus  Christ  in  France, 
God  was  raising  up  others  gifted  with  ampler 
powers  for  his  service.     A  modest  student — 
a  humble  hermit — might  be  dragged  to  the 
stake,  and  Beda  might  almost  persuade  him- 
self that  the  doctrine  they  proclaimed  would 
perish  with  them.     But  Providence  has  re- 
sources which  the  world  knows  not  of.     The 
Gospel,  like  the  fabled  bird  of  antiquity,  con- 
tains within  itself  a  principle  of  life  which  the 


flames  can  never  reach,  and  from  the  ashes  in 
which  it  seemed  to  lie  extinguished,  it  springs 
afresh,  pure  and  vigorous  as  ever.  Often, 
when  the  storm  is  at  its  height,  when  the 
fiery  bolt  of  persecution  appears  to  have  laid 
the  truth  prostrate,  and  enduring,  impenetra- 
ble darkness  to  have  closed  over  it, — even  at 
that  moment  there  comes  a  gleam  of  light, 
and  announces  a  great  deliverance  at  hand 
So,  when  all  earthly  powers  were  leagued 
together  in  France  to  effect  the  ruin  of  the  Re- 
formation, God  was  preparing  an  instrument, 
apparently  feeble,  to  maintain  His  rights  at 
a  future  day,  and  with  more  than  human  in- 
trepidity to  defend  His  cause.  Averting  our 
eyes  from  the  persecutions  and  cruelties  which 
have  succeeded  each  other  so  rapidly  since 
Francis  I.  became  the  prisoner  of  Charles, — 
let  us  turn  them  on  a  child  who  shall  here- 
after be  called  forth  to  take  his  station  as  a 
leader  of  a  mighty  host  in  the  holy  warfare 
of  Israel. 

Among  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  and  uni- 
versity of  Paris  who  listened  to  the  sound  of 
the  great  bell,  was  a  young  scholar  of  sixteen, 
a  native  of  Noyon,  in  Picardy,  of  middle  sta- 
ture, and  pale,  and  somewhat  dark  complexion, 
whose  powerful  and  sagacious  mind  was  in- 
dicated by  the  keenness  and  peculiar  bright- 
ness of  his  eye,  and  the  animated  expression 
of  his  countenance.320  His  dress,  which  was 
extremely  neat,  but  perfectly  unostentatious, 
corresponded  to  the  modesty  and  decorum  of 
his  character  321This  young  man,  whose  name 
was  John  Cauvin  or  Calvin,  was  a  student  at 
the  college  of  La  Marche,  of  which  Mathurin 
Cordier,  a  man  celebrated  for  his  integrity, 
learning,  and  peculiar  skill  in  the  instruction 
of  youth,  was  at  that  time  the  regent.  Edu- 
cated in  all  the  superstitions  of  Popery,  the 
student  of  Noyon  was  blindly  submissive  to 
the  Church,  dutifully  observant  of  all  the  prac- 
tices she  enjoined,  and  fully  persuaded  that 
heretics  well  deserved  the  flames  to  which 
they  were  delivered.322 The  blood  which  was 
then  flowing  in  Paris  was,  in  his  eyes,  an 
additional  aggravation  of  the  crime  of  heresy. 
But,  although  by  natural  disposition  timid, 
and,  to  use  his  own  words,  soft  and  pusillani- 
mous, he  was  endowed  with  that  uprightness 
of  mind,  and  that  generosity  of  heart  which 
induce  men  to  sacrifice  everything  to  the  con- 
victions of  their  conscience.323  Vainly,  there- 
fore, were  those  appalling  spectacles  presented 
to  him  in  his  youth;  vain  was  the  example 
of  the  murderous  flames  kindled  in  the  Place 
de  Greve  and  in  the  close  of  Notre  Dame,  for 
the  destruction  of  the  faithful  followers  of  the 
Gospel.  The  remembrance  of  such  horrors 
could  not,  afterwards,  deter  him  from  entering 
on  that  "new  way"  which  seemed  to  lead 
only  to  the  dungeon  and  the  scaffold.  In 
other  respects  the  character  of  the  youthful 
Calvin  afforded  indications  of  what  he  was 
hereafter  to  become.  The  austerity  of  his 
morals  was  the  precursor  of  equal  austerity 
in  his  doctrine,  and  the  scholar  of  sixteen 
already  gave  promise  of  a  man  who  would 
take  up  in  earnest  all  that  should  be  imparted 


HISTORY    OF    THE    REFORMATION. 


421 


to  him,  and  would  rigidly  exact  from  others  had  married  a  young  woman  from  Cambray, 
what,  in  his  own  case,  he  felt  it  so  much  a  named  Jane  Lefranq,  remarkable  for  her  beau- 
matter  of  course  to  perform.  Silent  and  grave  ty,  and  worthy  of  esteem  for  her  humble  piety, 
while  attending  on  the  college  lectures,  taking,  by  whom  he  had  already  had  a  son  called 
no  pleasure  in  the  sports  and  idle  frolics  which  j  Charles,  when  on  the  10th  of  July,  1509,  she 
others  pursued  duringthehoursof  recreation;324  j  gave  birth  to  a  second  son,  who  received  the 

ame  of  John,  and  was  baptized  in  the  church 


— shrinking  in  disgust  from  all  participation 
in  vice,  he  sometimes  censured  the  disorders 
of  his  fellow-pupils  with  severity — with  a 
measure,  even,  of  acrimony.325  Accordingly, 
a  canon  of  Noyon  assures  us  that  his  com- 
panions had  surnamedhim  the  "accusafo've."826 
He  stood  among  them  as  the  representative 
of  conscience  and  duty, — so  far  was  he  from 
being  in  reality  what  some  calumniators  en- 
deavoured to  make  him.  The  pale  aspect,  the 
piercing  eye  of  a  student  of  sixteen  already 
inspired  his  associates  with  more  respect  than 
the  black  gowns  of  their  masters;  and  this 
boy  from  Picardy,  low  in  stature,  and  timid 
in  demeanour,  who  came  day  by  day  to  take 
his  seat  on  the  benches  of  the  college  of  La 
Marche,  was,  even  then,  by  the  seriousness 
of  his  conversation  and  sobriety  of  his  life 
unconsciously  discharging  the  office  of  a  min- 
ister and  a  Reformer. 

Nor  was  it  in  these  particulars  alone  that 
the  stripling  of  Noyon  evinced  his  superiority 
to  his  compeers.     His  extreme  timidity  some- 
times restrained  him  from  manifesting  the  an- 
tipathy he  felt  to  vanity  and  to  vice ;  but  in 
his  studies  he  was  already  exerting  all  the 
force  of  his  genius,  and  all  the  intensity  of 
his  will, — and  any  one  who  observed  him, 
might  have  predicted  that  his  life  would  be 
consumed  in  labour.     The  facility  of  his  com- 
prehension was  wonderful, — while  his  class- 
;  fellows  were  advancing  by  painful  steps,  he 
was  bounding  lightly  over  the  course, — and 
he  knowledge  which   others  were  long  in 
acquiring  superficially,  was  instantaneously 
eized   by  his  youthful   genius,  and   perma- 
nently impressed  on  his  memory.     His  mas- 
ers,  therefore,  were  obliged  to  withdraw  him 
Tom  the  ranks,  and  introduce  him  singly  to 
the  higher  branches  of  learning.327 

Among  his  fellow-students  were  the  young 
men  of  the  family  of  Mommor,  a  house  reck- 
oned among  the  first  nobility  of  Picardy 
John  Calvin  was  intimately  connected  with 
these  young  noblemen, especially  with  Claude, 
who  at  a  later  period  was  abbot  of  St.  Eloi 
and  to  whom  he  dedicated  his  Commentary 
on  Seneca.  It  was  in  their  company  that  hi 
had  come  to  Paris.  His  father,  Gerard  Cal 
vin,  notary  apostolic,  and  procurator-fiscal  of 
the  county  of  Noyon,  secretary  of  the  diocese 
and  proctor  of  thechapter,328vvasa  man  of  judg 
ment  and  ability,  whose  talents  had  raisec 
him  to  offices  which  were  sought  after  by  the 
best  families;  and  all  the  noblesse  of  the  pro 
vince,  but  particularly  the  illustrious  familj 
of  Mommor,  entertained  the  highest  esteerr 
for  him.323 Gerard,  who  resided  at  Noyon,* 


f  St.  Godebert.*  A  third  son,  named  An- 
tony, who  died  young,  and  two  daughters, 
lade  up  the  entire  family  of  the  procurator- 
seal  of  Noyon. 

Gerard  Calvin,  living  in  habits  of  familiar 
ntercourse  with  the  ecclesiastical  dignitaries 
nd  chief  men  of  the  province,  was  desirous 
hat  his  children  should  receive  the  same  edu- 
ation  as  those  of  the  highest  rank.  John,  in 
whom  he  had  perceived  an  early  development 
f  talent,  was  brought  up  with  the  children  of 
he  family  of  Mommor :  he  lived  in  the  house 
as  one  of  themselves,  and  shared  in  the  les- 
ons  of  the  young  Claude.  The  effect  of  early 
discipline  and  culture  in  such  a  family  was  to 
"mpart  to  his  intellectual  character  a  degree 
)f  refinement  which  otherwise  it  could  scarce- 
y  have  acquired.330 He  was  afterwards  sent  to 
he  college  of  Capettes,  an  establishment 
within  the  city  of  Noyon.331  The  child  had  but 
ew  recreations.  That  severity,  which  was 
one  feature  in  the  character  of  the  son,  Tound 
i  place  likewise  in  the  temperament  of  the 
ather.  Gerard  brought  him  up  rigidly, — 
rom  his  earliest  years  he  was  obliged  to  bend 
o  the  inflexible  rule  of  duty, — which  after  a 
ittle  while  became  habitual  to  him, — and  thus 
the  influence  of  the  father  counteracted  that 
of  the  family  of  Mommor.  Timid  by  nature, 
— with  something,  as  he  tells  us  himself,  of 
rustic  bashfulness  in  his  disposition,332 and 
rendered  still  more  diffident  by  his  father's  se- 
verity, John  would  often  escape  from  the 
splendid  mansion  of  his  protectors,  to  bury 
himself  in  solitude  and  obscurity.333Tn  hours 
of  seclusion  like  this,  his  youthful  spirit  grew 
familiar  with  lofty  conceptions.  It  appears 
that  he  sometimes  went  to  the  neighbouring 
village  of  Pont  1'Eveque,  where  his  grand- 
father inhabited  a  cottage,f  and  where  other 
relatives  also,  who  at  a  later  period  changed 
their  name  through  hatred  of  the  heresiarch, 


*  The  calumnious  and  extravagant  tales  which 
have  been  circulated  in  regard  to  the  person  of 
Calvin,  may  be  traced  to  a  very  early  origin. 
J.  Levasseur,  who  was  afterwards  dean  of  the 
chapter  of  Noyon,  relates  that  when  his  mother 
brought  him  into  the  world,  the  birth  of  the  child 
was  preceded  by  the  preternatural  appearance  of 
a  swarm  of  large  flies. — "a  sure  presage  that  he 
would  be  an  evil  speaker  and  slanderer."  (An- 
nales  de  la  Cathedrale  de  Noyon,  p.  115.)  These 
absurdities,  and  others  of  the  same  stamp,  which 
have  been  invented  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Re- 
former may  be  safely  left  to  refute  themselves 
without  any  effort  on  our  part.  In  our  own  day, 
those  among  the  Romish  doctors  who  are  not 
ashamed  to  employ  the  weapons  of  calumny, 
make  a  selection  of  these  coarse  and  ridiculous 
stories,  not  daring  to  repeat  them  all ;  yet  they 


*  "On  the  spot  where  now  stands  a  house,  dis 

tinguished  by  the  sign  of  the  Stag."     (Desmay,  !  are  all  of  equal  value. 

Doct.  de  la  Sorbonne.  Vit.  de  Jean  Calvin,  |  t  "  It  is  reported  that  his  grandfather  was  a 
heresiarque,  p.  30.  Levasseur,  Ann.  de  Noyon,  cooper."  (Drelincourt,  p.  36.  Levasseurann.de 
p.  1157.)  |  Noyon,  p.  1151.) 


422 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


then  offered  a  kindly  welcome  to  the  Son  of 
the  procurator-fiscal.  But  it  was  to  study, 
chiefly,  that  young  Calvin  devoted  his  days. 
Wrhile  Luther,  who  was  to  act  upon  the  mass 
of  the  people,  was  brought  up  at  first  as  a 
peasant's  son,  Calvin,  ordained  to  act  chiefly 
as  a  theologian  and  a  reasoner,  and  -to  become 
the  legislator  of  the  renovated  Church,  re- 
ceived, even  in  his  childhood,  a  more  liberal 
education.334 

A  spirit  of  piety  evinced  itself  betimes  in 
the  child's  heart.  One  of  his  biographers 
tells  us  that  he  was  taught,  while  yet  young, 
to  pray  in  the  open  air,  under  the  vault  of 
heaven, — a  practice  which  helped  to  awaken 
within  his  soul  the  sentiment  of  an  omni- 
present Deity.*  But  although  Calvin  may, 
even  in  his  earliest  years,  have  heard  the  voice 
of  God  addressed  to  his  heart,  no  one  in  the 
city  of  Noyon  was  more  exact  than  he  in  the 
observance  of  every  rule  established  by  the 
Church.  Gerard,  therefore,  remarking  the 
bent  of  his  mind,  conceived  the  design  of  de- 
voting his  son  to  theology.335The  knowledge 
of  his  destination  contributed  undoubtedly  to 
impress  upon  his  mind  that  serious  and  theo- 
logical cast  by  which  it  was  afterwards  dis- 
tingujshed.  His  intellect  was  formed  by  na- 
ture to  take  a  decided  bias  from  the  first,  and 
to  nourish  the  most  elevated  thoughts  at  an 
early  age.  The  report  that  he  was  a  chorister 
boy  at  this  time  is  admitted  by  his  adversaries 
themselves  to  be  destitute  of  foundation  ;  but 
they  confidently  affirm  that  while  yet  a  child, 
he  was  seen  in  religious  processions  carrying, 
instead  of  a  cross,  a  sword  with  a  cross-shaped 
hilt.336"  A  presage,"  they  add,  "of  what  he 
was  one  day  to  become."  "The  Lord  has 
made  my  mouth  like  a  sharp  sword,"  says 
the  servant  of  the  Lord,  in  Isaiah.  The  same 
may  be  said  of  Calvin. 

Gerard  was  poor:  the  education  of  his  son 
was  burthensome  to  him,  and  he  wished  to 
attach  him  irrevocably  to  the  church.  The 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine  had  been  appointed  co- 
adjutor to  the  Bishop  of  Metz,  when  only  four 
years  old.  It  was  then  a  common  practice  to 
bestow  ecclesiastical  titles  and  revenues  upon 
children.  Alphonso  of  Portugal  was  created 
a  cardinal  by  Leo  the  Tenth,  at  the  age  of 
eight:  Odet  de  Chatillon  received  the  same 
dignity  from  Clement  the  Seventh  at  the  age 
of  eleven ;  and  at  a  later  period,  the  celebrated 
Mother  Angelica,  of  Port  Royal,  was  made 
coadjutrix  of  that  convent  at  the  age  of  seven. 
Gerard,  who  died  a  faithful  Catholic,  was  re- 
garded with  favour  by  Charles  de  Hangest, 
bishop  of  Noyon,  and  his  vicars-general.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  chaplaincy  of  La  Gesine  having 
become  vacant  by  the  resignation  of  the  in- 
cumbent, the  bishop,  on  the  15th  May,  1521, 
bestowed  that  benefice  on  John  Calvin,  whose 
age  was  then  nearly  twelve.  He  was  inducted 
by  the  chapter  a  week  after.  On  the  eve  of 
Corpus  Christi,  the  bishop  solemnly  cut  the 


*  Calvin's  Leben  von  Fisher,  Leipzig,  1794. — 
The  author  does  not  quote  the  authority  on  which 
he  relates  this  fact. 


child's  hair;337  and  by  this  ceremony  of  tonsure 
John  was  invested  with  the  clerical  character, 
and  became  capable  of  entering  into  sacred 
orders,  and  holding  a  benefice  without  residing 
on  the  spot. 

Thus  was  it  ordered  that  Calvin,  in  his 
childhood,  should  have  personal  experience 
of  the  abuses  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  There 
was  not  a  tonsured  head  in  the  kingdom  more 
sincerely  pious  than  the  chaplain  of  La  Ge- 
sine, and  the  thoughtful  child  was  himself 
perhaps  a  little  astonished  at  the  operation 
performed  by  the  bishop  and  his  vicars-gene- 
ral. But  in  the  simplicity  of  his  heart,  he 
revered  those  exalted  personages  too  highly 
to  harbour  the  least  suspicion  regarding  the 
lawfulness  of  his  tonsure.  He  had  enjoyed 
the  distinction  about  two  years,  when  Noyon 
was  visited  with  a  terrible  pestilence.  Seve- 
ral of  the  canons  petitioned  the  chapter  that 
they  might  be  allowed  to  quit  the  city.  Al- 
ready many  of  the  inhabitants  had  been  struck 
by  the  "  great  death ;"  and  Gerard  began  to 
reflect  with  alarm  that  his  son  John,  the  hope 
of  his  age,  might,  in  a  moment,  be  snatched 
from  his  tenderness  by  this  scourge  of  God. 
The  children  of  the  Mommor  family  were 
going  to  Paris  to  continue  their  studies.  This 
was  the  very  opportunity  that  the  procurator- 
fiscal  had  always  desired  for  his  son.  Why 
should  he  separate  John  from  his  fellow-pupils? 
On  the  15th  August,  1823,  therefore,  he  pre. 
sented  to  the  chapter  a  petition  that  the  young 
chaplain  might  have  "  liberty  to  go  whither- 
soever he  would,  during  the  continuance  of 
the  plague,  without  losing  his  allowances; 
which  was  granted  accordingly,  until  the  feast 
of  St.  Remigius."*  Thus  it  was  that  John 
Calvin,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  quitted  his 
paternal  home.  Calumny  must  be  intrepid 
indeed,  to  attribute  his  departure  to  other 
causes,  and,  in  sheer  wantonness,  provoke 
that  disgrace  which  justly  recoils  on  all  who 
give  currency  to  evil  reports,  after  their  false- 
hood has  been  demonstrated.  It  would  ap- 
pear, that  on  his  arrival  in  Paris,  Calvin  was 
received  into  the  house  of  one  of  his  uncles, 
Richard  Calvin,  who  lived  near  the  church  of 
St.  Germain  1'Auxerois.  "And  so,  while  flying 
from  the  plague,"  says  the  canon  of  Noyon, 
"he  encountered  a  more  fatal  pestilence." 

A  new  world  opened  itself  to  the  young 
man  in  this  metropolis  of  literature.     He  de- 
termined to  profit  by  his  fortune,  applied  him- 
self to  study,  and  made  great  progress  in 
latinity.     He  became  intimately  acquainted  j 
with  the  writings  of  Cicero,  and  learned  from  i 
that  great  master  to  employ  the  language  of  j 
the  Romans  with  an  ease,  a  purity,  an  idioma- 
tic grace  which  excited  the  admiration  of  his 
enemies  themselves.     But  he  also  discovered 


*  The  particulars  here  given  rest  on  the  testi- 
mony of  the  priest,  and  vicar-general  Desmay, 
(Jean  Calvin,  heresiarque.  p.  32,)  arid  the  canon 
Levasseu,  (Ann.  de  Noyon,  p.  11GO,)  who  found 
them,  as  they  assure  us,  in  the  registers  of  the 
chapter  of  Noyon.  These  Romish  authors,  there- 
fore, refute  the  inventions  or  mistakes  of  Riche- 
lieu and  other  writers. — See  the  preface. 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


423 


in  that  language  a  store  of  wealth  which  he  \ 
was  afterwards  to  transfer  into  his  own. 

Hitherto  the  latin  had  been  the  sole  lan- 
guage of  literature.  It  was,  and  even  to  our 
own  days  it  has  continued,  the  language  of 
the  Romish  church.  The  modern  tongues  of 
Europe  were  created, — at  least  they  were 
emancipated, — by  the  Reformation.  The  ex- 
clusive agency  of  the  priests  was  now  at  an 
end  ;  the  people  were  called  upon  to  learn  and 
to  know  for  themselves.  In  this  single  fact 
was  involved  the  abrogation  of  the  language 
of  the  priests, — the  inauguration  of  the  lan- 
guage of  the  people.  It  is  not  to  the  Sorbonne 
alone, — it  is  not  to  a  few  monks,  a  few 
divines,  a  few  men  of  letters,  that  the  new 
doctrine  is  to  be  addressed  ;  it  is  to  the  noble, 
to  the  burgher,  to  the  artisan, — all  men  now 
are  to  be  preached  to :  nay,  more, — all  men 
now  are  to  become  preachers ;  wool-combers 
and  knights  no  less  than  curates  and  doctors. 
A  new  language,  therefore,  is  wanted,  or,  at 
any  rate,  the  ordinary  language  of  the  people 
must  undergo  a  mighty  transformation, — 
must  experience  a  happy  deliverance  from  its 
shackles:  drawn  from  the  common  uses  of 
ife,  it  must  be  indebted  to  a  renovated 
Christianity  for  its  patent  of  nobility.  The 
Gospel,  so  long  laid  to  sleep,  is  now  awake 
again:  it  appeals  to  the  nation  at  large ;  it 
kindles  the  most  generous  affections  of  the 
soul ;  it  opens  the  treasures  of  heaven  to  a 
veneration  whose  thoughts  were  all  confined 
within  the  petty  circle  of  the  world  below  ;  it 
agitates  the  masses;  it  speaks  to  them  of  God, 
of  man,  of  good  and  evil,  of  the  Pope,  of  the 
Bible,  of  a  crown  in  heaven, — it  may  be,  also, 
of  a  scaffold  upon  earth.  The  popular  idiom, 
which  hitherto  had  been  employed  only  by 
chronicler  and  the  minstrel,  was  summoned, 
by  the  Reformation,  to  act  a  new  part,  and 
consequently  to  receive  a  new  development. 
Society  finds  a  new  world  rising  up  around  it ; 
and  for  this  new  world  there  must  needs  be  new 
languages.  The  Reformation  freed  the  French 
language  from  the  swaddling  bands  in  which  it 
had  hitherto  been  confined,  and  reared  it  to  a 
speedy  and  vigorous  maturity.  Since  then, 
that  language  has  had  full  possession  of  all  the 
exalted  privileges  that  belong  to  a  dialect  con- 
versant with  the  operations  of  mind  and  the 
great  concerns  of  heaven, — privileges  which, 
under  the  tutelage  of  Rome,  it  had  never  en- 
joyed. True  it  is  that  the  people  form  their 
own  language ;  they,  and  they  alone,  invent 
those  happy  words, — those  figurative  and 
energetic  phrases,  which  give  colouring  and 
animation  to  human  speech.  But  there  are 
latent  powers  in  language  which  they  know 
not  how  to  elicit,  and  which  men  of  cultivated 
intellect  can  alone  call  into  action.  When  the 
time  arrived  for  Calvin  to  engage  in  discus- 
sion and  controversy,  he  was  forced,  by  the 
exigency  of  the  case  to  enrich  his  native 
tongue  with  modes  of  expression  hitherto 
unknown  to  it, — indicating  the  dependence,the 
connection,  the  minute  diversity  of  ideas,  the 
transition  from  one  to  another,  and  the  various 
steps  in  the  process  of  logical  deductions. 


The  elements  of  all  this  were  already  work- 
ing in  the  brain  of  the  young  student  of  the 
college  of  La  Marche.  This  child,  who  was 
to  exert  so  powerful  a  mastery  over  the  hu- 
man heart,  was  destined  to  exhibit  equal 
power  in  bending  and  moulding  to  his  will  the 
idiom  which  was  to  serve  as  his  instrument. 
The  French  of  Calvin  eventually  became  the 
language  of  Protestant  France,  and  when  we 
speak  of  Protestant  France,  we  speak  of  the 
most  cultivated  portion  of  the  French  nation; 
since  out  of  that  portion  arose  those  families 
of  scholars  and  dignified  magistrates,  who 
contributed  so  much  to  the  refinement  of  the 
national  character — out  of  that  portion  arose 
also  the  society  of  Port  Royal,*  one  of  the 
great  agents  by  which  the  prose  and  even  the 
poetry  of  France  have  been  modelled, — a  so- 
ciety which  aimed  at  introducing  into  the 
Catholicism  of  the  Gallican  Church  both  the 
doctrine  and  the  language  of  the  Reformation, 
and  failing  in  one  of  these  objects,  succeeded 
in  the  other ;  for  who  can  deny  that  Roman 
Catholic  France  had  to  learn  from  her  anta- 
gonists among  the  Jansenists  and  Reformers 
how  to  handle  those  weapons  of  style,  without 
which  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  her 
to  maintain  her  ground  against  them?f 

In  the  mean  time,  while  the  future  Reformer 
of  religion  and  of  language,  was  ripening  in 
the  college  of  La  Marche,  all  was  in  commo- 
tion around  that  young  and  thoughtful  scholar, 
without  his  being  at  all  affected  by  the  mighty 
movement  which  agitated  society.  The  flames 
that  consumed  the  hermit  and  Pavanne,  shed 
dismay  over  Paris.  But  the  persecutors  were 
not  satisfied ;  a  system  of  terror  was  set  on 
foot  throughout  the  whole  of  France.  The 
friends  of  the  Reformation  no  longer  dared  to 
correspond  with  each  other,  lest  their  letters 
should  be  intercepted,  and  so  betray  to  the 
vengeance  of  the  tribunals,  not.  only  those  who 
had  written  them,  but  those  also  to  whom  they 
were  addressed.^:  One  man,  however,  was 
bold  enough  to  undertake  the  office  of  convey- 
ing intelligence  of  what  was  passing  in  Paris 
and  in  France,  to  the  refugees  at  Basle, — by 
means  of  an  unsigned  letter  sewed  up  in  his 
doublet.  He  escaped  the  scattered  parties  of 
arquebusiers, — the  marechaussee  of  the  dif- 
ferent districts, — the  strict  examinations  of  the 
provosts  and  their  lieutenants, — and  arrived  at 
Basle  with  the  doublet  on  his  back  and  its 
hidden  deposit  untouched.  The  tidings  of 
which  he  was  the  bearer,  struck  terror  into  the 
hearts  of  Toussaint  and  his  friends. — "It  is 
piteous  to  hear  of  the  cruelties  they  are  com- 
mitting yonder !  "|J — exclaims  Toussaint.  A 

*  M.  A.  Arnauld,  the  grandfather  of  Mother 
Angelica  and  of  all  the  Arnaulds  of  Port  Royal, 
was  a  Protestant, — see  "Port  Royal,  par  M. 
Sainte-Beuve." 

t  Etudes  Liter,  sur  Calvin,  par  M.  A.  Sayers, 
Geneve,1 1839,  art.  iv.  This  work  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  similar  inquiries  regarding  Farel,  Viret, 
and  Beza. 

t  "  Not  a  person  dares  to  write  to  me." — (Tons- 
saint  to  Farel,  4th  September,  1525.  MS.  of  Neufc 
ehatel.) 

I!  Toussaint  to  Farel,  4th  Sept.  1525. 


424 


HISTORY    OF   THE    REFORMATION. 


little  before  this,  two  Franciscan  friars  had  ar- 
rived at  Basle  closely  pursued  by  the  officers 
of  justice.  One  of  these  friars,  named  John 
Prevost,  had  preached  at  Meaux,  and  had  af- 
terwards been  thrown  into  prison  in  Paris.* — 
The  accounts  they  brought  from  the  capital, 
as  well  as  from  Lyons,  through  which  city 
they  had  passed  on  their  way.  excited  the 
deepest  compassion  in  the  minds  of  the  refu- 
gees :  "  May  our  Lord  visit  them  with  his 
grace!"  said  Toussaint,  writing  to  Farel; — 
"  believe  me  when  I  tell  you  that  at  times  I 
am  in  great  anxiety  and  tribulation." 

These  excellent  men  did  not  lose  heart, 
however.  In  vain  were  all  the  Parliaments 
on  the  watch ;  in  vain  did  the  spies  of  the  Sor- 
bonne  and  the  monks  creep  into  churches  and 
colleges,  and  even  into  private  families,  to 
catch  up  any  word  of  Evangelic  doctrine  that 
might  be  dropped  there;  in  vain  did  the  king's 
gens  d'armes  patrol  the  highways  to  intercept 
everything  that  seemed  to  bear  the  impress  of 
the  Reformation; — these  Frenchmen,  thus 
hunted  and  trodden  on  by  Rome  and  her  myr- 
midons, had  faith  in  better  days  to  come;  and 
even  now,  the  termination  of  what  they  called 
the  Babylonish  captivity  was  greeted  by  them 
afar.  "  Atlength,"  said  they,  "  the  seventieth 
year  will  arrive — the  year  of  deliverance,  and 
liberty  of  spirit  and  conscience  will  be  ours."338 
But  the  seventy  years  were  to  be  extended  to 
nearly  three  centuries,  and  unheard-of  calami- 
ties were  to  be  endured  before  these  hopes 
should  be  realized.  It  was  not  in  man,  how- 
ever, that  the  refugees  put  their  trust.  "  They 
who  have  begun  the  dance,"  said  Toussaint, 
"will  not  stop  short  in  the  middle  of  it."— - 
But  they  believed  that  the  Lord  "knew  those 
whom  he  had  chosen,  and  would  accomplish 
the  deliverance  of  His  people  by  the  hand  of 
His  power."339 

The  Chevalier  d'Esch  had  actually  tasted 
the  mercy  of  deliverance.  Being  dismissed 
from  the  prison  of  Pont-ii-Mousson,  he  had 
hastened  to  Strasburg;  but  his  stay  there 
was  short.  For  "the  honour  of  God,"  wrote 
Toussaint  to  Fare),  "immediately  prevail  on 
our  worthy  master,  the  Chevalier,  to  return 
as  quickly  as  possible,  for  our  other  brethren 
have  need  of  such  a  leader."340In  fact,  the 
French  refugees  had  now  fresh  cause  of  alarm. 
They  were  apprehensive  that  the  dispute  re- 
specting the  Lord's  Supper,  which  had  afflict- 
ed them  so  grievously  in  Germany,  would  find 
its  way  across  the  Rhine,  and  prove  the  source 
of  new  troubles  in  France.  Francis  Lam- 
bert, the  monk  of  Avignon,  after  visiting  Zu- 
rich and  Wittemberg,  had  arrived  at  Metz, 
where  he  was  regarded  with  a  measure  of 
distrust,  for  it  was  feared  that  he  might 
introduce  the  sentiments  of  Luther,  and  by 
fruitless,  and,  as  Toussaint  calls  them,  "mon- 
strous" controversies,  impede  the  progress  of 
the  Reformation.341  Esch,  therefore,  returned 
to  Lorraine,  to  be  again  exposed  to  great  dan- 
gers, "in  common  with  all  in  that  region  who 
were  seeking  the  glory  of  Christ."342 


*  Toussaint  to  Farel,  21st  July,  1525. 


But  Toussaint  was  not  the  man  who  \7ould 
invite  others  to  join  the  battle,  while  he  him- 
self kept  aloof  from  it.  Deprived  of  the  com- 
fort of  daily  intercourse  with  (Ecolampadius, 
reduced  to  the  society  of  an  ill-nurtured  priest, 
he  had  sought  more  communion  with  Christ, 
and  had  gained  an  accession  of  courage.  If 
he  could  not  return  to  Metz,  might  he  not  at 
least  go  to  Paris'?  True, — the  smoke  that 
ascended  from  the  piles  on  which  Pavanne 
and  the  hermit  of  Livry  had  been  sacrificed 
was  scarcely  yet  cleared  away,  and  its  dark 
shadow  might  seem  to  repel  from  the  capital 
all  whose  faith  bore  any  resemblance  to  their's. 
But  if,  as  he  had  heard,  the  terror  that  pre- 
vailed in  the  colleges  of  Paris  and  amidst  her 
streets  was  such,  that  none  dared  even  to 
name  the  Gospel  or  the  Reformation, — was 
not  this  a  reason  why  he  should  repair 
thither]  Toussaint  quitted  Basle,  and  took 
up  his  abode  within  those  perilous  walls, 
heretofore  the  seat  of  revelry  and  licentious 
pleasure,  now  the  stronghold  of  fanaticism. 
His  desire  was  to  pursue  his  studies  in  Chris- 
tian literature,  and  at  the  same  time  to  form 
a  connection  with  the  brethren  who  were  in 
the  colleges,  particularly  with  those  who 
were  in  the  college  of  Cardinal  Lemoine, 
where  Lefevre  and  Farel  had  taught.343 But 
he  was  not  long  left  at  liberty  to  prosecute 
his  design.  The  tyranny  of  the  parliamen- 
tary commissaries  and  the  doctors  of  the  Sor- 
bonne  now  reigned  supreme  over  the  capital, 
and  whosoever  was  obnoxious  to  these  was 
sure  to  be  accused  of  heresy ,M4A  duke  and 
an  abbot,  whose  names  are  not  upon  record, 
denounced  Toussaint  as  a  heretic;  and,  one 
day,  the  king's  sergeants  arrested  the  young 
Lorrainer,  and  threw  him  into  prison.  Sepa- 
rated from  all  his  friends,  and  treated  as  a 
criminal,  Toussaint  felt  his  helplessness  more 
as  a  sinner  than  a  captive.  "  O  Lord  !"  cried 
he,  "  withdraw  not  thy  Spirit  from  me,  for 
without  that  Holy  Spirit  I  am  altogether  car- 
nal, and  a  sink  of  iniquity."  While  his  body 
was  held  in  chains,  his  heart  turned  for  solace 
to  the  remembrance  of  those  who  were  still  at 
large  to  struggle  for  the  Gospel.  There  was 
CEcolampadius,  his  father,  "whose  work," 
says  he,  "we  are  in  the  Lord."*  There  was 
Lefevre,  whom  (obviously  on  account  of  his 
age,)  he  deemed  "unmeet  to  bear  the  bur- 
then of  the  Gospel;"345  there  was  Roussel,  "  by 
whom  he  trusted  that  the  Lord  would  do  great 
things;"346  and  Vaugris,who  had  manifested  all 
the  zeal  "of  the  most  affectionate  brother," in 
his  efforts  to  rescue  him  from  the  power  of  his 
enemies.347 There  was  Farel  also,  to  whom  he 
wrote — "  I  entreat  your  prayers  on  my  behalf, 
that  1  may  not  faint  in  this  conflict."348 How 
effectual  must  he  have  found  the  repetition  of 
those  beloved  names  in  awakening  thoughts 
which  mitigated  the  bitterness  of  his  captivity 
— for  he  showed  no  signs  of  fainting.  Death, 
it  is  true,  seemed  to  be  impending  over  his 


*  This  letter  is  without  a  date,  but  it  appears  to 
have  been  written  shortly  after  the  liberation  of 
Toiissaint,  and  it  shows  the  thoughts  which  occu- 
pied him  at  that  period. 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


425 


head,  in  a  city  where  the  blood  of  multitudes 
of  his  brethren  was  afterwards  to  be  poured 
out  like  water;349and,  on  the  other  hand,  offers 
of  the  most  lavish  kind  were  made  by  the 
friends  of  his  mother,  and  of  his  uncle  the 
dean  of  Metz,  as  well  as  by  the  Cardinal  of 
Lorraine,  to  induce  him  to  recant.350 But  his 
reply  to  such  offers  was — "I  despise  them 
all.  I  know  that  God  is  now  putting  me  to 
the  trial.  I  would  rather  endure  hunger — I 
would  rather  be  a  very  abject  in  the  house  of 
the  Lord,  than  dwell  with  great  riches  in  the 
palaces  of  the  ungodly."351  At  the  same  time 
he  made  a  clear  and  open  confession  of  his 
faith :  "  I  glory,"  he  said,  "  in  being  called  a 
heretic  by  those  whose  lives  and  doctrine  T 
see  to  be  directly  opposite  to  those  of  Christ."352 
And  the  young  man  subscribed  himself,  "  Pe- 
ter Toussaint,  unworthy  of  his  name  of  Chris- 
tian." 

Thus,  in  the  absence  of  the  monarch,  new 
attacks  were  levelled  against  the  Reformation. 
Berquin,  Toussaint,  and  many  others  were  in 
bonds;  Schuch,  Pavanne,  and  the  hermit  of 
Livry  had  been  put  to  death  ;  Farel,  Lefevre, 
Roussel,  and  many  other  defenders  of  sound 
doctrine  were  in  exile;  and  the  tongues  of 
the  most  eloquent  were  chained.  The  light 
of  the  Gospel  waxed  dim ;  the  storm  roared 
around,  bending,  and  shaking  as  if  it  would 
uproot  that  tree  which  the  hand  of  God  had 
so  recently  planted  on  the  French  soil. 

To  those  humbler  victims  who  had  already 
fallen,  others  of  more  note  were  now  to  suc- 
ceed. The  enemy,  failing  in  their  efforts 
when  directed  against  persons  of  distinction, 
had  submitted  to  work  from  beneath  upwards ; 
hoping  gradually  to  bring  to  bear  on  the  more 
eminent  in  station  the  sentence  of  condemna- 
tion and  death.  It  was  a  sort  of  countermarch 
which  answered  the  purpose  they  had  in  view. 
Scarcely  had  the  wind  scattered  the  ashes  with 
which  persecution  strewed  the  Place  de  Greve 
and  the  close  of  Notre  Dame,  when  further 
blows  were  struck.  The  excellent  Messire 
Anthony  Du  Blet,  the  "  negociateur"  of  Lyons, 
sunk  under  the  persecutions  of  the  enemies  of 
the  truth ;  as  did  also  another  disciple,  Francis 
Moulin.  No  detailed  account  of  their  deaths 
has  come  down  to  us.*  Not  stopping  there, 
the  persecutors  proceeded  to  take  a  higher 
aim.  One  there  was  whose  eminent  rank 
placed  her  beyond  their  leach — but  who 
might  yet  be  stricken  in  the  persons  of 
those  dear  to  her. — This  was  the  Duchess 
of  Alen^on.  Michel  d'Arende,  her  chaplain, 
— for  the  sake  of  whom  Margaret  had  dis- 
missed her  other  preachers,  and  who  was 
accustomed  in  her  presence  to  publish  a  pure 
Gospel,  was  singled  out  for  attack,  and 
threatened  with  imprisonment  and  death.353 
About  the  same  time  Anthony  Papillon,  for 
whom  the  princess  had  obtained  the  office  of 
Chief  Master  of  Requests  to  the  Dauphin, 

*  Periit  Franciscus  Molinus  ac  Dubletus. 
(Erasm.  Epp.  p.  1109.)  Erasmus  in  his  letter 
addressed  to  Francis  I.,  in  July,  lo^fi,  name? 
all  those  who,  during  the  captivity  of  that  prince, 
fell  victims  to  the  Romish  fanatics. 


died  suddenly,  and  a  report,  generally  preva- 
lent even  among  the  enemies,  ascribed  his 
death  to  poison.354 

The  persecution  was  spreading  through  the 
kingdom,  and  drawing  nearer  to  the  person  of 
Margaret.  The  isolated  champions  of  truth 
were,  one  after  another,  stretched  upon  the 
field.  A  few  more  such  victories,  and  the 
soil  of  France  would  be  purged  from  heresy. 
Underhand  contrivances  and  secret  practices 
took  the  place  of  clamour  and  the  stake.  The 
war  was  conducted  in  open  day ;  but  it  was 
decided  that  it  should  also  be  carried  on 
darkly  and  in  secrecy.  If,  in  dealing  with  the 
common  people,  fanaticism  employs  the  tribu- 
nal and  the  scaffold,  it  has  in  reserve  poison 
and  the  dagger  for  those  of  more  note.  The 
doctors  of  a  celebrated  school  are  but  too  well 
known  for  having  patronized  the  use  of  such 
means;  and  kings  themselves  have  fallen 
victims  to  the  'steel  of  the  assassins.  But  if 
France  has  had  in  every  age  its  Seides,  it  has 
also  had  its  Vincents  de  Paul  and  its  Fene- 
lons.  Strokes  failing  in  darkness  and  silence 
were  well  fitted  to  spread  terror  on  all  sides  ; 
and  to  this  perfidious  policy  and  these  fanati- 
cal persecutions,  in  the  interior  of  the  kingdom, 
were  now  added  the  fatal  reverses  experienced 
beyond  the  frontier.  A  dark  cloud  was  spread 
over  the  whole  nation.  Not  a  family,  espe- 
cially among  the  higher  classes,  but  was 
either  mourning  for  a  father,  a  husband,  or  a 
son,  who  had  fallen  on  the  plains  of  Italy,  or 
trembling  for  the  liberty  or  life  of  one  of  its 
members.355 The  signal  misfortunes  which  had 
burst  upon  the  nation  diffused  everywhere  a 
leaven  of  hatred  against  the  heretics.  The 
people,  the  parliament,  the  Church,  and  even 
the  throne,  were  joined  hand  in  hand. 

Was  there  not  enough  to  bow  the  heart  of 
Margaret  in  the  defeat  at  Pavia,  the  death  of 
her  husband,  and  the  captivity  of  her  brother l, 
Was  she  doomed  to  view  the  final  extinction 
of  that  soft  light  of  the  Gospel  in  which  her 
heart  had  found  such  joy  1  News  arrived 
from  Spain  which  added  to  the  general  dis- 
tress. Mortification  and  sickness  had  reduced 
the  haughty  Francis  to  the  brink  of  the  grave. 
If  the  king  should  continue  a  captive,  or  die, 
and  the  regency  of  his  mother  be  protracted 
for  some  years,  there  was  apparently  an  end 
of  all  prospect  of  a  Reformation.  "  But  when 
all  seems  lost,"  observed,  at  a  later  period, 
the  young  scholar  of  Noyon, "  God  interposes 
to  deliver  and  guard  His  church  in  His  own 
wondrous  way."356 The  Church  of  France 
which  was  as  if  travailing  in  birth,  was  to 
have  a  brief  interval  of  ease  before  its  pains 
returned  upon  it;  and  God  made  use  of  a 
weak  woman, — one  who  never  openly  de- 
clared for  the  Gospel, — in  order  to  give  to  the 
Church  this  season  of  rest.  Margaret  herself, 
at  this  time,  thought  more  of  saving  the  king 
and  the  kingdom,  than  of  delivering  the  com- 
paratively unknown  Christians,  who  were  yet 
resting  many  hopes  upon  her  interference.357 
But  under  the  dazzling  surface  of  human 
affairs,  God  often  hides  the  mysterious  ways 
in  which  He  rules  His  people.  A  generous 


426 


HISTORY    OF   THE   REFORMATION. 


project  was  suggested  to  the  mind  of  the 
Duchess  of  Aler^on;  it  was,  to  cross  the  sea, 
or  traverse  the  Pyrenees,  and  rescue  Francis 
I.  from  the  power  of  Charles  V.  Such  was 
the  object  to  which  her  thoughts  were  hence- 
forth directed. 

Margaret  announced  her  intention,  and 
France  hailed  it  with  grateful  acclamation. 
Her  genius,  her  great  reputation,  and  the 
attachment  existing  between  herself  and  her 
brother,  helped  much  to  counterbalance,  in  the 
eyes  of  Louisa  and  of  Duprat,  her  partiality 
for  the  new  doctrines.  All  eyes  were  turned 
upon  her,  as  the  only  person  capable  of  extri- 
cating the  nation  from  its  perilous  position. 
Let  Margaret  in  person  make  an  appeal  to  the 
powerful  emperor  and  his  ministers,  and  em- 
ploy the  admirable  genius  with  which  she  was 
gifted,  in  the  effort  to  give  liberty  to  her  bro- 
ther and  her  king. 

Yet  very  various  feelings  existed  among 
the  nobility  and  the  people  in  the  prospect  of 
the  Duchess  trusting  herself  in  the  centre  of 
the  enemies'  councils,  and  among  the  stern 
soldiery  of  the  Catholic  king.  All  admired, 
but  without  sharing  in  her  confidence  and 
devotedness:  her  friends  had  fears  for  her, 
which,  in  the  result,  were  but  too  near  being 
realized :  but  the  evangelical  party  were  full 
of  hope.  The  king's  captivity  had  been  to 
them  the  occasion  of  hitherto  unprecedented 
severities — his  restoration  to  liberty  they  ex- 
pected would  put  a  period  to  those  rigours. 
Let  the  king  once  find  himself  beyond  the 
Spanish  frontier, — and  the  gates  of  those 
prison  houses  and  castles,  wherein  the  ser- 
vants of  God's  word  were  immured,  would 
instantly  be  set  open.  Margaret  was  more 
and  more  confirmed  in  a  project  to  which  she 
felt  herself  drawn  by  so  many  various  motives. 

My  heart  is  fixed  ;  and  not  the  heavens  above 
From  its  firm  purpose  can  my  spirit  move ; 


Nor  hell,  with  all  its  powers,  my  course  withstand 
For  Jesus  holds  its  keys  within  his  hand.358 

Her  woman's  heart  was  strengthened  with 
that  faith  which  overcomes  the  world,  and  her 
resolution  was  irrevocably  settled.  Prepara- 
tion was  accordingly  made  for  her  journey. 

The  archbishop  of  Emburn,  afterwards  car- 
dinal of  Tournon,  and  the  president  of  Selves, 
had  already  repaired  to  Madrid  to  treat  for  the 
ransom  of  the  king.  They  were  placed  under 
the  direction  of  Margaret,  as  was  also  the 
bishop  of  Tarbes,  afterwards  cardinal  of 
Grammont;  full  powers  being  given  to  the 
Princess.  At  the  same  time  Montmorency, 
afterwards  so  hostile  to  the  Reformation,  was 
despatched  in  haste  to  Spain  to  solicit  a  safe- 
conduct  for  the  king's  sister.359  The  Emperor 
at  first  hesitated,  alleging  that  it  was  for  his 
ministers  to  arrange  terms. — "  One  hour's  con- 
ference between  your  majesty,  the  king  my 
master,  and  Madame  d'Alenson,"  remarked 
Selves,  "would  forward  matters  more  than  a 
month's  discussion  between  the  diplomatists."368 
Margaret,  impatient  to  attain  her  object,  set 
out  unprovided  with  a  safe-conduct,  accompa- 
nied by  a  splendid  retinue.361  She  took  leave 
of  the  court  and  passed  through  Lyons,  taking 
the  direction  of  the  Mediterranean;  but  on  her 
road  she  was  joined  by  Montmorency,  who 
was  the  bearer  of  letters  from  Charles,  auar- 
anteeing  her  liberty  for  a  period  of  Three 
months.  She  reached  Aigues-Mortes,  and  at 
that  port  the  sister  of  Francis  the  First  em- 
barked on  board  a  vessel  prepared  for  her.362 
Led  by  Providence  into  Spain  rather  for  the 
deliverance  of  nameless  and  oppressed  Chris- 
tians, than  for  the  liberation  of  the  powerful 
monarch  of  France,  Margaret  committed  her- 
self to  that  sea  whose  waves  had  borne  her 
brother  when  taken  prisoner  after  the  fatal 
battle  of  Pavia. 


NOTES, 


BOOK  I. 


1  Suburbicaria  loca.     See  the  sixth  canon  of 
the  Council  of  Nice,  cited  by  Rufinus  as  follows  : 
Et  ut  apud  Alexandriam  et  in  urbe  Roma  vetusta 
consuetude  servetur  ut  vel  ille  ^Egypti  vel  hie 
suburbicariarum  ecclesiarum  sollicitudinem  gerat, 
&c.     Hist.  Eccles. 

2  Julian  Oral.  I. 

3  Claud,  in  Paneg.  Stilic.  lib.  3. 

4  Euseb.   Hist.   Eccles.   1.   5,    c.    24.    Socrat. 
Hist.  Eccles.  c.  21.  Cyprian,  ep.  59,  72,  75. 

5  See  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  canons  8  and 
18,  b  l^a(>\og  T»Jj  6wiKfiff£0)s. 

6  Cyprian,   bishop  of  Carthage,   speaking   of 
Stephen,  bishop  of  Rome,  has  these  words:— 
"  Magis  ac  magis    ejus    errorem  denotabis  qui 
haereticorum  causam  contra  Christianos  et  contra 
Ecdesiam  Dei  asserere  conatur.     .     .     .     .     qui 
unitatem  et  veritatem  de  divina  lege  venientem 

non  tenens Consuetudo  sine  veritate 

vetustas    erroris    est."      (Ep.    74.)      Firmilian, 
bishop  of  Cesarea  in  Cappadocia,  writing  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  third  century,  observes,  "  Eos 
auteni  qui  Roma?  sunt  non  ea.  in  omnibus  obser- 
vare  quae  sunt  ab  origine  tradita  et  frustra  aucto- 
ritatem  apostolorum  praetendere.     .     .     .     Caete- 
rum  nos  (the  bishops  of  the  churches  of  Asia, 
more  ancient  than  the  Roman  church)  veritati  et 
consuetudinem  jungimus,  et  consuetudini  Roma- 
norum  consuetudinem  sed  veritalis  opponimus ; 
ab  initio  hoc  tenentes  quod  a  Christo  et  ab  apos- 
tolo  traditum  est."     (Cypr.  Ep.  75.)    These  testi- 
monies are  of  high  importance. 

7  Fremens  ut  leo  .    .   .   asserens  omnes  uno 
gladio  jugulari.     (Anastasius,  Bibl.  Vit.  Pontif. 
p.  83.) 

8  Visum  est  et  ipsi  Apostolico  Leoni  .  .  .  ut 
ipsum  Carolum  imperatorem  nominare  debuisset, 
qui  ipsam  Romam  tenebat  ubi  semper  Caasares 
sedere  soliti  erant  et  reliquas  sedes  ....  (An- 
nalista  Lambecianus  ad  an.  801.) 

9  See  Ep.  ad  Univ.  Epi.  sc.  Gall.   (Mansi  XV.) 

10  "  Cujus  quidem  post  adeptum  sacerdotium 
vita  quam  turpis,  quam  freda,  quamque  execranda 
exsiiterit,  horresco  referre."     (DESIDERIUS  abbot 
of  Cassino,  afterwards  Pope  Victor  III.  de  mira- 
culis  S.  Benedicto,  etc.  lib.  3,  init.) 

11  Theophylactus  ....  cum  post  multa  adul- 
teria  et  hpmicidia  manibus  suis  perpetrata,  etc. 
(BoNizo  bishop  of  Sutri,  afterwards  of  Plaisance, 
liber  ad  amicum.) 

12  Hi  quocurnque  prodeunt,  clamores  insultan- 
tium,  digitos  ostendentium,  colaphos  pulsantium, 
perferunt.     Alii  membris  mutilati ;  alii  per  longos 
cruciatus  superbe  necati,  &c. — Martene  et  Du- 
rand.     Thes.  Nov.  Anecd.  1.  231. 

13  Velle  et  esse  ad  hominem  referenda  sunt, 
quia  de  arbitrii  fonte  descendant.  (Pelag.  in  Aug. 
de  Gratia  Dei,  cap.  iv.) 

14  Tertull.  de  Pcenit. 

15  Libri  duo  de  ecclesiasticis  disciplinis. 

16  Hottinger,  Hist.  Eccles.  V. 

17  Myconius'  History  of  the  Reformation ;  and 
Seckendorf  s  Hist,  of  Lutheranism. 

55 


]     18  Muller,  Reliquien,  vol.  iii.  p.  22. 
19  CEcolamp.  de  risu  paschali. 
30  Nicol.    De    Clemangis  de  prasulib.   simo- 
niacis. 

21  The  words  of  Seb.  Stor,  pastor  of  Lichstall 
in  1524. 

22  FUsslin,  Beytrage,  ii.  224. 

23  Metern.  Nederl.  hist.  viii. 

24  Hottinger,  Hist.  Eccles.  ix.  305. 

25  Mandement  de  Hugo  eveque  de  Constance, 
Mar.  3,  1517. 

26  Muller's  Reliq.  iii.  251. 

27  Steubing,  Gesch.  der  Nass.  Oran.  Lande. 

28  Uno  anno  ad  se  delata  undecim  millia  sacer- 
dotum  palam  concubinariorum. — Erasmi  Op.  torn, 
ix.  p.  401.     (This  citation  has  been  verified  ;  yet 
there  seems  to  be  some  mistake  in  these  figures. 
2V.) 

29  Schmidt,  Gesch.  der  Deutschen,  torn.  iv. 

30  Infessura. 

81  Amazz6  il  fratello  ducha  di  Gandia  e  lo  fa 
butar  nel  Tevere.  (M.  S.  C.  of  Capello,  ambas- 
sador at  Rome  in  1500 — extracted  by  Rancke.) 

32  Gordon,  Tommasi,  Infessura,  Guicciardini, 
Eccard,  &,c. 

33  Letter  to  the  Cardinal- Elector   of  Mentz, 
1525. 

34  Apologia  pro  Rep.  Christ. 

35  Muller's  Reliq.  torn.  3,  p.  253. 

36  Falleri  Monum.  ined.  p.  400. 

37  Pope  Hildebrand  himself  relates  the  event  in 
these  words:—"  Tandem  rex  ad oppidum  Canu- 
sii,  in  quo  morati  sumus,  cum  paucis  advenit, 
ibique  per  triduum  ante  portam,  deposito  omni 
regio   cultu  miserabiliter  utpote  discalceatus  et 
laniis  inductus,  persistens,  non  prius  cum  multo 
fletu  apostolicas  miserationis  auxilium  et  consola- 
tionem  implorare  destitit  quam  omnes  qui  ibi  ade- 
rant  ad  tantam  pietatem  et  compassionis  miseri- 
cordiam  movit  ut,  pro  eo  nmltis  precibus  et  lacry- 
misintercedentes,  omnes  quidem  insolitam  nostra3 
mentis  duritiam   mirarentur,  nonnulli  vero  non 
apostolicse  severitatis  gravitatem  sed  quasi  tyran- 
nica3  feritatis  crudelitatem  esse  clamarent."    (Lib. 
iv.  ep.  12,  ad  Germanos.) 

38  Adrien  Baillet,  Hist,  des  demeles  de  Boniface 
VIII.  avec  Philippe  le  Bel.    Paris,  1708. 

39  Guicciardini. 

40  Scultet.  Annal.  ad  an.  1520. 

41  Odium  Romani  nominis  penitus  infixum  esse 
multarum  gentium  animis  opinor,  ob  ea  qua?  vulgo 
de  moribus  ejus  urbis  jactantur.     (Erasmi  Epist. 
lib.  xii.  p.  634.) 

42  Nobla  Leycon. 

43  Treatise  on  Antichrist,  a  work  contempo- 
rary with  the  Nobla  Leycon. 

44  Epist.  J.  Huss  tempore  anathematis  script®. 

45  Huss,  epp.  sub  tempus  concilii  scripts. 

46  Credo  quod  tu,  mi  Domine,  Jesu  Christe 
solus  es  mea  justitia  et    redemptio.      Leibnitz 
script.  Brunsw.  iii.  369. 

20  427 


428 


NOTES—BOOKS   I.  II. 


47  Spes  mea  crux  Christi;  gratiam  non  opera 
quaero. 

48  Sciens  posse  me  aliter  non  salvari  et  tibi 
satisfacere  nisi  per  meritum,  etc.     See  for  the 
citations,  and  many  others,  Flaccius  Catal.  Test. 
Veritatis;   Wolfii  Lect.  Memorabiles;    Muller's 
Reliquien,  etc.  etc. 

49  Qui  prae    multis  pollebat  principibus   aliis, 
auctoritate,  opibus,  potentia,  liberalitate  et  mag- 
nificentia.    (Cochlaeus,  Acta  Lutheri,  p.  3.) 

50  Luther,  epp. 

61  Lutheri,  epp.  i.  p.  524. 

62  Mai  Vita  J.    Reuchlin    (Francof.    1687.)— 
Mayerhoff  J.  Reuchlin  und  seine  Zeit.    (Berlin, 
1830.) 

63  EyKw/itoj/  pwptaj.    Seven  editions  of  this  book 
were  sold  in  a  few  months. 

54  A  principibus  facile  mihi  contingeret  fortuna, 
nisi  mihi  nimium  dulcis  esset  libertas.    (Epist.  ad 
Pirck.) 

55  Ad  Servatium. 

56  Ad  Joh.  Slechtam,  1519.    Haec  sunt  animis 
hominum  inculcanda,  sic,  ut  velut  in  naturam 
transeant.    (Er.  Epp.  i.  p.  680.) 

57  "  Malo  hunc,  qualis  qualis  est,  rerum  huma- 
narum  statum  quam  novos  excitari  tumultus," 
said  Erasmus. 

58  Semel  admissum  non  ea  fertur,  qua  destina- 
rat  admissor.    (Erasm.  Epp.  i.  p.  953.) 


59  Ingens  aliquod  et  praesens  remedium,  certe 
meum  non  est.     (Er.  Epp.  i.  p.  653.) 

60  Ego  me  non  arbitror  hoc  honore  dignum. 
(Ibid.) 

61  Erasmi  Epist.  374. 

62  Vigilise  molestse,  somnus  irrequietus,  cibus 
insipidus  omnis,  ipsum  quoque  musarum  studiurn 

ipsa  frontis  meae  maestitia,  vultus 

palor,  oculorum  subtristis  dejectio 

(Erasm.  Epp.  l,p.  1380.) 

63  The  works  of  Erasmus  were  edited  by  John 
Leclerc,  at  Liege,  in  1703,  in  10  vols.  folio.     For 
his  life,  consult  Burigny   Vie  d'Erasme,   Paris, 
1757.    A  Muller   Leben  des  Erasmus — Harnb. 
1828;   and  the   life  inserted  by  Leclerc  in   his 
"  Bibliotheque   Choisie"      See  also  the  able  and 
impartial  performance  of  M.  Nisard  (Revue  des 
deux  mondes) — yet  M.  Nisard  seems  to  me  to 
be  mistaken  in  his  estimate  of  Luther  and  Eras- 
mus. 

64  Animus    ingens   et    ferox,   viribus  pollens. 
Nam  si  consilia  et  conatus  Hutteni  non  defecis- 
sent,  quasi  nervi  copiarum,  atque  potentiae,  jam 
mutatio  omnium  rerum  extitisset,  et  quasi  orbis 
status  publici    fuisset    conversus. — Gamer.    Vita 
Melanclhonis* 

65  Lutheri  Epp.  i.  p.  37,  38. 

66  Hiitten's  works  have  been  published  at  Ber- 
lin by  Munchen,  1822  to  1825,  in  5  vols.  8vo. 

67  See  Chateaubriand,  Etudes  Historiques. 


BOOK  II. 


1  Vestus  familia  est  et  late  propagata  medio- 
crium  horninum.     (Melanc.  Vit.  Luth.) 

2  Ego  natus  sum  in    Eisleben   baptizatusque 
apud  Sanctum  Petrum  ibidem. — Parentes  mei  de 
prope  Isenaco  illuc  migrarunt.   (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  390.) 

3  Intuebanturque  in  earn  caster®  honestae  mu- 
lieres,  ut    in    exemplar  virtutum.    (Melancthon 
Vita  Lutheri.) 

4  Melancth.  Vita  Lutheri. 

5  Drumb  musste  dieser  geistliche  Schmelzer. 
.     .     .     (Mathesius,  1565,  p.  3.) 

6  Ad  agnitionem  et  timorem  Dei    .... 
domestica  institutione   diligenter    adsuefecerunt. 
(Melancth.  Vita  Luth.) 

7  Walthers  Nachrichten. 

8  Sed  non  poterant  discernere  ingenia  secundum 
quae  essent  temperandae  correctiones.     (L.  Opp. 
W.  xxii.  p.  1785.) 

9  Mathesius. 

1°  Lutheri  Opera  (Walch.)  ii.  2347. 

11  Isenacum  enim  pene  totam  parentelam  meam 
habet.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  390.) 

12  Lingk's  Reisegesch.  Luth. 

"  Dieweil,  sie  umb  seines  Singen  und  herz- 
lichen  Gebets  willen.    (Mathesius,  p.  3.) 

14  Cumque  et  vis  ingenii  acerrima  esset,  et  im- 
primis ad  eloquentiam  idonea,  celeriter  Eequalibus 
suis  praecurrit.     (Melancth.  Vita  Luth.) 

15  Degustata  igitur  litterarum  dulcedine,  natura 
flagrans  cupiditate   discendi  appedt  academiam. 
(Mel.  Vit.  Luth.) 

16  Et  fortassis  ad  leniendam  vehementiam  na- 
turae mitiora  studia  verae  philosophiae.     (Ibid.) 

17  Et  quidem  inter  primos,  ut  ingenio  studioque 
multos    coasqualium    antecellebat.      (Cochlaeus, 
Acta  Lutheri,  p.  1.) 

18  Sic  igitur  in  juventute  eminebat  ut  toti  aca- 


demiae  Lutheri  ingenium  admiration!  esset.    (Vita 
Luth.) 

19  Fleissig  gebet,  ist  Uber  die  Helfft  studert. 
(Mathes.  3.) 

20  Auff  ein  Zeyt,  wie  er  die  Biicher  fein  nach- 
einander  besieht    ....    kombt  er  uber  die 
lateinische  Biblia.     .    .     .     (Mathes.  3.) 

21  Ayide    percurrit,   ccepitque  optare   ut  olim 
talem  librum  et  ipse  nancisci  posset.     (M.  Adami 
Vit.  Luth.  p.  103.) 

22  Deus  te  virum  faciet  qui  alios  multos  iterum 
consolabitur.     (M.  Adami  Vit.  Luth.  p.  103.) 

23  L.  Opp.  W.  xxii.  p.  2229. 

24  Interitu  sodalis  sui  contristatus.    (Cochlaeus, 
p.  1.) 

25  Mit  Erschrecken  und  Angst  des  Todes  um- 
geben.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  101.) 

26  Cum  esset  in  campo,  fulminis  ictu  territus. 
(Cochlaeus,  1.) 

27  Occasio    autem  fuit  ingrediendi  illud  vitae 
genus  quod  pietati  et  studiis  doctrinae  de  Deo  ex- 
istimavit  esse  convenientius.     (Mel.  Vit.  Luth.) 

28  Hujus  mundi  contemptu,  ingressus  est  re- 

pente,  multis  admirantibus,  monasterium 

(Cochlaeus,  1.) 

29  In  vit&  semimortua.    (Melch.  Adami  V.  L. 
p.  102. 

30  Gott  geb  dass  es  nicht  ein  Betrug  und  teuf- 
lisch  Gespenst  sey.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  101.) 

31  On  Genesis  xxxiv.  3. 

32  Loca  imrnunda  purgare  coactus  fuit.    (M. 
Adami  Vit.  Luth.  p.  103.) 

33  Selnecceri  Orat.  de  Luth. 

34  In  disputationibus  publicis  labyrinthos  aliis 
inextricabiles,  diserte  multis  admirantibus  expli- 
cabat.    (Melancth.  Vit.  Luth.) 


NOTES—BOOK   II. 


429 


35  In  eo  vitae  genere  non  famam  ingenii,  sed 
alimenta  pietatis  quaerebat.   (Melancth.  Vit.  Luth.) 

36  Ut  firmis  testimoniis  aleret  timorem  et  fidem. 
(Ibid.) 

37  Gesch.  d.  deutsch.  Bibeliibersetzung. 

38  Summa  disciplines  severitate  se  ipse  regit,  et 
omnibus  exercitiis  lectionum,  disputationum,  jeju- 
niorum ,  precura,  omnes  longe  superat.   (Melancth. 
Vita  Luth.) 

39  Erat  enim  naturS.  valde  modici  cibi  et  potus  ; 
vidi  continuis  quatuor  diebus,  cum  quidem  recte 
valeret,   prorsus    nihil    edentem    aut   bibentem. 
(Melancth.  Vita  Luth.) 

40  Strenue  in  studiis  et  exercitiis  spiritualibus 
militavit  ibi  Deo  annis  quatuor.     (Cochlaeus,  1.) 

41  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xix.  2299. 

42  Visus  est  fratribus  non  nihil  singularitatis 
habere.     (Cochlaeus,  1.) 

43  Cum    ....    repente    ceciderit    vocife- 
rans:     Non  sum  !  non  sum!     (Cochlaeus,!.) 

44  Ex  occulto  aliquo  cum  sermone  cominario. 
(Ibid.) 

45  Saepe  eum  cogitantem  attentius  de  ira  Dei, 
aut  de  mirandis  pcenarum  exemplis,  subito  tanti 
terrores    concutiebant,   ut    pene    exanimaretur. 
(Melancth.  Vita  Luth.) 

ifi  Seckend.  p.  53. 

47  Hoc  studium  ut  magis  expeteret,  illis  suis 
doloribus  et  pavoribus  movebatur.    (Melancth. 
Vita  Luth.) 

48  A  teneris  unguiculis  generoso  animi  impetu 
ad  virtutem  et  eruditam   doctrinarn   contendit. 
(Melch.  Adam.  Vita  Staupizii.) 

49  Corporis  forma    atque    statura  conspicuus. 
(Cochl.  3.) 

so  L.  Opp.  (W.)  v.  2189. 
51  P.  Mossellani  Epist. 
62  L.  Opp.  (W.)  viii.  2725. 
53  L.  Opp.  (W.)  ii.  264. 

64  Te  velut  e  ccelo  sonantem  accepimus.  (L. 
Epp.  i.  115,  ad  Staupitium,  30  Maii,  1518.) 

55  Pfflnitentia  vero  non  est,  nisi  quae  ab  amore 
justitiae  et  Dei  incipit,  &c.     (Ibid.) 

56  Memini  inter  jucundissimas  et  salutares  fabu- 
las  tuas,  quibus  me  solet  Dominus  Jesus  mirifice 
consolari.      Ibid.) 

67  Haesit  hoc  verbum  tuum  in  me,  sicut  sagitta 
potentis  acuta.  (Ibid.) 

58  Ecce  jucundissimum  ludum  ;  verba  undique 
.mini  colludebant  planeque  huic  sententiae  arride- 
bant  et  assultabant.  (L.  Epp.  i.  115,  ad  Staupi- 
tium, 30  Maii,  1518.) 

69  Nunc  nihil  dulcius  aut  gratius  mihi  sonat 
quam  pcenitentia,  &c.  (Ibid.) 

60  Ita  enim  dulcescunt  praecepta  Dei,  quando 
non  in  libris  tantum,  sed  in  vulneribus  dulcissimi 
Salvatoris  legenda  intelligimus.     (Ibid.) 

61  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  p.  489. 

62  Davidi  aut  Petro  ....     Sed  mandatum 
Dei  esse,  ut  singuli  homines  nobisremitti  peccata 
credamus.    (Melanc.  Vit.  L.) 

63  Keil,  p.  16. 

64  L.  Opp.  xvi.  (W.)  1144. 

65  Es  ist  nicht  Christus,  denn  Christus  schreckt 
nicht,  sondern  trostet  nur.    (L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii. 
p.  513  &  724.) 

66  Epp.  i.  p.  5.— 17th  March,  1509. 

57  Theologia  qua3,  nucleum  nucis  et  medullam 
tritici  et  medullam  ossium  scrutatur. — (L.  Epp. 
i.  6.) 


68  In  studiis  litterarum  corpore  ac  mente  inde- 
fessus.     (Pallavicini  Hist.  Coiicil.  Trid.  1.  p.  16.) 

69  Seckend.  p.  55. 

70  Melch.  Adam.  Vita  Lutheri,  p.  104. 

71  Fabricius,  Centifolium  Lutheri,  p.  33.    (Ma- 
thesius,  p.  6.) 

72  Myconius. 

73  Florimond  Raymond,  Hist,  haeres.  cap.  5. 

74  Bossuet,  Hist,  des  Variations,  1.  1. 

75  Quod  septem  conventus  a  vicario  in  quibus- 
dam  dissemirent.     (Cochloaus,  2.) 

76  Quod  esset  acer  ingenio  et  ad  contradicendum 
audax  et  vehemens.     (Ibid.) 

77  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  p.  1468. 

78  Matth.  Dresser,  Hist.  Lutheri. 

79  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  2374,  2377. 

80  Sancte  Swizere !    ora  pro  nobis.    (L.  Opp. 
(W.)  xxii.  1314,  1332.) 

81  L.  Opp.  (W.)  Dedication  of  the  117  Psm.  VI. 
vol.  L.  g. 

82  Ibid. 

83  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xix.  von  der  Winkelnesse,  &c. 

84  In  quel  tempo  non  pareva  fosse  galantuomo 
e  buon  cortegiano  colui  che  de  dogmi  della  chiesa 
non  aveva  qualche  opinion  erronea  ed  heretica. 
(Caracciola  Vit.  MS.  Paul  IV.)  cited  by  Rancke. 

85  Das  habe  ich  zu  Rom  fur  gewiss  gehort. 
(Table  Talk,  p.  1322.) 

86  Es  nimmt  mich  Wunder,  dass  die  Pabste 
solches  Bild  leiden  konnen  !     (Ibid.  p.  1320.) 

87  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  p.  2376. 

88  Address  to  the  Christian  Nobles  of  Germany. 

89  Ist  irgend  eine  Holle,  so  muss  Rom  darauf 
gebaut  seyn.    (Ib.  2377.) 

90  Diss.  on  the  1st  Decade  of  Livy. 

91  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  p.  2374. 

92  Seek.  p.  56. 

93  Qua  vos  Deus  misericors  justificat  per  fidem. 
(L.  Opp.  lat.) 

94  Hie  me  prorsus  renatum  esse  sensi  et  apertia 
portis  in  ipsum  paradisum  intrasse.     (Ibid.) 

95  Gloss  on  the  Imperial  Edict,  1531.    (L.  Opp. 
(L.)  torn,  xx.) 

96  Vim  ingenii,  nervos  orationis,  ac  rerum  boni- 
tatem  expositarum  in  concionibus  admiratus  fuerat. 
(Melancthon,  Vita  Luth.) 

97  Unter  einem  Baum,  den  er  mir  und  andern 
gezeigt.    (Math.  6.) 

98  Multa  praecedunt  mutationes  praesagia.    (Vita 
Luth.) 

99  Ihr  lebet  nun  oder  sterbet,  so  darffeuch  Gott 
in  seinem  Rathe.     (Math.  6.) 

100  Neminem  nisi  Spiritum  Sanctum  creare  posse 
doctorum  theologiae.    (Weismanni  Hist.  Eccles.  i. 
p.  1404.) 

101  L.  Epp.  i.  11. 

102  Weismann.  Hist.  Eccles.  p.  1416. 

103  Ibid. 

101  Juro  me  veritatem  evangelicarn  viriliter  de- 
fensurum. 

105  Doctor  biblicus  wow  sententiarius.   (Melanc.) 

106  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xvi.  p.  2061.    (Mathesius,  p.  7.) 

107  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxi.  2061. 

108  Aristotelem  in  philosophicis,  Sanctum  Tho- 
mam  in  theologicis,  evertendos,  susceperat.    (Pal- 
lav,  i.  16.) 

109  Perdita  studia  nostri  saeculi.     (Epp.  i.  15. 
8  Feb.  1516.) 

110  Ep.  i.  57.    May  18,  1517. 


430 


NOTES  — BOOKS   II.  III. 


111  Secundum  genium  heri  sui.     (Weismann. 
Hist.  Eccles.  p.  1434.) 

112  Fideliter  et  sine  strepitu  fungens.     (Weis- 
mann. Hist.  Eccles.  p.  1434.) 

113  Qui  cum  principe  in  rheda  sive  lectico  solitus 
est  ferri.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  33.) 

"*  Melch.  Ad.  Vita  Spalat.  p.  100. 
115  Foris  sapere  et  domi  desipere.    (L.  Epp.  i. 
p.  8.) 
"6  Pref.  ad  Gal. 

117  Non  per  speculationem  sed  per  hanc  viam 
practicam. 

118  Omnes  filii  Adae    sunt   idolatrae.— Decem 
Praecepta  Wittembergensi  populo  prasdicata  per 
R.  P.  D.  Martinum  Lutherum,  Aug.  anno  1516. 
(They  were  preached  in  German.     The  quotation 
is  from  the  Latin  edition,  i.  p.  1.) 

119  Nisi  ipse  pro  te  mortuus  esset  teque  servaret, 
nee  tu,  nee  omnis  creatura  tibi  posset  prodesse. 
(Ibid.) 

120  At  Jesus  est  verus,  unus,  solus  Deus,  quern 
eum  habes,  non  habes  alienum  Deum.     (Ibid.) 

121  Revocavit  igitur  Lutherus  hominum  mentes 
ad  filium  Dei.    (Melancthon,  Vit.  Luth.) 

122  Hujus  doctrinae  dulcedine  pit  omnes  valde 
capiebantur  et  eruditis  gratum  erat.     (Ibid.) 

123  Quasi  ex  tenebris,  carcere,  squalore  educi 
Christum,  prophetas,  apostolos.    (Ibid.) 

124  Orationes  non  e  labris  nasci,  sed  in  pectore. 
(Ibid.) 

125  Eique,  propter  auctoritatem  quam  sanctitate 
morum  antea  pepererat,  adsenserunt.    (Ibid.) 

126  Puto  et  hodie  theologos  omnes  probos  favere 
Luthero.     (Erasm.  Epp.  i.  652.) 

127  Du  Domine  Jesu  es  justitia  mea ;  egoautem 
sum  peccatum  tuum  ;  tu  assumpsisti  meum,  et  de- 
disti  mihi  tuum.     (L.  Ep.  i.  p.  17.) 

128  Non  enim  juste  agendo  justi  efficimur:  sed 
justi  fiendo  et  essendo  operamur  justa.    (L.  Ep.  i. 
p.  22.) 

129  Humana  prevalent  in  eo  plusquam  divina. 

130  Dabit  ei  Dominus  intellectum  suo  forte  tern- 
pore.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  52.) 

131  TI  ow  ;  6wardv  dvapaprfiTOv  sivai  rttrj ; — What ! 
is  it  possible  to  help  sinning?  asks  Epictetus,  iv. 
12,  19.    Apvcavov.     Impossible  !  he  answers. 

132  ....  Sanctissimae  reliquiae  .  .  .'  deifies  vo- 
luntatis  suae  charitate  amplexae,  osculatae.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  18.) 

133  Sed  etiam  ultro  adorabam.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  i. 
p.  50.) 

134  L.  W.  (L.)  xviii.  p.  142,  and  in  the  Latin 
works.     Tom.  i.  p.  51. 

135  Cum  credent!  omnia  sint,  auctore  Christo, 
possibilia,  superstitiosum  est,  humano  arbitrio,  aliis 
sanctis,  alia  deputari  auxilia.     (Ibid.) 

136  Hilscher,  Luthers  Anwesenheit  in  Alt-Dres- 
den, 1728. 


M»  1  May,  1516.    Epp.  i.  p.  20. 

138  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  36.    Non  enim  asper  asperum, 
id  est  non  diabolus  diabolum,  sed  suavis  asperum, 
id  est  digitus  Dei  ejicit  daemonia. 

139  Tarn  cito  enim  crux  cessat  esse  crux  quam 
cito  laetus  dixeris :     Crux  benedicta !  inter  ligna 
nullum  tale.     (Epp.  i.  27.) 

140  Heiliglich,  friedlich  und  zuchtig.    (Math.  p. 
10.) 

141  Epp.  i.  p.  41  to  Lange,  26  Oct.  1516. 

142  Quo  fugiam  ?  spero  quod  non  corruet  orbis 
ruente  fratre  Martino.    (Epp.  i.  p.  42,  26  Oct. 
1516.) 

143  Multa  placent  principi  tuo,  quaa  Deo  displi- 
cent.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  25.) 

144  Si  mihi  maxime  prosunt  que  mei  pessime 
meminerint.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  45.) 

145  Quo  sunt  aliqua  salubriora,  eo  minus  placent. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  p.  46.) 

146  Quam  amarum  est,  quicquid  nos  sumus. 
(Ibid.) 

147  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  p.  1849. 
i«  Ibid. 

149  Has  tres  postea  in  aula  principis,  a  me  nota- 
tas  garrierunt.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  85.) 

150  Keith,  Leben  Luthers,  p.  32. 

151  Inter  medias  me  insidias  conjectum.  (L.  Epp. 
i.  85.) 

152  In  me  acriter  et  clamose  invectus  est.   (Ibid.) 

153  Super  Aristotelis  et  Thomas  nugis.    (Ibid.) 

154  Ne  prodiret  et  in  faciem  mei  spueret.  (Ibid.) 
i"  Enixe  sese  excusavit. 

156  Cujus  vellem  hostes  cito  quamplurimos  fieri. 
(Epp.  i.  59.) 

157  Optima  et  infallibilis  ad  gratiam  preparatio  et 
unica  dispositio  est  aeterna  Dei  electio  et  praedesti- 
natio.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  56.) 

158  Breviter  nee  rectum  dictamen  habet  natura 
nee  bonam  voluntatem.     (Ibid.) 

159  Nulla  forma  syllogistica  tenet  in  terminis 
divinis.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  56.) 

160  Lex  et  voluntas    sunt  adversarii  duo  sine 
gratia  Dei  implacabiles.     (Ib.  p.  57.) 

161  Lex  est  exactor  voluntatis,  qui  non  supera- 
tur  nisi  per  Parvulum  qui  natus  est  nobis.     (L. 
Opp.  lat.  i.  57.) 

162  L.  Opp.  Lips.  xvii.  p.  143 ;  and  Opp.  lat.  i. 

163  Nee    igitur    sequitur   quod   sit    naturaliter 
mala,  id  est  natura  mali,  secundum  Manichasos. 
(Ibid.) 

164  Imo  cacodoxa  videri.    (L.  Epp.  i.  60.) 

165  Eccio  nostro  eruditissimo^et  ingeniosissimo 
viro  exhibete,  ut  audiam  et  videam  quid  vocet 
illas.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p  63.) 

166  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xviii.  1944. 


BOOK  III. 


1  Instruction  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz  to 
the  sub-commissioners  of  the  indulgence,  &c., 
art.  8. 

2  Ingenio  ferox  et  corpore  robustus.  (Cochl.  5.) 

3  Welchen  Chnrfurst  Friederich  vom  Sack  zu 
Inspruck  er  beten  Hatte.     (Mathes.  x.) 

4  L.  Opp,  (W.)  xv.  862. 


5  Circumferuntur  venales  indulgentiae    in   hia 
regionibus  a  Tecelio,  Dominicano  impudentissimo 
sycophanta.     (Melancth.  Vita  Luth.) 

6  Hist,  de  Lutheranisme  par  le  P.  Maimbourg 
de  la  compagnie  de  Jesus.     1681,  p.  21. 

7  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1393. 

8  Tetzel  defended  and  maintained  this  assertion 


NOTES— BOOK   III. 


431 


in  his  antitheses,  published  the  same  year.  (Th. 
99,  100,  101.) — Sub-commissariis,  insuper  ac  prae- 
dicatoribus  veniarum  imponere,  ut  si  quis  per  im- 
possibile  Dei  genetricem  semper  virginem  violas- 
set,  quod  eundem  indulgentiarum  vigore  absolyere 
possent,  luce  clarior  est.  (Positiones  fratris  1. 
Tezelii  quibus  defendit  indulgentias  contra  Lu- 
therum.) 

9  Th.  56.     (Ibid.) 

10  Instruction  of  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz,  &c. 

11  Resolut.  on  the  32d  Thesis. 

12  Teutzel,  Reformationgesch.     Myconii  Ref. 
Hist.    Instruction   of  the  Archbishop  of  Mentz 
to  the  Sub-commissioners  of  the  Indulgence.— 
Theses  of  Luther. 

13  Instruction,  etc.,  5,  69. 

14  Die  erste  Gnade  ist  die  vollkommene  Verge- 
bung  aller  Siinden,  &c.     (Instruction,  19.) 

15  Nur  den  Beichtbrief  zu  kaufen.     (Ibid.  36.) 

16  Auch  ist  nicht  nothig  dass  sie  in  dem  Herzen 
zerknirscht  sind,  und  mit  dem  Mund  gebeichtet 
haben.     (Ibid.  38.) 

17  Nach  den  Satzen  der  gesunden  Vernunft, 
nach  ihrer  Magnificenz  und  Freigebigkeit.     (In- 
struction, &c.,  26.) 

18  Muller's  Reliq.  iii.  p.  264. 

19  Wider  den  Willen  ihres  Mannes.     (Instruc- 
tion, 27.) 

20  Ibid.  87,90,  91. 

21  Luth.  Opp.  Leipz.  xvii.  79. 

22  Dreimal  gelind  auf  den  Riicken.    (Instruc- 
tion.) 

23  Instruction,  9. 
«  Ibid.  69. 

25  Ibid.  4. 

26  Sarpi,  Concile  de  Trente,  p.  5. 
™  Schrock,  K.  G.  v.  d.  R.  1.  116. 

28  Schultet.  Annal.  Evangel,  p.  iv. 

29  Loschers,  Ref.  Acta,  I.  404.    L.  Opp.  xv. 
443,  &c. 

30  Musculi  Loci  communes,  p.  362. 

31  Hoffmanns    Reformationgesch.    v.     Leipz. 
p.  32. 

32  Si  tantum  tres  homines  esset  salvanda  per 
sanguinem  Christi,  certo  statueret  unum  se  esse 
ox  tribus  illis.    (Melch.  Adam.  Vita  Mycon.) 

33  Si  nummis  redimatur  a  Pontifice  Romano, 
(Melch.  Adam.) 

34  Clausurum  januam  coeli.    (Melch.  Adam.) 

35  Stentor  pontificius.     (Ibid.) 

36  Letter  of  Myconius  to  Eberus  in  Hechtii 
Vita  Tezelii,  Wittemb.  i.  p.  14. 

37  Albinus  Meissn.  Chronik.  L.  W.  (W.)  xv. 
446,  &c.  Hechtius  in  Vit&  Tezelii. 

38  L.  Opp.  (Leipz.)  xvii.  p.  Ill,  116. 

39  Luther's  Theses  on  the  Indulgences.     (Th. 
82,  83,  84.) 

4°  L.  Opp.  (Leipz.)  xvii.  79. 

41  Fessi  erant  Germani  omnes,  ferendis  expli- 
cationibus,  nundinationibus,  et  infinitis  imposturis 
Romanensium  nebulonum.  (L.  Opp.  Lat.  in 
praef.) 

12  Sarpi,  Concile  de  Trente,  p.  4.  Pallavicini, 
though  labouring  to  refute  Sarpi,  confirms  and 
even  aggravates  the  charge  : — suo  plane  officio 
defuit  (Leo)  ....  venationes,  facetias,  pompas 
adeo  frequentes  ....  (Council.  Trid.  Hist.  i. 
p.  8,  9.) 

«  Seckendorf,  42. 

44  Lingke,  Reisegesch.  Luthers,  p.  27. 

45  Instillans  ejus  pectori  frequentes  indulgentia- 
rum  abusus.    (Cochlseus,  4.) 


46  Monachum,  et  papistam  insanissimum,  ita 
ebrium,  imo  submersum  in  dogmatibus  papse,  &c. 
In  praf.  Opp.  Witt.  I. 

47  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii. 

48  Coepi  dissuadere  populis  et  eos  dehortari  ne 
indulgentiarum  clamoribus  aures  praeberent.     (L. 
Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

49  Wiitet,  schilt,  und  maledeiet  graulich   auf 
dem  Predigtstuhl.  (Myconius,  Reformationgesch.) 

50  Haec  initia  fuerunt  hujus  controversial,   in 
qua  Lutherus  nihil  suspicans  aut  somnians   de 
futura  mutatione  rituum,  &c.     (Melancth.  Vita 
Luth.) 

51  Mathesius.— Die  verseurte  Lehr  durch  den 
Ofen  gehen.  (p.  10.) 

52  Falsum  est  consuevisse  hoc  munus  injungi 
Eremitanis  S.  Augustini  ...  (p.  14.) 

53  "  Saiiberlich." 

64  Sondern  in  ihren  16'chreichen  und  zerrissenen 
Opinien  viel  nahe  verwesen.  (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii. 
p.  119.) 

55  It  is  found  in  Loscher,  i.  46,  &c.    Teutzels 
Anf.   und  Fortg.  der   Ref.  Siinkers  Ehrenged. 
p.148.  Lehmanns  Beschr.  Meissen.  Erzgeb.,  &c., 
and  in  a  manuscript  of  the  Archives  of  Weimar, 
written  from  the  dictation  of  Spalatin.     It  is  from 
this  manuscript,  published  at  the  last  jubilee  of  the 
Reformation,  (1817,)  that  we  take  the  account  of 
this  dream. 

56  Cujus  impiis  et  nefariis  concionibus  incitatus 
Lutherus  studio  pietatis  ardens  edidit  propositiones 
de  indulgentiis.    (Melancth.  Vita  Luth.) 

57  Et  in  iis  certus  mihi  videbar,  me  habiturum 
patronum  papam  cujus  fiducia  tune  fortiter  nitebar. 
(L.  Opp.  Lat.  in  praef.) 

58  ....  Quas  magnifico  apparatu  publice  po- 
pulis ostendi  curavit.     (Cochlaeus,  4.) 

59  Cum  hujus  disputationis  nullus  etiam  intimo- 
rum  amicorum  fuerit  conscius.    (L.  Epp.  i.  186.) 

60  Wenn  man  die  Lehre  angreifft,  so  wird  die 
Gans  am  Krage  gegriffen.    (L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii. 
p.  1369.) 

61  Harms  de  Kiel. 

62  L.  Opp.  Leipz.  vi.  p.  518. 

63  Casu  enim,  non  voluntate  nee  studio,  in  has 
turbas  incidi ;  Deum  ipsum  testor.    (L.  Opp.  lat. 
in  prasf.) 

64  Domino  suo  et  pastori  in  Christo  venerabili- 
ter  metuendo.    (Epp.  i.  p.  68.) 

65  Fex  hominum.     (Epp.  i.  p.  68.) 

66  Ut  populus  Evangelium  discat  atque  charita- 
tem  Christi.    (Epp.  i.  p.  68.) 

67  Er  sollte  still  halten ;  es  ware  eine  grosse 
Sache.     (Math.  13.) 

es  Walther,  Nachr.  v.  Luther,  p.  45. 

69  Myconius,  Hist.  Ref.  p.  23. 

70  Das  Lied  wollte  meiner  Stimme  zu  hoch 
werden.     (L.  Opp.) 

71  In  alle  hohe  Schulen  und  Closter.    (Math. 
13.) 

72  Ad  hoc  prasstandum  mihi  videbatur  ille,  ut 
natura  compositus  et  accensus  studio.     (Erasm. 
Epp.  Campegio  Cardinali,  1.  p.  650.) 

73  Muller's  Denkw.  iv.  256. 

74  Alle  Welt  von  diesem  Weissenberg,  Weiss- 
heit  holen  und  bekommen.     (p.  13.) 

75  Dass  er  uns  den  Munch  Luther  fleissig  be- 
ware.   (Math.  15.) 

76  Schmidt,  Brand.  Reformationgesch.  p.  124. 

77  Che  frate  Martino  Luthero  haveva  un  bel- 
lissimo  ingegno,  e  che  coteste  erano  invidie  fra- 
tesche.    (Brandelli,  a  contemporary  of  Leo  and  a 
Dominican.    Hist.  Trag.  pars  3.) 


432 


NOTES  — BOOK   III. 


78  Melch.  Adami  Vita  Myconii. 

79  Legit  tune,  cum  Johanne  Voitio,  in  angulum 
abditus,  libellos  Lutheri.     (Mel.) 

80  Qui  potuit  quod  voluit. 

81  Darvon  Magister  Johann.  Huss  geweissaget. 
(Math.  13.) 

82  "  Totque  uxorum  vir,"  adds  he.    Heumanni 
Documenta  litt.  p.  167. 

83  F  rater,  abi  in  cellam,  et  die,  Miserere  mei. 
(Lindner  in  Luthers  Leben,  p.  93.) 

84  Bene  sum  contentus  :    malo  obedire   quam 
miracula  facere,  etiamsi  possem.     (Epp.  i.  71.) 

85  Suumque  dolorem  saepe  significavit  metuens 
discordias  majores.     (Melanc.  Vita  Luth.) 

86  L.  Opp.  (L.)  vi.  p.  518. 

87  Finge  enim  ipsam  humilitatem  nova  conari, 
statim  superbias  subjicietur  ab  iis  qui   aliter  sa- 
piunt.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  73.) 

88  Solus  primo  eram.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

89  Concilium  immanis  audaciae  plenum.  (Pallav. 
i.  p.  17.) 

90  Miserrimus  tune  fraterculus  cadaveri  similior 
quam  homini.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  p.  49.) 

91  Et   cum  omnia  argumenta  superassem  per 
scripturas,  hoc  unum  cum  summa  difficultate  et 
angustia,  tandem  Christo  favente,  vix  superavi, 
Ecclesiam  scilicet  audiendam.     (L.   Opp.  lat.  i. 
p.  49.) 

92  Hi  furores  Tezelii  et  ejus  satellitum  impo- 
nunt  necessitatem  Luthero  de  rebus  iisdem  copio- 
sius  disserendi  et  tuendae  veritatis.     (Melancth. 
Vita  Luth.) 

93  Das  er  die  Schrift,  unsern  Trost,  nicht  anders 
behandelt  wie  die  Sau  einen  Habersack. 

94  L.  Opp.  Leips.  xvii.  132. 

95  Tibi  gratias  ago :  im6  quid  tibi  non  debeo  ? 
(L.  Epp.  i.  p.  74.) 

96  Quanto  magisconamurexnobisadsapientiam, 
tanto  amplius  appropinquamus  insipientiae.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  p.  74.) 

97  Sed  salvum  est  nunc  etiam  jurare,  quod  sine 
scitu  ducis  Frederici  exierint.     (Ibid.  p.  76.) 

98  Primum  id  certissimum  est,  sacras  litteras 
non  posse  vel  studio,  vel  ingenio  penetrari.    Ideo 
primum  officium  est  ut  ab  oratione  incipias. 

99  Igitur  de  tuo  studio  desperes  oportet  omnino, 
simul  et  ingenio.     Deo  autem  soli  confidas  et  in- 
fluxui  spiritiis.     Experto  crede  ista.     (L.  Epp.  i. 
p.  88,  18  Jan.) 

100  "  Liters  tuae,"  wrote  Luther  to  him,  on  the 
llth  of  December,    1517,   animum  tuum    erga 
meam  parvitatem  candidum  et  longe  ultra  merita 
benevolentissimum  probaverunt."      (L.   Epp.   i. 
p.  79.) 

101  Non  fuit  consilium  neque  votum  eas  evul- 
gari,  sed  cum  paucis  apud  et  circum  nos  habitan- 
tibus  primum  super  ipsis  conferri.     (L.  Epp.  i. 
p.  95.) 

102  Ut  me  pceniteat  hujus  fceturae.     (Ibid.) 

103  Quae  istis  temporibus  pro  summa  blasphemia 
et  abominatione  habeo  et  execror.     (L.  Opp.  Lat. 
Witt,  in  praef.) 

104  Accepi    ....    simul  et  donum  insignis 
viri  Alberti  Durer.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  95.) 

i°5  Mein  Hofkleid  verdienen.  (Epp.  L.  i.  77,  78.) 
ice  Epp.  L.  i.  p.  293. 

107  Suum  senatum  convocat ;  monachos  aliquot 
et   theologos   sua    sophistica  utcumque    tinctos. 
(Melancth.  Vita  Luth.  106.) 

108  Quisquis  ergo  dicet,  non  citius  posse  animam 
volare  quam  in  f'undo  cistse  denarius  possit  tinnire, 
errat.    (Positiones  fratris  Joh.  Tezelii,  Pos.  66. 
L.  Opp.  i.  p.  94.) 

109  Pro  infamibus  sunt  tenendi,  qui  etiam  per 


juris  capitula  terribiliter  multis  plectentur  pcenisin 
omnium  hominum  terrorem.  (Positiones  fratris 
Joh.  Tezelii.  56,  L.  Opp.  i.  p.  98.) 

110  Fulmina  in  Lutherum  torquet :  vociferatur 
ubique  hunc  haBreticum  igni  perdendum  esse  ;  pro- 
positiones  etiam  Lutheri  et  concionem  de  indul- 
gentiis  publice  conjicit  in  flammas.    (Melancth. 
Vita  Luth.) 

111  E6  furunt  usque  ut  universitatem  Wittem- 
bergensem  propter  me  infamem  conantur  facere 
et  haBreticam.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  92.) 

112  Epp.  Luth.  i.  p.  62. 

113  Nisi  Maledicerer  non  crederem  ex  Deo  esse 
quae  tracto.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  85.) 

114  "Morte  emptum  est,  (verbum  Dei.)  con- 
tinues he,  in  deeply  energetic  language,  "  morti- 
bus  vulgatum,  mortibus  servatum,  mortibus  quo- 
que  servandum  aut  referendum  est." 

115  Inter  tantos  principes  dissidii  origo  esse  valde 
horreo  et  timeo.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  93.) 

116  Haecinscio  principe,  senatu,  rectore,  denique 
omnibus  nobis.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  99.) 

117  Fit  ex  ea  re  ingens  undique  fabula.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  p.  99.) 

118  Omnes    omnibus   omnia    credunt    de    me. 
(Ibid.) 

119  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  98. 

120  Quid  vel  Deus  vel  ipsi  sumus.    (L.  Epp.  i. 
224.) 

121  Ein  voller  trunkener  Deutscher.    (L.  Opp. 
(W.)  xxii.  1337.) 

122  An  ferreum  nasum  aut  caput  asneum  gerat 
iste  Lutherus,  ut  effringi  non  possit.     (Sylv.  Prie- 
ratis  Dialogus.) 

123  See  "Joh.  Gersonis  Propositiones  de  sensu 
litterali  S.  Scriptures."     (Opp.  torn,  i.) 

124  A  qua  etiam  Sacra  Scriptura,  robur  trahit  et 
auctoritatem,  haereticus  est.     (Fundamentum  ter- 
tium.) 

125  Si  mordere  canum  est  proprium,  vereor  ne 
tibi  pater  canis  fuerit.     (Sylv.  Prier.  Dial.) 

126  Seculari  brachio  potest  eos  compescere,  nee 
tenetur  rationibus  certare  ad  vincendos  proter- 
vientes.     (Ibid.) 

127  Convenit  inter  nos  esse  perspnatum  aliquem 
Sylvestrem  ex  obscuris  viris,  qui  tantas  ineptias 
in  hominem  luserit  ad  provocandum  me  adversus 
eum.     (Epp.  i.  p.  87,  14  Jan.) 

128  T.  i.  Witt  Lat.  p.  170. 

129  Ego  ecclesiam  virtualiter  non  scio  nisi  in 
Christo,  representative  non  nisi  in  concilio.     (L. 
Opp.  lat.  p.  174.) 

130  Quando  hanc  pueri  in  omnibus  plateis  urbis 
cantant :    Denique  nunc  facta  est  foedissima  Ro- 
ma.   (Ibid.  p.  183.) 

131  L.  Opp.  Leips.  xvii.  p.  140. 

132  Et  quod  magis  urit,  antea  mihi  magna  re- 
centerque   contracta    amicitia    conjunctus.      (L. 
Epp.  i.  p.  100.; 

133  Quo  furore  ille  amicitias  recentissimas  et 
jucundissimas  solveret.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  100.) 

134  Volui  tamen  hanc  offam   Cerbero  dignara 
absorbere  patientia.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  100.) 

135  Omnia  scholasticissima,  opiniosissima,  me- 
raque  somnia.     (Ast.  Opp.  L.  lat.  i.  145.) 

136  Indignor    rei  et   misereor  hominis.      (Ast. 
Opp.  L.  lat.  i.  150.) 

137  Homo  est   summus   Pontifex,  falli  potest. 
Sed  veritas  est  Deus,  qui  falli  non  potest.     (Ibid. 
155.) 

138  Longe  ergo  impudentissima  omnium  temeri- 
tas  est,  aliquid  in  ecclesia  asserere,  et  inter  chris- 
tianos,  quod  non  docuit   Christus.     (Ast.  Opp. 
L.  lat.  i.  156.) 


NOTES— BOOKS   III.  IV. 


433 


139  Cum  privatim  dederim  Astericos  meos,  fit 
ei  respondendi  necessitas.     (L.  Epp.  p.  126.) 

140  Diligimus  hominis  ingenium  et  admiramur 
eruditionem.     (L.  Epp.  ad   Scheurlum,  15  Jun. 
1518,  i.  p.  125.) 

141  Nihil  neque  literarum  neque  verborum  me 
participem  fecit.     (Ibid.) 

142  L.  Opp.  Leips.  vii.  p.  1086. 

143  Nicht  die  Werke  treiben  die  Siinde  aus  ; 
sondern  die   Austreibung  der   Siinde  thut  gute 
Werke.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  162.) 

114  Christus  dein  Gott  wird  dir  nicht  liigen, 
noch  wanken.  (Ibid.) 

146  Ob  es  schon  ein  Weib  oder  ein  kind  ware. 
(Ibid.) 

146  Also  siehst  du  dass  die  ganze  Kirche  voll 
von  Vergebung  der  Siinden  ist.     (Ibid.) 

147  Und  Hauptmann  im  Felde  bleibe.    (Ibid.) 
»«  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  98. 

149  Pedester  veniam.    (Ibid.) 

150  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  105. 

151  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  104. 

152  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  106. 

153  Ihr  habt,  bei  Gott,  einen  kostlichen  Credenz. 
(L.  Epp.  1.  ii.) 

154  L.  Epp.  1.  iii. 

155  Justorum  opera  essent  mortalia,  nisi  pio  Dei 
timore  ab  ipsismet  justis  ut  mortalia  timerentur. 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  55.) 

156  Lex  iram  Dei  operatur,  occidit,  maledicit, 
reum  facit,  judicat,  daninat,  quicquid  non  est  in 
Christo.     (Ibid.) 

137  Lex  dicit :  Fac !  et  nunquam  fit.  Gratia 
dicit:  Crede  in  hunc,  et  jam  facta  sunt  omnia. 
(Ibid.) 


158  Amor  Dei  non  invenit  sed  creat  suum  dili- 
gibile  ;  amor  hominis  fit  a  suo  diligibili. 

159  Bucer  in  Schultetet.    Annal.  Evang.  reno- 
vat.  p.  22. 

160  Si  rustic!  haec  audirent,  certe  lapidibus  vos 
obruerent  et  interficerent.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  111.) 

161  Prudentioribus  monachis  spem  de  se  prae- 
claram   excitavit.    (Melch.  Adam.  Vit.   Buceri, 
p.  211.) 

162  Cum  doctrinam  in  eis  traditam  cum  sacris 
literis  contulisset,  quaedam  in  pontificia  religione 
suspecta  habere  ccepit.     (Ibid.) 

163  Prirnam  lucem  purioris  sententiae  de  justi- 
ficatione  in  suo  pectore  sensit.     (Ibid.)     . 

164  Ingens  Dei  beneficium  laetus  Brentius  agno- 
vit,  et  grata  mente  amplexus  est.    (Ibid.) 

163  Crebris  interpellationibus  cum  voti  quod  de 
nato  ipsa  fecerat  admoneret,  et  a  studio  juris  ad 
theologiam  quasi  conviciis  avocaret.  (Melch. 
Adami  Sneprfii  Vita.) 

166  Gerdesius,  Monument.  Antiq.,  &c. 

167  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  412. 

168  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  112. 

169  Veni  autem  curru  qui  ieram  pedester.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  p.  110.) 

170  Omnibus  placitis  meis  nigrum  theta  praefigit. 
(Ibid.  p.  111.) 

»»  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  111. 

172  Nisi  dictamine  rationis  naturalis,  quod  apud 
nos  idem  est  quod  chaos  tenebratum,  qui  non 
praedicamus  aliam  lucem  quam  Christum  Jesum 
lucem  veram  et  solam.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  111.) 

173  Ita   ut  nonnullis  videar  factus  habilior  et 
corpulentior.    (Ibid.) 


1  Non  ut  disputabilia  sed  asserta  acciperentur. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  114.) 

2  Ineptias. 

3  "  Sed  cogit  necessitas  me  anserem  strepere 
inter  oleres,,"  adds  Luther.    (L.  Epp.  i.  121.) 

4  Quam    pure     simpliciterque    ecclesiasticam 
potestatem  et  reverentiam  clavium  quaesierim  et 
coluerim.     (Ibid.) 

5  Quare,    beatissime    Pater,    prostratum    me 
pedibus   tuae   Beatitudinis  offero,   cum   omnibus 
quae  sum  et  habeo  ;  vivifica,  occide  ;  voca,  re- 
voca ;   approba,   reproba,   ut   placuerit.     Vocem 
tuam  vocern  Christi  in  te  praesidentis  et  loquentis 
agnoscam.    Si  mortem  merui,  mori  non  recusabo. 
(Ibid.) 

6  Qui  pauper  est  nihil  timet,  nihil  potest  per- 
dere.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  118.) 

7  L.  Opp.  (W.)xv.  p.  339. 

8  Rarescebant     manus     largentium. 
lasus,  7.) 

9  Luthero  autem  contra  augebatur  auctoritas, 
favor,  fides,  sestimatio. 

10  Schrock,  K.  Gesch.  n.  d.  R.  I.  p.  156. 

11  Defensores  et  patronos  etiam  potentes  quos 
dictus  frater  consecutus  est.     (Raynald.  ad  an. 
1518.) 

'2  L.  Opp.  lat.  xvii.  p.  169. 

13  Uterus  Rebeccae  est ;  parvulos  in  eo  collidi 
necesse  est,  etiam  usque  ad  periculum  matris. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  p.  138.) 


BOOK  IV. 

14  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  173. 

15  L.  Opp.  (lat.)  i.  183.  184.    L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii. 
171,  172. 

16  Dictum  Lutherum  haereticum  per  praedictum 
auditorem  jani   declaratum.     (Breve  Leonis  ad 
Thomam.) 

17  Brachio  cogas  atque  compellas,  et  eo  in  po- 
testate  tua  redacto  eum  sub  fideli  custodia  retineas, 
ut  coram  nobis  sistatur.    (Ibid.) 

18  Infamiae  et  inhabilitatis  ad  omnes  actus  legi- 
timos,  ecclesiasticae  sepulturae,  privationis  quoque 
feudorum.     (Ibid.) 

19  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  176. 

20  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  173. 

21  Almosen  geben  armt  nicht,  &c.     Wer  mehr 
will  verzehren,  etc.     (Miiller's  Reliquien.) 

22  Dilexit  me  ut  filium,  et  ego  eum  ut  patrem ; 
et  conveniemus,  spero,  in  vita  aeterna.    (Melancth. 
Expl.  Evang.) 

23  Quiescere  non  poterat,  sed  quaerebat  ubique 
aliquem  cum  quo  de  auditis  disputaret.     (Came- 
rarius,  Vita  Melancth.  p.  7.) 

24  Camerar.  Vita  Philip.  Melancthonis,  p.  16. 

25  Erasmi  Epist.  i.  p.  405. 

26  Horresco  quando  cogito  quomodo  ipse  acces- 
serim  ad  statuas  in  papatu.     (Explicat.  Evang.) 

27  Meum  opus  et  meum  solatium.    (Corp.  Ref. 
i.  33.) 

28  Des  Wegs  urid  der  Orte  unbekannt.    (Corp 
Ref.  30.) 


(Coch- 


434 


NOTES— BOOK   IV. 


29  Camer.  Vita  Mel.  26. 

30  Puer  et  adolescentulus,  si  aetatem  consideres 
(L.  Epp.  i.  141.) 

31  L.  Epp.  i.  135. 

32  Summos  cum  mediis  et  infimis  studiosos  fac: 
graecitatis.     (L.  Epp.  i.  140.) 

33  Martinum,  si  omnino  in  rebus  humanis  quid 
quam,  vehementissime  diligo,  et  animo  integer 
rimo  complector.    (Mel.  Epp.  i.  411.) 

34  Calvin,  writing  to  Sleidan,  observes:  "Do 
minus  eum  fortiore  spiritu  instruat,  ne  gravem  e; 
ejus  timiditate  jacturam  sentiat  posteritas. 

35  Plank. 

36  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  139. 

37  Jen.  Aug.  i.  p.  384. 

38  (Contra  omnium  amicorum  consilium  com 
parui.) 

39  Epp.  i.  61. 

40  Ut  vel  stranguler,  vel  baptizer  ad  mortem 
(L.  Epp.  i.  120.) 

41  Uxor  mea  et  liberi  mei  provisi  sunt.    (L 
Epp.  i.  129.)— He  had  none. 

42  Sic  enim  sponsus  noster  sponsus  sanguinum 
nobis  est.    (L  Epp. ;  see  Exodus,  iv.  25.) 

43  Veni  igitur  pedester  et  pauper  Augustam.  . 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

44  Ibi  Myconius  primum  vidit  Lutherum  :  sec 
ab  accessu  et  colloquio  ejus  tune  est  prohibitus 
(M.  Adami  Vita  Myconii,  p.  176.) 

45  Profecto  in  ignem  te  conjicient,  et  flammis 
exurent.     (Melch.  Adam.  Vita  Myconii,  p.  176, 

•     Ref.  Hist.  p.  30.) 

46  Vivat   Christus ;   moriatur  Martinus  .... 
(Weismanni,   Hist.   Sacr.    Noyi  Test.  p.  1465.) 
Weismann  had  read  this  letter  in  manuscript.     It 
is  not  in  the  collection  of  M.  de  Wette. 

47  E.  Epp.  i.  p.  144. 

48  The  Pope's  Bull.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  174.) 

49  Et  nutu  solo  omnia  abrogare,  etiam  ea  quae 
fidei  assent.    (L.  Epp.  i.  144.) 

60  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  179. 

51  Hunc  Sinonem  parum  consulte  instructum 
arte  pelasga.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.   144 :  see  Virgil's 
JEneid,  Book  2.) 

52  Mediator  ineptus.    (Ibid.) 

63  Sciunt  enim  eum  in  me  exacerbatissimum 
intus,  quicquid  simulet  foris.  .  .  .  (L.  Epp.  i. 
p.  143.) 

54  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  201. 

65  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  203. 

56  Seckendorf,  p.  144. 

67  Seckendorf,  p.  130. 

58  L.  Opp.  (L.)  179. 

59  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  205. 

60  Et  ubi   manebis?    .    .    .    Respondi:     Sub 
Ccelo.     (L.  Opp.  in  prasf.) 

61  Ego  pro  illis  et  vobis  vado  immolari.    (L. 
Epp.  i.  146.) 

62  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  113. 

63  Tuesday,  llth  of  October. 

64  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  180. 

65  Salva  Scriptura. 

66  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  180. 

67  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  180,  183,  206,  &c. 

68  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  209. 

69  L.  Epp.  1.  173. 

70  Darinn  ihn  Staupitz  von  dem  Kloster-Ge- 
horsam  absolvirt.     (Math.  15.) 

71  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  201. 

72  Seckend.p.  137. 

73  Loscher,  ii.  463. 


74  L.  Opp.  (L.)xvii.  181,  209. 

75  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  181,  209.    Decies  fere 
coepi  ut  loquerer,  toties  rursus  tonabat  et  solus 
regnabat. 

76  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  186. 

77  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  185. 

78  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  187. 

79  Ostendit  in  materia  fidei  non  modo  generate 
concilium  esse  super  papam  sed  etiam  quemlibet 
fidelium,  si  melioribus  nitatur  auctoritate  et  ra- 
tione  quam  papa.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  p.  209.) 

80  Ps.  cxliii.  2. 

81  Confess,  ix. 

82  Justitia  justi  et  vita  ejus,  est  fides  ejus.    (L. 
Opp.  lat.  i.  p.  211.) 

83  Legit  fervens  et  anhelans.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  145.) 

84  Acquisivit.     (Ibid.) 

85  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  197. 

86  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1331. 

87  Revoca  aut  non  revertere.    (L.  Opp.  (L.) 
xvii.  202.) 

88  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  210. 

89  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  204. 

90  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  185. 

91  Ego  nolo  amplius  cum  hac  bestisi  disputare. 
Habet  enim  profundos  oculos  et  mirabiles  specu- 
ationes  in  capite  suo.    (Myconius,  p.  33.) 

92  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  120. 

93  L.  Epp.  i.  149. 

94  L.  Epp.  i.  159. 

95  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  178. 

96  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  182. 

97  L.  Opp.  (L.)  198. 

98  Bossuet,   Hist,   des  Variations.    (Liv.  i.  p. 
25,  &c.) 

99  Ut  follis  ille  ventosa  elatione  distantus  .... 
p.  40.) 

100  Melius  informandum.   (L.Opp.  lat.  i.  p.  219.) 

101  Weissman,  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  p.  237. 

102  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  202. 

103  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  166. 

104  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  183. 

105  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  203. 

ice  Eg0  enim  ubicumque  ero  gentium,  illustris- 
imae  Dominationis  tuas  nunquam  non  ero  memor. 
L.  Epp.  i.  187.) 

107  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  244. 

108  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  198. 

109  Scultet.  Annal.  i.  p.  17. 

110  Studium  nostrum  more  formioarum  fervet. 
L.  Opp.  i.  p.  193.) 

111  Quia  Deus  ubique.    (L.  Opp.  i.  p.  188.) 

112  Ut  principi  me  in  captivitatem  darem.    (L. 
pp.  i.  p.  189.) 

113  Si  iero,  totum  effundam,  et  vitam  offeram 
Christo.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  100.) 

114  Deo   rem    committerent.      (Luth.  Epp.  i. 
.191.) 

115  Vater  und  mutter  verlassen  mich,  aber  der 
[err  nimmt  mich  auf. 

116  L.  Opp.  xv.  824. 

117  Ne  tarn  cit6  in  Galliam  irem.    (L.  Epp.  i. 
195.) 

118  Firmat  Christus  propositum  non  cedendi  in 
ne.     (Ibid.) 

119  Res  ista  necdum  habet  initium  suum,  meo 
dicio.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  193.) 

120  Qu6  illi  magis  furunt  et  yi  affectant  viam  e6 
inus  ego  terreor.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  191.) 

121  Sarpi,  Concile  de  Trente,  p.  8. 

122  Loscher,  Ref.  Act. 


NOTES— BOOK  V. 


435 


BOOK  V. 


1  Letter  from  the  Elector  to  his  envoy  at  Rome. 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  298.) 

2  Rationem  agendi  prorsus  oppositam  inire  sta- 
tuit.     (Card.  Pallavicini,  Hist.  Concil.  Trid.  vol. 
iv.  p.  51.) 

3  Nee  ab  usu  immoderato  vini  abstinuit.    (Pal- 
lavicini, vol.  i.  p.  69.) 

4  Sciscitatus  per  viam  Mitilius  quanam  esset  in 
aestimatione  Lutherus   ....    sensit  de  eo  cum 
admiratione  homines  loqui.    (Pallavicini,  torn.  i. 
p.  51.) 

5  Ecce  ubi  unum  pro  papa  stare  inveni  tres  pro 
te  contra  papam  stabant.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

6  Quid  nos  scire  possumus  quales  vos   Romas 
habeatis  sellas,  ligneasne  an  lapideas?     (L.  Opp. 
lat.  in  prsef.) 

7  Martinus  noster,  Deo  gratias,  adhuc  spirat. 
(Corpus   Reformatorum  edidit  Bretschneider,  i. 
p.  61.) 

8  Expecto  consilium  Dei.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  191.) 

9  Per  singula  oppida  affigeret  unum,  et  ita  tutus 
me  perduceret  Romam.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

10  Tune  desiit  paululum  sasvire  tempestas.  .  .  . 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

"  Loscher,  ii.  567. 

12  Sed  per  yiam  a  Domino  prostratus  .  .  .  . 
mutavit  violentiam  in  benevolentiam  fallacissime 
simulatam.     (L.  Epp.  1.  206.) 

13  0  Marline,  ego  credebam  te  esse  senem  ali- 
quem  theologum,  qui  post  fornacem  sedens.  .  .  . 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  in  prsef.) 

14  Quod  orbem  totum  mihi  conjunxerim  et  papae 
abstraxerim.     (L.  Epp.  1.  231.) 

15  Si  haberem  25  millia  armatorum,  non  con- 
fiderem  te  posse  a  me  Romam  perduci.   (L.  Opp. 
in  praef.) 

w  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii. 

17  Profusis  lacrymis  ipsum  oravit,  ne  tam  per- 
rticiosam   Christiano  generi  tempestatem  cieret. 
(Pallavicini,  1.  52.) 

18  Non  evasisset  res  in  tantum  tumultum.    (L. 
Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

»9  Und  die  Sache  sich  zu  Tode  bluten.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  207.) 

20  L.  Epp.  i.  p.  209. 

21  Ab  integro  jam  saeculo  nullum  negotiurn  Ec- 
clesiae  contigisse  quod  majorem  illi  solicitudinem 
incussisset.     (Pallav.  t.  i.  p.  52.) 

22  Ego  dissimulabam  has  crocodili  lacrymas  a 
me  intelligi.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  216.) 

23  Atque   vesperi,  me  accepto,  convivio  laetati 
sumus.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  231.) 

24  Sic  amice  discessimus    etiam   cum  osculo, 
(Judae  scilicet.)     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  216.) 

23  Has  Italitates.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  231.) 

26  Verbis  minisque  pontificis  ita  fregit  hominem, 
hactenus  terribilem  cunctis  et  imperterritum  sten- 
torem.    (L.  Opp.  in  praef.) 

27  Doleo  Totzelium  .  .  .  .  (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  223.) 

28  Sed  conscientia  indignati  Papae  forte  occu- 
buit.     (L.  Opp.  in  praef.) 

29  Praeter  unum   Jesum   Christum  Dominum 
omnium.     (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  234.) 

30  Nescio  au  Papa  sit.  Antichristus  ipse  vel 
apostolus  ejus.    (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  239.) 

31  L.  Opp.  L.  xvii.  p.  224. 

!2  Video  ubique,  undique,  quocumque  modo, 
animam  meam  quaeri.  (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  274, 16  May.) 
56 


33  Sicut  aqua  inundans.  (L.  Epp.  i.  p.  278,  279.) 

34  Nullo  sermone  consequi  queam,  quos  tra- 
gcedias  hie  excitarint  tui  libelli  .  .  .  (Erasm.  Epp. 
vi.  4.) 

35  Maurorum   stirpe    prognatis.      (Pallavicini, 
i.  91.) 

36  In  his  id  guadeo,  quod  veritas,  tam  barbare 
et  indocte  loquens,  adeo  placet.    (L.  Epp.  i.  255.) 

37  Dominus  evigilavit  et  stat  ad  judicandos  po- 
pulos.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

38  Deus   rapit,  pellit,  nedum  ducit  me  ;   non 
sum  compos  mei ;  volo  esse  quietus,  et  rapior  in 
medios  tumultos.     (L.  Epp.  i.  231.) 

39  Nihil  cupiebat  ardentius,  quam  sui  specimen 
prasbere   in  solemn!    disputatione    cum    ffimulo. 
(Pallavicini,  torn.  i.  p.  55.) 

40  Defensio  adversus  Eckii  monomachiam. 

41  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  242. 

42  Sed  Deus  in  medio  horum;  ipse  novit  quid 
ex  ea  tragedia  deducere  voluerit.     (L.  Epp.  i.  230, 
222.) 

43  See  page  108. 

44  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  p.  245. 

45  L.  Epp.  i.  237. 

46  Gaudens  et  videns  posthabeo  istorum  mea 
seria  ludo.    (L.  Epp.  i.  251.) 

47  Esto  vir  fortis  et  accingere  gladio  tuo  super 
femur  tuum,  potentissime  !     (Ibid.) 

48  Ac  si  voles  semper  Augustus  saluteris  in 
aeternum.    (Ibid.) 

49  Et  sola  sit  veritas,  quas  salvet  se  dextera  sua, 
non  mea,  non  tua,  non  ullius  hominis.  .  .  .  (L. 
Epp.  i.  261.) 

50  Expecto  furorem  illorum.    (L.  Epp.  i.  280, 
of  the  30th  May,  1519.) 

51  Totus  orbis  nutat  et  movetur,  tam  corpore 
quam  anima.     (L.  Epp.  i.  261.) 

52  Ternis  literis,  a  duce  Georgio  non  potui  cer- 
tum  obtinere  responsum.    (L.  Epp.  i.  282.) 

53  Ita  ut  non  disputator  sed  spectator  futurus 
Lipsiam  ingrederer.    (L.  Opp.  in  praf.) 

54  Principis  nostri  verbo  firmatus.    (L.  Epp.  i. 
255.) 

56  Schneider,  Lips.  Chr.  iv.  168. 

56  Theplogi  interim  ne  proscindunt  .  .  .  popu- 
lum  Lipsiffi  inclamant.    (L.  Epp.  i.  255.) 

57  Das  wait  der  Teufel !     (Ibid.) 

58  Seckendorf,  201. 

59  Malim  te  plus  operae  sumere  in  asserendis 
bonis  litteris,  quam  in  sectandis  harum  hostibus. 
(Corpus  Reform,  ed.  Bretschneider,  i.  78,  April 
22,  1519.) 

60  Martinus,   Domini  miles,   hanc  camarinam 
movit.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  82.) 

61  Nee  cum  carne  et  sanguine  diu  contulit,  sed 
statim  palam  ad  alios  fidei  confessionem  constan- 
ter  edidit.     (M.  Adami  Vita  Amsdorff.) 

62  Weismann,  Hist.  Eccl.  i.  1444. 

63  Seb.  FroschelvomPriesterthum.    (Wittenb. 
1585,  in  praef.) 

64  L.  Opp.  L.  xvii.  245. 

65  See  page  113. 

66  Seckend.  p.  190. 

67  Si  tecum  non   licet   disputare  neque  cum 
Carlstatio  volo ;  propter  te  enim  hue  veni.    (L. 
Opp.  in  prasf.) 

68  Melancth.  Opp.  i.  139.    (Koethe  ed.) 


436 


NOTES  — BOOK   V. 


69  Aiebat,  ad  universes  mortales  pertinere  judi- 
cium,  hoc  est  ad  tribunal  cujus  cplligendis  calcu- 
lis  nulla  urna  satis  capax.  (Pallavicini,  torn.  i.  55.) 

70  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  245. 

71  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  246. 

72  Seckend.  p.  209. 

73  Seine  Gelehrsamkeit  aber  und  Verstand  in 
heiliger  Schrift  ist  unvergleichlich,  so  dass  er  fast 
alles  im  Griff  hat.   (Mosellanus  in  Seckend.  206.) 

74  Das  Maul,  Augen  und  ganze  Gesicht,  pre- 
sentirt  ehe  einen  Fleischer  oder  Soldaten,   als 
einen  Theologum.     (Ibid.) 

75  Praetexit- tamen  et  hie  Adam  ille  folium  fici 
pulcherrimum.    (L.  Epp.  i.  294.) 

76  Pallavicini,  i.  65. 

77  Philippians  ii.  13. 

78  Meritum  congruum. 

79  Planck,  i.  176. 

80  Quanquam  totum  opus  Dei  sit,  non  tamen 
totaliter  a  Deo  esse,  quemadmodum  totum  po- 
rnum  efficitur  a  sole,  sed  non  a  sole  totaliter  et 
sine  plants  efficentia.     (Pallavicini,  t.  i.  58.) 

81  Motionem  seu  inspirationem  preyenientem 
esse  a  solo  Deo  ;  et  ibi  liber  urn  arbitrium  habet 
se  passive. 

82  Partim  a  Deo,  partim  a  libero  arbitrio. 

8s  Consentit  homo,  sed  consensus  est  donum 
Dei.     Consentire  non  est  agere. 

84  Ut  serra  in  manu  hominis  trahentis. 

85  Seckendorf,  p.  192. 

86  Lipsicae  pugnas  ociosus  spectator  in  reliquo 
vulgo  sedi.     (Corpus  Reformatorum,  i.  111.) 

87  Tace  tu,    Philippe,   ac  tua  studia  cura,  ne 
me  perturba.      (Corpus  Reformatorum,  i.  149.) 

88  Melancth.  Opp.  p.  134. 

89  Relictis  signis,  desertorem  exercitus  et  trans- 
fugam  factum.     (L.  Epp.  i.  265.) 

80  Mich  verklagen,  schelten  und  schmahen. .  .  . 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  247.) 
si  Loscher,  iii.  278. 

92  Faciebat  hoc  Eccius  quia  certam  sibi  gloriam 
propositam  cernebat,  propter  propositionem  meam, 
in  qua  negabam  Papam  esse  jure  divino  caput 
Ecclesiee  :  hie  patuit  ei  campus  magnus.  (L.  Opp. 
in  praef.) 

93  Nam  quod  monstrum  esset,  Ecclesiam  esse 
acephalam !     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  243.) 

94  1  Cor.  xv.  25. 

95  Prorsus   audiendi   non   sunt   qui    Christum 
extra  Ecclesiam  militaiitem  tendiint  in  triumphan- 
tem,  cum  sit  regnum  Jidei.     Caput  nostrum  non 
videmus  ;  tamen  habemus.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  243.) 

S6  Unde  sacerdotalis  unitas  exorta  est.     (Ibid.) 

97  Haec  est  matrix  proprie  omnium  ecclesiarum. 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  244.) 

98  Cui  si  non  exors  quaedam  et  ab  omnibus  emi- 
nens  detur  potestas.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  243.) 

99  Detur,  inquit,  hoc  est  jure  humano,  posse 
fieri,   consentientibus   caeteris  omnibus  fidelibus. 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  244.) 

100  Ejusdem  meriti  et  ejusdem  sacerdoti  est. 
(Ibid.) 

101  Primus  inter  pares. 

102  Non  episcopus  universalis,  sed  universalis 
Ecclesiae  Episcopus.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  246.) 

103  Ego  gloriar  me  tot  expensis  non  frustra.  .  .  . 
(L.  Opp.  i.  299.) 

104  Resistam  eis  ego  unus,  auctoritate  Apostoli 
id  est,  divino  jure.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  237.) 

UK  i  Cor.  iii.  11. 
i°6  1  Peter  ii.  4,  5. 

107  The  Church  is  built  upon  that  confession 
of  faith.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  254.) 


108  Et,  ut  fama  est,  de  hoc  plurimum  gratulan- 
tur.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  250.) 

109  Nunquam   mihi  placuit,   nee   in    aeternum 
placebit  quodcumque  schisma  .  .  .  Cum  supre- 
mum  jus  divinum  sit  Charitas  et  Unitas  Spiritus. 
(Ibid.) 

110  Das  wait  die  Sucht ! 

111  Nam  adhuc  erat  dux  Georgius  mihi  non  ini- 
micus,  quod  sciebam  certo.     (L.  Opp.  in  przef.) 

112  Nee   potest  fidelis   Christianus  cogi    ultra 
sacram  Scripturam,  qua?  est  proprie  jus  divinum. 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  252.) 

113  At  Rev.  Pater  arlis  coquinarias  minus  in- 
structus,  commiscet  sanctos  graecos  cum  schisma- 
ticis  et  hereticis,  ut  fuco  sanctitatis  Patrum,  hasre- 
ticorum  tueatur  perfidiam.     (Ibid.) 

114  L.  Opp.  W.  xv.  1440.— 2  Loscher,  iii.  281. 

115  Ita  ut  ipse  dux  Georgius  inter  prandendum 
ad  Eccium  et  me  dicat:  "  Sive  sit  jure  humano, 
sive  sit  jure  divino,  papa ;  ipse  est  papa.  (L.  Opp. 
in  praef.) 

116  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  246. 

117  So  wollt'er  fast  einig  mit  mir  gewest  seyn. 
(Ibid.) 

118  Videtur  fugere  a  facie  Scripturarum,  sicut 
diabolus  crucem.     Quare,  salvis  reyerentiis  Pa- 
trum, praefero  ego  auctoritatem  Scripturae,  quod 
commendojudicibus  futuris.  (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  291.) 

119  Ad  exitum  certaminis,  uti  solet,  nulla  prodiit 
decisio.    (Pallavicini,  i.  65.) 

120  Totam  istam  conclusionum  cohortem  multo 
acrius  et  validius   nostri  Wittembergenses  .  .  . 
oppugnaverunt    et    ita    examinaverunt    ut    ossa 
eorum  numerare  licuerit,  quas  Eccius  vix  in  facie 
cutis  leviter  perstrinxit.     (L.  Epp.  i.  291.) 

121  Verum  in  multis  me  obruerunt.    (Corpus 
Reform,  i.  83.) 

122  Eccius  triumphat  ubique.     (L.  Epp.  i.  299.) 

123  Novam  quamdam  Iliada  et  ^Eneida  illos 
cantare.  .  .  .  (L.  Epp.  i.  305.) 

124  Lutheri  Sieg  sey  um  so  viel  weniger  be- 
riihmt,  weil  der   Gelehrten,  Verstandigen,  und 
derer  die  sich  selbst  nicht  hoch  ruhmen,  wenig 
seyen.     (Seckendorf,  207.) 

™  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xv.  1440. 

126  A  Deo  petivit,  flecti  pectus  suum  ad  verita- 
tem,  ac  lacrymans  saspe  haec  verba  repetivit.  .  .  . 
(M.  Adami,  Vita  Georgii  Anhalt,  p.  248.) 

*27  "  O/jo<Of  Sia  iravrMv  iykvtro  ayaBos  Je  TJV,  KOI  ov&iv 
rrpoaTToiriTov  £ix£*'-"  (Vid.  Melch.  Adam.  p.  255.) 

128  Peifer  Histor.  Lipsiensis,  356. 

129  Et  cogitabundus  et  saepe  in  medios  sodalitios 
quovis  peregrinante  animo.     (Melch.  Adami  Vita 
Crucigeri,  p.  193.) 

130  Christus  suis  non  deerit.    (Corpus  Reform, 
i.  104.) 

"i  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xv.  200. 

132  Quam  difficile  sit  eluctari  et  emergere  ex 
erroribus,  totius  orbis  exemplo  firmans.  .  .  .  (L. 
Opp.  lat.  in  praef.) 

133  Per  septem  annos,  ita  ut  memoriter  pene 
omnia  tenerem.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

134  Quod  enim  ex  Deo  non  est,  necesse  est  ex 
diabolo  esse.     (Ibid.) 

135  Cum  ego  tot  annis  sacra  legens  diligentis- 
sime,  tamen  ita  haesi  tenaciter.     (Ibid.) 

136  Proscidit,  post  abitum  nostrum,  Martinum 
inhumanissime.  (Melancthon  Corp.  Refor.  i.  106.) 

137  Ehe  das  Ungeziffer  uberhand  nehme.     (L. 
Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  271.) 

138  Eccius  ob  varias  et  insignes  ingenii  dotes. 
.  .  .  (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  337.) 

139  Ausus  est  grammaticus  Wittembergensia, 


NOTES— BOOKS   V.  VI. 


437 


Grace  et  Latine  sane  non  indoctus,   epistolam 
edere.  .  .  .  (L.  Opp.  lat.  i.  338.) 

140  Una  est  Scriptura,  coelestis  spiritus,  pura, 
et  per  omnia  verax.     (Contra  Eckium  Defensio, 
Corp.  Reform,  i.  115.) 

141  Quid  igitur  ?      Ipsi  secum  pugnant !  quid 
mirum  ?     (Ibid.) 

142  Quern    collatis  Scripturis  e  filo  ductuque 
orationis  licet  assequi.     (Contra  Eckium  Defen- 
sio, Corp.  Reform,  i.  p.  1]4.) 

143  Ut  hominum  sententias,  decretaque  ad  ipsas, 
cou  ad  Lydium  lapidem  exigamus.     (Ibid.) 

144  Praesens  male  judicat  aetas ;  judicium  melius 
posteritatis  erit.     (L.  Opp.  Lat.  i.  310.) 

145  L.  Opp.  Lat.  i.  252. 

146  Ego  super  te,  sicut  ablactatus  super  matre 
sua,  tristissimus  hac  die  fui.     (L.  Epp.  i.  342.) 

147  Rosam  quam  vocant  auream  nullo  honore 
dignatus  est ;  imo  pro  ridiculo  habuit.     (L.  Opp. 
lat.  in  praef.) 

148  Intellexit  princeps  artes  Romanae  curias  et 
eos  (legates)  digne  tractare  novit.     (Ibid.) 

»9  L.  Opp.  (L.)  x.  461. 

150  Defensio  contra  malignum  Eccii  judicium. 
(I.  lat.  356.) 

151  Canonizet  quisque  quantum  volet.    (I.  lat. 
367.) 


152  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  272. 
>53  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  281. 

154  Si  quis  dixerit  per  ipsa  nova?  legis  sacra- 
menta  ex  opere  operato  non  conferri  gratiam,  sed 
solam  fidem  divinae  promissionis,  ad  gratiam  con- 
sequendam    sufficere,   anathema    sit.      (Concil. 
Trident.  Sess.  7,  can.  8.) 

155  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  281. 

156  Caeteram  ego  natus  sum  in  Eisleben.  (Luth. 
Epp.  i.  389.) 

157  Cum  quo  heri  ego  et  Philippus  certavimus, 
splendide  invitati.     (Luth.  Epp.  i.  396.) 

158  Verbum  Dei  gladius  est,  bellum  est,  ruina 
est,  scandalum  est,  perditio  est,  venenum  est ... 
(Luth.  Epp.  i.  417.) 

159  Ego  nihil  quaere  :   est,  qui  quaerat.      Stet 
ergo,   sive   cadat :  ego  nihil  lucror,  aut  amitto. 
(Luth.  Epp.  i.  418.) 

160  Melior  est  aperta  criminatio,  quam  iste  sub 
sepe  morsus.     (L.  Epp.  i.  426.) 

161  Deum  crederes  omnipotentem  loqui.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  380.) 

162  Cogor  rem  Deo  committere,  data  flatibus 
et  fluctibus  nave  ;  Bellum  Domini  est.     (L.  Epp. 
i.  425.) 


BOOK  VI. 


1  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1869. 

2  Memoires  de  Du  Bellay,  i.  45. 

3  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1874. 
<  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1858. 

5  Is  vero  heroica  plane  moderatione  animi  mag- 
nifice  repudiavit.  .  .  .  (Pallavicini,  i.  79.) 

6  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1880. 

7  Causam  ipsam  veritatis.    (L.  Epp.  i.   392, 
Jan.  15,  1520.) 

8  Ut  sine  peccato  esse  cum  censebant  qui  me 
interfecerit.    (L.  Epp.  i.  383.) 

9  Wass  kann  mir  ein  Mensch  thun  ?    (Keith, 
L.  Umstande,  89.) 

10  Tenzel  Hist.  Ber.  ii.  168. 

11  Da  er  viel  freyer  und  sicherer  schreiben  und 

handeln  mochte  was  er  wollte (L.  Opp. 

(L.)  i.  298.) 

12  Schreckliche,     grausame,    schadliche     und 
verderbliche  Emporungen  erregen.     (Ibid.) 

13  Semper  quiescere  paratus,   modo  veritatem 
evangelicam  non  jubeant  quiescere.    (L.  Epp.  i. 
462.) 

14  Si  salutis  viam  Christianis  permittant  esse 
liberam,  hoc  unum  peto  ab  illis,  ac  praeterea  nihil. 
(Ibid.) 

15  Nolo  eis  reconciliari  nee  communicare  in 
perpetuum.    (L.  Epp.  i.  466,  July  10th,  1520.) 

16  Emori    mallim,   quam    ab   hoc  viro  avelli. 
(Corpus  Reform,  i.  160,  163.) 

17  Martinus  noster  spirat,  atque  utinam  diu  .  .  . 
(Corpus  Reform,  i.  190,  208.) 

18  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  392. 

19  Denn  ich,  und  hundert  von  Adel,  die   ich 
(ob  Gott  will)  aufbringen  will,  euch  redlich  an- 
halten.  .  .  .  (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  381.) 

20  "  Equitum  Germaniae  rarurn  decus,"   says 
Melancthon  on  the  occasion.    (Corp.  Reform,  i. 
201.) 

21  Et  ob  id  invisus  illis.    (Corp.  Reform,  i.  132.) 


22  Nolo  nisi  Christo  protectore  niti.    (L.  Epp. 
i.  148.) 

23  Mea  humana  sunt :  tu  perfection  jam  totus 
ex  divinis  pendes.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  175.) 

24  Viam  facturus  libertati  (cod.  Bavar.  veritati) 
per  maximos  principes.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  201.) 

25  Ita  fluctuat  navis  mea ;    nunc  spes,   nunc 
timor  regnat.    (L.  Epp.  i.  443.) 

26  Dominus  regnat,  ut  palpare  possimus.    (L. 
Epp.  i.  451.) 

27  Saevius  in  Romanenses  grassaturus.  .  .  .  (L. 
Epp.  i.  465.) 

28  Scriptarum   sacram   nolim    alicujus   nomini 
nisi  Dei  servire.    (L.  Epp.  i.  431.) 

29  Das  erste  und  hochste,    alleredelste — gute 
Werck  ist  der  Glaube  in   Christum.   .    .    .  (L. 
Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  394.) 

30  Siehe,  also  musst  du  Christum  in  dich  bilden, 
und  sehen  wie  in  Ihm  Gott — seine  Barmherzig- 
keit  dir  furhalt  und  arbeut.     (L.  Opp.  (L.)  398.) 

31  Erit,  meo  judicio,  omnium  quae  ediderim  opti- 
mum ;  quanquam  scio  quae  mini  mea  placent,  hoc 
ipso  fermento  infecta,   non  solera  aliis  placere. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  431.) 

32  Quo  ad  Pauli  ppiritum   nemo  proprius  ac- 
cessit.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  202.) 

33  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  447"  to  502. 

34  Gott  hat   uns  ein  junges  edles  Blut  zura 
Haupt  gegeben.     (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  457.) 

35  Ihm  die  Biblien  und  Betbucher  dafiir  anzei- 
gen — und  er  predige  und  bete.     (L.   Opp.  xvii. 
472.) 

36  Nun  liess  er  ehe  die  Welt  untergehen,  ehe 
er  ein    Haar-breit    seiner  vermessenen    Gevvalt 
liese  abbrechen.     (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  483.) 

37  Es  muss  verderben,  alles  was  nicht  Gottes 
Wort  ohn  Unterlass  treibt.     (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii. 
486.) 

38  Quae  nostro  sasculo  quiete  tractantur,  mox 
cadere  in  oblivionem.     (L.  Epp.  i.  479.) 


438 


NOTES— BOOK   VI. 


39  Quae  nostro  saeculo  quiete  tractantur,  mo 
cadere  in  oblivionem.     (L.  Epp.  i.  479.) 

40  E    sopra    tutto    musico    eccellentissimo, 
quando  el  canta  con  qualche  uno,  li  far  dona 
cento  e  piu  ducati.     (Zorsi  M.S.C.) 

41  Sarpi  Hist,  du  Concile  de  Trente. 

42  Stetimus   nuper,   papa,   duo  cardinales — e 
ego  per  quinque   horas  in  deliberatione.    . 
(Eckii  Epistola,  3  Maii.  L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  48.) 

43  Impetraturus  abyssos   abyssorum— succen 
surus  saltum  Libani.     (L.  Epp.  i.  421,  429.) 

44  Bonum  fait  me  venisse  hoc  tempore  Romam 
(Epist.  Eckii.) 

45  Hoc  unum  Christum  obtestans,  ut  mascul 
omnia  pectore  ferre  donet,  et  me  figulinum  suum 
rumpat  aut  firmet,  ut  illi  placitum  sit.     (Zwingli 
Epistola?,  curant.    Schulero  et  Schulthessio,  p 
144.) 

46  Ut  pontificem  admoneat,  ne  excommunica 
tionem  ferat.     (Ibid.) 

47  Nam  si  feratur,  auguror  Germanos  cum  ex 
communicatione,  pontificem  quoque  contemptu 
ros.    (Ibid.) 

48  Sarpi  Hist,  du  Concile  de  Trente,  i.  12. 

49  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  305,  et  Opp.  lat.  i.  32. 

50  Sub  praadictis  pcenis,  praefatum  Lutherum 
complices  adhaerentes,  receptatores  et  fautores 
personaliter  capiant  et  ad  nos  mittant.     (Bulla 
Leonis,  loc.  cit.) 

51  Uxor  enim  datur  mihi  non  dico  quam  fri- 
genti.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  211.) 

52  Ese  meis  studiis,  mea  me  voluptate  fraudo 
(Corp.^Ref.  i.  265.) 

53  Parentes  mei  cum  sproribus  nuptias  honora- 
runt  Philippi.     (L.  Epp.  i.  528.) 

54  Videres  in  aedibus  illis  perpetuo  accedentes 
et  introeuntes  et  discedentes  atque  exeuntes  ali- 
quos.    (Camerar.  Vita  Melancth.  p.  40.) 

65  Ea  domus  disciplina  erat,  ut  nihil  cuiquam 
negaretur.    (Ibid.) 

56  Sed  dedisse   nihilominus    illos.    (Camerar. 
Vita  Melancth.  p.  43.) 

57  Surgebat  mox  aut  non  longo  intervallo  post 
mediam  noctem.    (Camerar.  p.  56.) 

58  Religionem,  mores,  humana  divinaque  omnia 
labefactat  literarum  inscitia.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  207, 
July  22,  1520.) 

59  Urit  me  ista  confusio  academiae  nostrae.    (L. 
Epp.  i.  467.) 

60  Commendans   potestatem   magistratuum.— 
(Ibid.) 

61  Nee  prudentia  nee  armis,  sed  humili 

oratione  et  forti  fide,  quibus  obtineamus  Christum 
pro  nobis.     (L.  Epp.  i.  469.) 

62  Si  viyos  libros,  hoc  est  concionatores  posse- 
mus  multiplicare.    (L.  Epp.  i.  491.) 

63  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  490. 

64  L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  63,  et  Leips.  xvii.  511. 

65  Papal  us  est  robusta  venatio  Romani  episcopi. 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  64.)      - 

66  Sicut  enim  verbum    Dei    potens  est  dum 
sonat,  etiam  impii  cor  immutare,  quod  non  minus 
surdum  et  incapax  quam  ullus  parvulus,  ita  per 
orationem  Ecclesiae  offerentis  et  credentis,  parvu- 
lus fide  infusa  mutatur,  mundatur  et  renovatur. 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  77.) 

67  Dico  itaque,  neque  papa,  neque  episcopus, 
neque   ullus  hominum  habet  jus  unius  syllabae 
constituendae  super  Christianum  hominem,  nisi  id 
fiat  ejusdem  consensu  ;  quidquid  aliter  fit,  tyran- 
nico  spiritu  fit.    (Ibid.) 

68  Generali  edicto  tollere  vota — abunde  enim 
vovimus  in  baptismo,  et  plus  quam  possimus  im- 
piere.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  78.) 


69  Opera  quantum  libet  sacra  et  ardua  religio- 
sorum  et  sacerdotum,  in  oculis  Dei  prorsus  nihil 
distare  ab  operibus  rustici  in  agro  laborantis  aut 
mulieris  in  domo  sua  curantis.     (Ibid.) 

70  Nondum  tot  pressus  difficultatibus  animum 
desponderat  Miltitius — dignus  profecto  non  medi- 
ocri  laude.     (Pallavicini,  i.  68.) 

71  Der  Bischof  entriistet,  der  Official  gefluchet, 
er  aber  gelachet  habe.    (Seckend.  p.  266.) 

72  Oraiionem  habuit  italica  pronuntiatione  ves- 
titam.     (L.  Epp.  i.  483.) 

73  Petens  consilium  super   me  compescendo. 
(Ibid.) 

74  Nihil  me  in  personam  suam  fuisse  molitum. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  484.) 

75  Quibus  omnibus  causa  rnea  non  displicet. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  486.) 

76  Aspergetur  tamen  sale  suo.    (Ibid.) 

77  Des  Pabst's  Nepoten,  zwei  oder  drei  Chur- 
fiirstliche  Gold  und  Silberstiicke,  zu  verehren. 
(Seckend.  p.  267.) 

78  Sicut  princeps  ordinavit.     (L.  Epp.  i.  455.) 

79  Invito  praBceptore  (Melancthon)  nescio  quanta 
metuente.    (Ibid.) 

80  Jener   von  mehr  als  dreissig,   dieser   aber 
kaum  mit  vier  Pferden  begleitet.    (Seckend.  p. 
268.) 

81  Totum  pondus  in   Eccium  versurus.      (L. 
Epp.  i.  496.) 

82  Ut  nihil  videar  omittere  quod  in  me  ad  pacem 
quoquo  modo  facere  possit.     (Ibid.) 

83  Seckend.  p.  268. 

84  Ut  non  totis  viribus,  sedulis  atque  quantum 
n  me  fuit  gemebundis  precibus  apud  Deum  quee- 
aierim.    (L.  Epp.  i.  498.) 

85  Quid  proderit  sal,  si  non  mordeat  ?     Quid  os 
gladii,  si  non  coadat  ?     (L.  Epp.  i.  499.) 

1  Verbum  deserere  et  negare  nee  possum,  nee 
rolo.    (Ibid.) 

87  Facta  est — spelunca  latrqnum  licentiosissima, 
upanar  omnium  impudentissimum  regnum,  pec- 
ati,  mortis  et  inferni.     (L.  Epp.  i.  500.) 

88  Actum  est  de   Romana  curia:  pervenit  in 
am  ira  Dei  usque  in  finem.    (Ibid.) 

89  Jeremiah,  li.  9. 

90  Leges  interpretandi  verbi  Dei  non  patior, 
um  oporteat  verbum,  Dei  esse  non  alligatum, 
uod  libertatem  docet.     (L.  Epp.  i.  504.) 

91  Leges  interpretandi  verbi   Dei  non  patior, 
um  oporteat  verbum,  Dei  esse  non  alligatum, 
uod  libertatem  docet,     (Ibid.) 

92  1st  nun  das  nicht  eine  frohliche  Wirthschaft, 

a  der  reiche,  edle,  fromme  Brautigam  Christus     ' 
as  arme,  verachtete,   bose  Huhrlein  zur  Ehe 
immt.     (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  385.) 

93  Non  tanquam  a  securi  legitimi  lictoris,  sed     i 
ilo  infensissimi  hostis.     (Pallavicini,  i.  74.) 

94  Nachdem  (writes  Miltitz)  er  nun  tapfer  ge-    j 
unlcen   hatte,   fieng  er  gleich  an  trefHich  von    i 

einer  Ordre  zu  prahlen,  &c.     (Seckend.  p.  238.)    a 
Longe  aliam  faciem  et  mentem  Lipsias  eum    I 
avenire  quam  sperasset.     (L.  Epp.  i.  492.) 

96  Nollem  eum  occidi,  quanquam  optem  ejus    I 
onsilia  irrita  fieri.     (Ibid.) 

97  A  studiosis  discerpta  et  in  aquam  projecta,    i 
centibus :  Bulla  est,  in  aquam  natet !     (L.  Epp. 
520.) 

98  Mit  viel  Miihe,  Arbeit,  und  Kosten.    (L. 
pp.  (L.)  xvii.  317.) 

99  Consilium  cujusdam  ex  animo  cupientis  esse 
onsultum  et  ppntificis  dignitati,  et   Christiana 

ligionis  tranquillitati.     (Zwinglii  Opera,  curant. 
chulero  et  Schulthessio,  iii.  1 — 5.) 

100  Multum  degenerasse  ab  ilia  sincera  Christi 


NOTES— BOOK   VI. 


439 


evangelica  doctrina,  adeo  ut  nemo  non  fateatur 
opus  esse  publica  aliqua  et  insigni  legum  ac  mo- 
rum  instauratione.  (Zwinglii  Opera,  curant. 
Schulero  et  Schulthessio,  iii.  3.) 

101  Nemo  non  fatetur  se  ex  illius  libris  factum 
esse  meliorem.    (Zwinglii  Opera,  curant.  Schu- 
lero et  Schulthessio,  iii.  4.) 

102  Parum  est  nos  pro  verbo  mori,  cum  ipsum 
incarnatum  pro  nobis  prius  mortuum  sit.    (Ep.  i. 
490.) 

103  Venisse  cum  barbatum,  bullatum,  numma- 
tum— Ridebo  et  ego  bullam  sive  ampullam.    (Ep. 
i.  488.) 

104  Utinam  Carolus  vir  esset,  et  pro  Christo 
hos  Satanas  aggrederetur.     (Ep.  i.  494.) 

105  Pickheimeri  Opp.  Francof. 

106  Oder  nicht  ein  Haarbreit  geben.     (L.  Opp. 
(L.)  xvii.  323.) 

107  So  ist  Bvicher  verbrennen  so  leicht,  dass  es 
auch  Kinder  konnen,  schweig  denn  der  heilige 
Vater  Pabst.  .  .  .  (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  324.) 

108  In  Biblien  zu  fiihren,  dass  man  derselben 
Verstand  erlangte,   und    denn    meine  Buchlein 
verschwinden  Hess.     (Ibid.) 

109  Ut  Wittemberga  pellerer.     (L.  Epp.  i.  519.) 

110  Id  quod  in  manum  Dei  refero.    (L.  Epp.  i. 
520.) 

111  A  ministris  pontificiis  mature  praeoccupatus, 
declaravit  se  velle  vetcrem  fidem  tutari.    (Palla- 
vicini,  i.  80.) 

"2  Seckend.  p.  289. 

113  Es  ist  in  vierhundert  Jahren  ein  christlicher 
Mann  aufgestanden,  den   will   der    Pabst    todt 
haben.     (Seckend.  p.  288.) 

114  In  bullosis  illis  tumultibus.    (L.  Epp.  i.  519.) 

115  Rem  totam  Deo  committerem.     (L.  Epp.  i. 
521.) 

116  Christus  ista  coepit,  ista  perficiet,  etiam  me 
sive  extincte,  sive  fugato.     (L.  Epp.  i.  526.) 

117  Ut  meam  conscientiam  redimam.    (L.  Epp. 
i.  522.) 

118  Oppressore  totius    Sacrse    Scripturae.     (L. 
Opp.  lat.  ii.  50.)    See  also  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  332. 

119  Et  papae,  impio  homini,  plus  quam  Deo  obe- 
diant.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  332.) 

12°  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1493—4495. 

121  Muss  ewig  in  jenem  Leben  verlohren  seyn. 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  333.) 

122  Lutherum  esse  Dei  viventis  angelum  qui 
palabundas  Christi  oves  pascat.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii. 
123.) 

123  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1313. 

124  Und  ein  jeglich  Wort  eine  Donneraxt  ware. 
(L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1350.) 

123  Quid  obstat  quominus  papae  quod  dedimus 
jus  adimamus  ?  (Corp.  Reform,  i.  337.) 

136  Ut  extinguaris  illam  multo  tetriorem  Baalis 
idololatria  Romanam  superstitionem.  (Ibid.) 

127  Tumultus  egregie  tumultuatur,  ut  nisi  ex- 
tremo  die  sedari  mini  posse  non  videatur.    (L. 
Epp.  i.  541.) 

128  Omnin6  aliquid  portenti  prae  foribus  est.    (L. 
Epp.  i.  543.)    What  a  presentiment  of  the  fu- 
ture ! 

129  ...  primum  trepidus  et  orans,  sed  nunc 
lastior  quam  ullo  totius  vitae  meae  facto.    (Ibid.) 

130  Ego  fluctibus  his  rapior  et  volvor.     (Ibid.) 

131  Sed  tamen  in  Ecclesia  necesse  est  anteferri 
mandatum  Dei  omnibus  rebus  humanis.    (Me- 
lancth.  vit.  Lutheri.) 

132  \yer  wejss  ob  mich  Gott  dazu  berufen  und 
erwahlt  hat.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  338.) 


133  Ich  sage  nicht  dass  Ich  ein  Prophet  sey. 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  338.) 

134  Und  sollten's  eitel  Kinder  in  der  Wiege 
seyn.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  339.) 

135  Wahrheit  hat  allezeit  rumort.    (L.  Opp.  (L.) 
xvii.  340.) 

136  Man  soil  zuvor  Christum  in  seine  Wunden 
sehen,  und  aus  denselben  seine  Liebe  gegen  uns. 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  351.) 

137  Studium    flagrantissimum  religionis,  ardor 
idolis  .  .  .  incredibile  quanta  solertia.     (Pallavi- 
cini,  i.  84.) 

iss  Er  wird  iibel  als  ein  gebohrner  Jude  und 
schandlicher  Epicurer  beschrieben.  (Seckend. 
288.)  Integritas  vitse  qua  prsenoscebatur.  (Pal- 
lavicini,  i.  84.) 

139  Cui  tola  solicitudo  insisteret  nascentis  hsere- 
sis  evellendae.     (Pallavicini,  i.  83.) 

140  Altiusque  insculptam  in  mentibus  universse 
fere  Germanise.    (Pallavicini,  i.  88.) 

141  In  vi  innumerabilium  gladiorum  qui  infini- 
tum  populum  trucidarent.  .  .  .   (Ibid.) 

142  Non  satis  ad  expurgandum  aerem  Germa- 
nise jam  tabificum.    (Pallavicini,  i.  89.) 

143  Caesaris  edictum  in  caput  ....  Lutheri. 
(Ibid.) 

144  Audiamus  antea  hac  in  re  patrem  nostrum 
Fredericum.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  117.) 

143  Cui  ita  loquenti  de  improviso  sese  addit 
Aleander  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

146  Non  posse  cum  Lutherp  cpnjungi  quinse- 
jungeretur  a  Christo.     (Pallavicini,  i.  86.) 

147  Ut  de  ep  supplicium  sumeret,  vel  captum 
potifici  transmitteret.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  117.) 

148  Spnderliche  Gunst  und  Gnade  zu  mir  un- 
wiirdiglich  und  den  grossen  Willen  und  Lust  zu 
der  heiligen  gottlichen  Wahrheit  .  .  .  (L.   Epp. 
548,  to  John  Frederic,  30th  October,  1520.) 

149  Assiduo  flabello  ministrorum  illi  jugiter  sua- 
dentium  ne  Lutherum  desereret.    (Pallavicini,  i. 
86.) 

150  Evangelium  si  tale  esset  quod  potentatibus 
mundi  aut  propagaretur  aut  servaretur,  non  illud 
piscatoribus    Deus    demandasset.      (L.    Epp.    i. 
521.) 

151  Ut  ingens  vis  populi  doctorum  et  rudium, 
sacrorum  et  profanorum,  sese  conjunxerint.  .  .  . 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  116.) 

152  Quo  audito  Marinus  et  Aleander  seorsim 
cum  suis  locuti  sunt.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  117.) 

153  Homerica  appellatione  murum   Germanic. 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  272.) 

154  Et  futurum  erat  .    .   .  ut  tandem  prorsus 
extingueretur  ilia   scintilla    Christiana?   pietatis ; 
haec  moverunt  animum   Lutheri    ...  qui  nee 
honores  ambit  nee  pecuniam  cupit.    (Erasm.  Epp. 
Lond.  1642,  p.  586.) 

155  Favent   vero  ferme  boni  omnes.      (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  205.) 

ise  Er  will  von  mir  ungenennt  seyn.  (L.  Epp. 
i.  255.) 

157  Nam  ea  res  me  gravat  et  Lutherum  non 
sublevat.    (Corp.  Ref.  i.  206.) 

158  Da  sperret  accep  wahrlich   mein  gnadigst 
Herr  seine  Augen  nur  wohl  auf  .  .  .  (Spalatin 
Hist.  MS.  in  Seckendorf,  p.  291.) 

159  Lutherus  peccavit  in  duobus,  nempe  quod 
tetigit  coronam  pontificis  et  ventres  monachoram. 

160  Cum  optimus  quisque  et  evangelicae  doc- 
trinae  proximus  dicatur  minime  offensus  Luthero. 
(Axiomata  Erasmi  in  L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  115.) 

161  Bullae  sevitia  probos  omnes  offendit  ut  in 
digna  mitissimo  Christi  vicario.    (Ibid.) 

162  Urgent  ardua  negotia. 


440 


NOTES  —  BOOKS   VI.  VII. 


163  Mundus  sitit  veritatem  eyangelicam.    (Axio- 
mata  Erasmi  in  L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  115.) 

164  Splicitatis   per  nocturnes  congressus.    .  .  . 
(Pallavicini,  p.  87.) 

165  Quae  male  torquebant  Aleandrum.     (Ibid.) 

166  Prudentis  erat  cpnsilii   hominis  pravitatem 
dissimulare.     (Pallavicini,  p.  88.) 

167  Caesarem  ita  se  gesturum  erga  Pontificem 
wti  se  Fontifex  erga  Caesarem  gereret.  .  .  .  (Pal- 
lavicini, p.  91.) 

168  Und  wird  dich  der  rechte  Bischopp  Christus 
sclber  speisen.     (L.  Opp.  Ixvii.  563.) 

169  Italicae  bestiae  bilem  movebo.  (L.  Epp.  i.  570.) 

170  Ostendat  ilium  diem  adventus  glorias  Filii 
sui  quo  destruatur  iniquus  isle.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii. 
162.) 

171  Es  mochte  noch  gar  die  Kirche  und  Ca- 
pelle  um  der  menge  willen  einfallen.     (Spalatin 
in  Seckend.  p.  295.) 

172  Mehr  als    dreyssig    Briefe    von   Fiirsten. 
(Ibid.) 

173  Videre  enim  hominem  voluerunt.    (L.  Epp. 
i.  544,  16  Jan.,  1521.) 

174  ...  Dei  digitum  esse  quae  a  Martino  fiant. 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  282.) 

175  Non  posse  Evapgelium  Romanae  impietati 
probari.    (Corp.  Ref.  i.  280.) 

176  Ablata  ilia  est  a  yobis  inducta  olim  nostris 
oculis  caligo  .  .  .  praedicatur  Evangelium    .    .  . 
spes  est  hbertatis.      (Ulric    ab    Hiitten   Eques. 
Mar.  Carrac.  L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  176.) 

177  ...   Quo  tu  oculos,  pie  Christe,  tuos,  fron- 

tisque  severae 
Tende  supercilium,  teque  esse  ostende  ne- 

ganti. 

Qui  te  contemnunt  igitur  mediumque  tonanti 
Ostendunt  dignitum,  tandem  Us  te  ostende 

potentem 


Te  videat  ferus  ille  Leo,  te  tota  malorum 
Sentiat  illuvies,  scelerataque  Roma  tremiscat 
TJltprem  scelerum  discant  te  vivere  saltern 
Qui  regnare  negant. 

(In  Incendium  Lutheranum   Exclamatio 
Ulrichi  Hiitteni  Equitis,  Ibid.) 

178  Nollem  vi  et  ccede  pro  Evangelio  certari ; 
ita  scripsi  ad  hominum.     (L.  Epp.  i.  243.) 

179  Bonus  et  pro  laicis  liber.     (L.  Epp.  i.  571.) 

180  In  publico  infamiae  loco  affixus.     (L.  Epp.  i. 

181  Das  Nest  ist  hie ;  die  Vogel  sind  ausgeflogen. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  570.) 

182  Nimis   ludicre  Papam  personatum  circum- 
venerunt  sublimem  et  pompaticum.  .  .  .  (L.  Epp. 
i.  561.) 

183  ...  Fugitivum  cum  Cardinalibus,  Episco- 
pis,  famulisque  suis  in  diversas  partes  pppidi  dis- 
perserunt  et  insecuti  sunt.    (L.  Epp.  i.  561,  17 
Feb.,  1521.) 

184  Non  enim  hie  tempus  timendi  sed  clamandi. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  557.) 

185  Quod  si  tu  non  vis  sequi,  sine  me  ire  et 
rapi.    (L.  Epp.  i.  558.) 

196  Cum  tria  praelia  solus  ego  occupare  cogar. 
(Ibid.) 

187  Videns  rem  tumultuosissimo  tumultu    tu- 
multuantem.    (L.  Epp.  i.  546.) 

188  Unn£  manu  gladium  apprehendens  et  altera 
murum  aedificaturus.    (L.  Epp.  i.  565.) 

189  Ab  ordinis  et  Papae  legibus  solutus  .... 
quod  gaudeo  et  amplector.    (L.  Epp.  i.  568.) 

190  ...  Compos  mei  non  sum,  rapior  nescio 
quo  spiritu,  cum  nemini  me  male  veile  conscius 
sim.    (L.  Epp.  i.  555.) 

191  Reynald,  Epist.  J.  Eckii  ad  Cardinal  Con- 
tarenum. 


BOOK  VII. 


1  Sleidan,  vol.  i.  80. 

2  Es    gjeng  aber   auf  diesem    Reichstag  gar 
schliipferig  zu.    (Seckend.  p.  326.) 

3  Adversaries  omnia  moliri  ad  maturandum  id 
negotii.    (L.  Epp.  i.  534.) 

4  Omnia  de  me  praesumas  praeter  fugam  et  pa- 
linodiam.    (L.  Epp.  i.  536.) 

5  Multitude  .  .  .  turba  pauperum  nobilium  .  .  . 
grammatici  .  .  .  causidici  .  .  .   inferipres  eccle- 
siastici  .  .  .  factio  multorum  regularium.  .    .    . 
(Pallavicini,  i.  93.) 

6  Hae  omnes  cpnditiones  petulanter  grassantium 
.  .  .  metum  cuilibet  incutiebant.     (Ibid.) 

7  Neminem  nactus  qui  auderet  ipsum  excipere 
advilia  sordidaque  hospitia  aegre  divertit.     (Ibid.) 

8  Legati    Romani    nolunt   ut    audiatur    homo 
haereticus.    Minantur  multa.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  157.) 

9  Cum  dolore  legi  novissimas  Caroli  litteras. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  542.) 

1°  Vehementibus  suis  orationibus  parum  pro- 
movit.  (Cochlaeus.) 

"  Nee  pecunia  ad  varies  pro  eadem  sumptus. 
(Ibid.) 

12  Periculum  denique  amittendaa  Germaniae  ex 
parsimonia  monetae  cujusdam.    (Ibid.) 

13  Decet  Romanum  pontificem,  &c.     (Roman. 
Bullarium.) 

14  Exodus,  xxvi.  7,  14. 

15  So  regete  sich  der  Christus,  dass  sie  so  fest 


wurden,  dass  der  Teufel  fliehen  musste.     (L. 
Opp.  ix.  613,  on  John  vi.  56.) 

16  Causam  quae,  Christo  teste,  Dei,  christiani 
orbis,   ecclesiae   catholics    et   totius    Germanica? 
nationis,  et  non  unius  et  privati  est  hominis.    (L. 
Epp.  i.  511.) 

17  Clanculum    tentent   et    experiantur 

(Corp.  Reform,  i.  281,  3  Feb.) 

18  Benignis  officiis  recens  a  Pontifice  delinitus. 
.  .  .  (Pallavicini,  i.  90.) 

19  Et  sane  in  eo  toto  negotio  singulare  probita- 
tis  ardorisque  specimen  dedit.     (Ibid.) 

20  Es  haben  dessen  Biicher  Ihro  Majestat.  .  .  . 
um  etwas  gefallen.      (Archives    of  Weimar. — 
Seckend.  p.  315.) 

21  Der  andern    das    Hertz   zu  vielem  Guten 
erorTnet.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

22  Es  sey  nicht  zu  zweifeln,  dass  Lutherus  in 
vielen  Artickeln  werde  den  Sieg  davon  tragen. 
.  .  .   (Seckend.  p.  319.) 

23  Dass  Gott  diesen  Mann  gesandt  .  .  .  dass 
er    eine    Geissel   seye  um  der  Siinden  willen. 
(Weimar  Archiv. — Seckend.  p.  320.) 

24  Glapio  that  hierauf  einen  tiefen  Seufzer,  und 
rufte  Gott  zum  Zeugen.  .  .  .  (Weimar  Archiv. — 
Seckend.  p.  221.) 

25  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1655.) 

»  Und  niemals    dem  Papst    allein  geglaubt. 
(Seckend.  p.  323.) 


NOTES— BOOK  VII. 


441 


27  Spalatinus  scribit  tantum  favoris  Evangelic 
esse  istic  ut  me  inauditum  et  inconvictum  dam- 
nari  non  speret.    (L.  Epp.  i.  556,  9  Feb.) 

28  Hinc  aqua  manabat,  quae  succensae  pietatis 
sestum  restinguebat.     (Pallavicini,  i.  96.) 

29  Mandata,  pecunias  et  diplomata.    (Pallavi- 
cini, i.  95.) 

30  Triplici  hac  industria  nunc  Aleander.  .  .  . 
(Ibid.) 

31  Das  thun  die  in    rothen    Hiiten    prangen. 
(Seckend.  364.) 

32  Miro  furore   Papistse  moliunter  mihi  mala. 
(L.  Epp.  i.  556.) 

33  Nuntius  apostaticus  (playing  on   the  word 
"apostolical,")  agit  summis  viribus.    (L.  Epp.  i. 
569.) 

34  Ut  mutuis  caedibus  absumpti  vestro  cruore 
pereatis.     (L.  Epp.  i.  556.) 

35  Libenter  etiam  morte  sua  Evangelii  gloriam 
et  profectum  emerit.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  285.) 

36  Non  ferro,  sed  consiliis  et  edictis.     (L.  Epp. 
i.  56. 

37  ...  Pugnis  ejus  pectori  admotis  repulerit. 
(Pallavicini,  i.  112.) 

38  Baptismum  nerninem  justificare,  sed  fidem 
in  verbum   promissionis  cui  additur  Baptismus. 
(Cochlaeus,  Act.  Luth.  28.) 

39  Weil  er  verbiete  jemand  mit  Todes-Strafe 
zu  belegen,  der  nicht  eine  Todsiinde  begangen. 
(Seckend.  p.  333.) 

40  ...  Muhos  ut  quadantenus  reos,  nonnullos 
(dicam  ingenue)  ut  scelestos.     (Pallavicini,  i.  101.) 

41  Linguarum  vituperation!  dum  vivunt,  histo- 
riarum  infamiae  post  mortem.     (Ibid.) 

42  Quod  idem  erat  ac  revinctis  legati  brachiis 
et  lingua  solum  soluta.     (Pallavicini,  i.  109.) 

43  Das  100,000  Ketzer  ihrenthalben  verbrannt 
werden.     (Seckend.  p.  332.) 

44  Vehementer  exterriti  atque   commoti   alter 
alterum  intuebantur  atque  in  Lutherum  ejusque 
fautores  murmurare  pergunt.     (Cochlaeus,  p.  28.) 

45  Lutheranam  hasresin  esse  funditus  evellen- 
dam.    (Pallavicini ;  also  Roscoe's  Life  of  Leo  X. 
vol.  iv.) 

46  Sondern  dass  er  es  bald  wieder  begehe  und 
mehr  Geld  erlegen  miisse.    (Archives  of  Wei- 
mar—Seckend.  p.  328.) 

47  Dass  sie  Weibesbilder    unter    mancherley 
Schein  beschicken,  selbige  sodann  mit  Drohungen 
und  Geschenken  zu  fallen  suchen,  oder  in  einen 
bosen  Verdacht  bringen.     (Weimar.   Archiv. — 
Seckend.  p.  330.) 

48  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  748,  752. 

49  Seckend.  Vorrede  von  Frick. 

50  Bucksenmeistern,  Falknern,  Pfistern,  Esel- 
treibern,   Stallknechten,  Trabanten   .  .  .  Kapps 
Nachlese  niitzl.     (Ref.  Urkunden,  iii.  262.) 

51  Dass  eine  Besserung  und  gemeine  Reforma- 
tion geschehe.     (Ref.  Urkunden,  iii.  275.) 

52  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xxii.  567. 

53  Quam  ob  rem  sedu!6  cpntestatus  est  apud 
Caesaris  administros.     (Pallavicini,  i.  113.) 

54  Lingua  promptus,  adore  vultus  et  oris  spiritu 
ad  concitandam  seditionem.    (Ibid.) 

53  Haud  certe  fidem  publicam  illi  praebendam. 
(Ibid.) 

66  Alba?  dux  videbatur  aliquando  furentibus 
modis  agitari.  (Ibid.) 

57  Utinam  Deus  redimat  nostro  sanguine  salu- 
tem  Christiani  populi.  (Corp.  Ref.  i.  362.) 

55  Magnificat.    (L.  Opp.  Wittemb.  Deutsch. 
Ausg.  iii.  11,  &c.) 


59  Er  zieht  seine  Kraft  heraus  und  lasst  sie  von 
eigener  Kraft  sich  auf  blasen.    (L.  Opp.  Wittemb. 
Deutsch.  Ausg.  iii.  11,  &c.) 

60  Si  ad  me  occidendum  deinceps  vocare  velit 
.  .  .  offeram  me  venturum.    (L.  Epp.  i.  574.) 

61  Tanquam  perfido  haeretico  nulla  sit  servanda 
fides.     (Cochlaeus,  p.  28.) 

62  Longa    consultatio    difficilisque   disceptatio. 
(Ibid.) 

63  Cum  autem  grandis  ubique  per  Germaniani 
fere  totam  excitata  esset  .  .  .  animorum  commo- 
tio.    (Ibid.) 

«  Lucas  Cranachs  Stammbuch,  &.C.,  heraus- 
gegebenv.    (Chr.  v.  Mecheln.  p.  12.) 

65  Die  Cardinale  und  Bischofe  sind  ihm  hart 
zuwider.     (Seckend.  p.  365.) 

66  See,  for  the  Pope's  bull  and  Luther's  com- 
mentary, "Die  Bulla  vom  Abendfreesen."     (L. 
Opp.  (L.)  xviii.  1.) 

67  Gleichvvie  ein  Hund  urns  Beines  willen.    (L. 
Opp.  (L.)  xviii.  12.) 

68  Damnatum  et  perditum.    (L.  Epp.  i.  556.) 

69  ....  ut  hos  Satanae  ministros  et  contem- 
nam  vivens  et  vicam  moriens.    (L.  Epp.  i.  579.) 

70  ...  Quod  mire  quam  gaudeam.    (L.  Epp. 
i.  567.) 

71  Venit  Wittembergam  pau!6  ante  her   Lu- 
theri    ad    comitia    Wormatise    indicia.     (Melch. 
Adam,  vita  Bugenhagii,  p.  314.) 

72  Sacerdotes  cives  et  scholasticos  in  vincula 
coniecit.      (Melch.   Adam,  vita  Bugenhagii,   p. 
313.) 

73  Precesque  adjunxit  quibus  divinitus  se  re  hac 
doceri  petivit.    (Melch.  Adam,  vita  Bugenhagii, 
p.  312.) 

74  In  Cimmeriis  tenebris  versatur  :  hie  yirunus 
et  solus  verum  videt.    (Melch.  Adam,  vita  Bu- 
genhagii, p.  313.) 

75  A  superstitionibus  ad  unicum  Christi  meri- 
tum  traduce  re.     (Ibid.) 

7<5  Corp.  Ref.  i.  361. 

77  Quern  quoties  contemplor,  se  ipso  subinde 
majorem  judico.    (Corp.  Ref.  i.  264.) 

78  Utinam  licuisset  mihi  una  proficisci.    (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  365.) 

79  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  2067,  1819. 

80  Neque  enim  quam  lata  est  Germania,  ulli 
boni  sunt.  ...   (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  182.) 

81  Due  nos  in   manifestum  potius  periculum, 
due  in  ferrum,  due  in  ignes.    (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  183.) 

82  Omnen  nunc  Germaniam   quasi  ad  genua 
provolutam  tibi.    .   .   .    (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  584.) 

83  L.  Epp.  i.  580. 

84  Terrorem  hunc  a  Sathana  sibi  dixit  adferri. 
.    .  .    (Melch.  Adam.  p.  117.) 

85  Er  wolle  bey  der  erkandten  Wahrheyt  mit 
breytem  Fuss  aushalten  .  .  .  (Mathesius,  p.  23 — 
first  edition,  1566.) 

86  Nisi  periculum  sit  Erfordiam  ingredi.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  580.) 

87  Hos  inter,  qui  nos  praevenerant,  ibat  Jonas, 
Ille  decus  nostri,  primaque  fama  Chori. 

(Eob.  Hessi.  Elegia  secunda.) 

88  Velut  organum  quoddam  electum  ad  illus- 
trandam  filii  sui  Jesu  gloriam.    (Erasmi  Epp.  v. 
27.) 

89  Vir  est  quern  oportuit  multo  pretio  emptum 
et  servatum  in  terra.     (Weismann.  i.  1436.) 

90  Pomeranus  est  grammaticus,  ego  sum  dia- 

lecticus,  Jonas  est  orator. 
Lutherus  vero  nobit  omnibus  antecellit. 

(Knapp  Narrat.  de  J.  Jona.  p.  581.) 

91  Agnosco  insidias,  hostis  acerbe,  tuas.   (Hessi 
Eleg.  tertia.) 


442 


NOTES— BOOK   VII. 


92  L.  Opp.  (L.)  xii.  485. 

93  Iter  facienti  occurrebant  populi.     (Pallavi- 
cini  Hist.  C.  Tr.  i.  114.) 

94  Quacunque  Her  faciebant,  frequens  erat  con- 
cursus  hominum,  vidend.  Lutheri  studio.    (Coch- 

IffiUS,  p.  29.) 

93  Ein  Feuer  das  bis  an  den  Himmel  reichte. 
.  .  .  (Keil,  i.  90.) 

96  Nun  habt  Ihr  einen  grossern  Herrn,  denn 
Ich.     (Keil,  i.  90.) 

97  In  diversoriis  multa  propinatio,  laeta  compo- 
tatio,  musices  quoque  gaudia ;  adeo  ut  Lutherus 
ipse  alicubi  sonora  testudine  ludens.  omnium  in 
se  oculos  converteret,  velut  Orpheus  quidem,  sed 
rasus  adhuc  et  cuculatus  eoque  mirabilior.  (Coch- 
laeus,  p.  29.) 

98  Intrabimus  Wormatiam,  invitis  omnibus  por- 
tis  inferni  et  potentatibus  sens.     (L.  Epp.  i.  987.) 

99  Ich  hoffe  dass  du  der  Verheissene.  .    .    . 
(Cypt.  Hilar.  Ev.  p.  608.) 

100  Lutherum  iliac  transeuntem  subsequutus,  ut 
pro  honore  ecclesiae  vitam  suam  .  .  .  exponeret. 
(Cochteus,  p.  36.) 

101  Dass   der  Keyser  seinen   Beichtvater  und 
Ihrer  Majest.  Ober-Kammerling,  zu  Sickengen 
schickt.     (L.  Opp.  xvii.  587.) 

102  Condoce   faciebat  TO.  dvay/<aia  a  probabilius 
distinguere,  ut   scirent  quae  retinenda.  .  .  .  (M. 
Adam.  Vit.  Buceri,  p.  223.) 

103  Dass  er  sollte  den  Luther  zu  sich  fodern. 
(L.  Opp.  xvii.  587.) 

m  Da  kam  Bucer  zu,  mit  etlichen  Reutern. 
(Ibid.) 

105  Und  wollte  mir  uberreden  zu  Sickengen 
gen  Ebernburg  zu  kommen.  (Ibid.) 

ice  Wenn  so  viel  Teufel  zu  Worms  waren,  als 
Ziegel  auf  den  Dachern  doch  wollt  Ich  hinein  ! 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  587.) 

107  So  wachst  das  Herz  im  Leibe  .  .  .  (Math, 
p.  24.) 

108  Deus  stabit  pro  me.    (Pallavicini,  i.  114.) 

109  L.  Opp.  xvii.  587. 

110  ...  Dass  Ihre  Majestat  den   Luther  aufs 

erste  beyseit  thate  und  umbringen  liess 

(Ibid.) 

111  Astutia  plusquam  vulpina  yehementer  calli- 
dum   .  .   .   Lutherum  versutissime  dissimulabat. 
(Cochlaeus,  p.  36.) 

112  Evangelium    audiunt    avidissime,    verbum 
Dei  alligatum  non  est  .   .   .  (Caspar  Hedio  Zw. 
Epp.  p.  157.) 

113  Lutherus  in  hoc  districtu  dudum  esset  com- 
bustus,  Lutherani  tbromwiywyoi,  nisi  Capito  aliter 
persuasisset  principi.    (Caspar  Hedio  Zw.  Epp. 
p.  148.) 

114  Hie  (Capito)  ilium   (Cochlaeum)  insinuavit 
Hieronymo  Aleandro,  nuncio  Leonis  X.     (Coch- 
laeus,  p.  36.) 

115  Eadem  die  tota  civitas  solicite  confluxit.  .  .  . 
(Pallavicini,  i.  114.) 

116  Nescio  quid  divinum  suspicabantur ;  ex  ad- 
verso  alii  malo  da?mone  obsessum  existimabant. 
(Ibid.) 

117  Servet  te  Christus.     (L.  Opp.  ii.  175.) 

118  Bucerus    eodem  venit.      (M.   Adam.   Vit. 
Buceri,  p.  212.) 

119  Also  sollen  wir  den  Sohn  Gottes  als  Gorgo- 
nis  Haupt  .  .  .  (L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  1659.) 

120  L.  Opp.  (L.)  Xvii.  598. 

121  Die  Glocke  ist  schon  gegossen.    (L.  Opp. 
(L.)  xvii.  589.) 

122  Und  ward  also  durch  heimliche  Gange  ge- 
iuhrt.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  544.) 


123  Doch  lief  das  Volk  haufig  zu,  und  stieg 
sogar  auf  Dacher.     (Seckend.  348.) 

124  Munchlein,  Miinchlein,  du  gehest  jetzt  einen 
Gang,  einen  solchen  Stand  zu  thun,  dergleichen 
Ich  und  mancher  Obrister,  auch  in  unser  aller- 
ernstesten   Schlacht-Ordnung  nicht  gethan  ha- 
ben.  .   .   .   (Ibid.) 

125  Einige  aus  denen  Reichs-Gliedern  sprachen 
Ihm  einen  Muth,  mit  Christi  Worten,  ein   .  .  . 
(Matt.  x.  20,  28.     Seckendorf,  p.  348.) 

126  Legantur  tituii  librorum.      (L.   Opp.   (L.) 
xvii.  588.) 

127  Weil  dies  eine  Frage  vom  Glauben  und  der 
Seelen  Seligkeit  ist  und  Gottes  Wort  belanget. 
.  .  .  (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  573.) 

128  Hie  certe  nunquam  efficeret  ut  haereticus 
evaderem."    (Pallavicini,  i.  115.) 

129  -wig  gent's  ?  man  sagt,  sie  wollen  euch  ver- 
brennen.  .  .  ,   (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  588.) 

130  Hac  hora  coram  Caasare  et  fratre  Romano 
constiti.     (L.  Epp.  i.  587.) 

131  Verum    ego  ne  apicem  quidem  revocabo. 
(Ibid.) 

132  Kappens  Ref.  Urkunden,  ii.  448. 

133  Des  Getummels  und  Wesens  war  Ich  gar 
nicht  gewohnt.     (L.  Opp.  xvii.  588,  535.) 

134  Schreyt  nicht  sehr,  noch    heftig,   sondern 
redet  fein,  sittich,  ziichtig  und  bescheiden.  .   .   . 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  576.) 

135  Nicht  allein  die  Fenster,  sondern  auch  Thur 
und  Thor  aufthate.     (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  573.) 

136  Non  clamose  at  modeste,  non  tamen  sine 
Christiana  animositate  et.   constantia.      (L.   Opp. 
(L.)  xvii.  165.) 

137  See  L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  165—167. 

138  Dabo  illud  neque  dentatum,  neque  cornu- 
tum.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  166.) 

139  Hier  stehe  ich :  Ich  kann  nicht  anders  ;  Gott 
helfe  mir  !  Amen.     (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  580.) 

140  Der  Monch  redet  unerschrocken,  mit  ge- 
trostem  Muth  !     (Seckendorf,  p.  350.) 

141  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xv.  2235. 

142  Subsannatione  hominem  Die  et  longo  rugitu 
prosecuti  sunt.     (L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  166.) 

143  Also  gedencke  seiner  unser  Herr  Christus 
n  seinem  letzten  Kampff.     (Seckend.  p.  354.) 

144  O  wie  schon  hat  Pater  Martinus  geredet. 
Seckend.  p.  355.) 

145  Guicciardini,  L.  xiv.  175.     Dumont  Corp. 
Dipl.  torn.  iv.  96.     Dicesi  del  papa  Leone,  die 
quando  1'aveva  fatto  lega  con  alcuno,  prima  so- 
"eva  dir  che  pero  non  si  dovea  restar  de  tratar 
:um  lo  altro  principe  opposto.     (Suriano,  Vene- 
ian  Ambassador  at  Rome,  MS.  archives  of  Ve- 
nice.) 

146  Autographum  in  lingua  Bnrgundica  ab  ipso- 
met  exaratum.     (Cochlaeus,  p.  32.) 

147  Regna,  thesauros,  amicos,  corpus,  sangui- 
nem,   vitam,  spiritumque  profundere.     (Pallavi- 
cini, i.  118.) 

148  Und  andern  Wegen  sie  zu  vertilgen.    (L. 
Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  581.) 

149  Dass    Luthero    das    sichere    Geleit    nicht 
mochte  gehalten  werden.     (Seckend.  p.  357.) 

150  Eum   esse   puerum,  qui  nutu  et  blanditiis 
Papistarum  et  Episcoporum  trahatur  quocunque 
velint.     (Cochlasus,  p.  33.) 

151  Verum  etiam  in  longinquis  Germanise  civi- 
atibus,  motus  et  murrnura  plebium.     (Ibid.) 

152  Es  ware  ein  Aufruhr  daraus  worden,  says 
Luther. 

153  Carlo  si  excuso  di  non  poter  procedere  piu 
oltre,  rispetto  al  salvocondotto,  ma  la  verita  fu 
che  conoscendo  che  il  Papa  temeva  molto  di 


NOTES— BOOKS   VII.  VIII. 


443 


questa  dpctrina  di  Luthero,  lo  voile  tenere  con 
questo  freno.  (Vettori,  Istoria  d'ltalia  MSC. 
Biblioth.  Corsini  at  Rome,  extracted  by  Ranke.) 

154  Qui  pio  magis  animo  erat  quam  forti.    (Pal- 
lavicini,  p.  118.) 

155  Quibus  privatim  exhortari  hominem  possent. 
(Pallavicini,  i.  119.) 

156  \y  under  horen  werden.     (Seckend.  365.) 

157  Und    konnten    nicht    satt    werden  ihn  zu 
sehen.     (L.  Opp.  xvii.  581.) 

158  \vie  eine  holdselige  Person  er  ist.    (Meuzel 
Magaz.  i.  207.) 

159  War  noch  nicht  auf  meiner  Seite.  (L.  Opp. 
xvii.  589.) 

160  Aleander,  mane  hora  quarta  vocaverit  ad  se 

Cochlaeum,  jubens  ut  .  .  .  audiret  solum 

(Cochlaeus,  p.  36.) 

161  Dass  das  Wort  Gottes,  welches  so  lange 
unter  dem   Scheffel  verborgen  gesteckt,   heller 
scheine.  .  .  .  (Seckend.  364.) 

162  Und  aus  dem  Reich  verstossen.     (L.  Opp. 
(L.)  xvii.  582.     Sleidan,  i.  97.) 

163  Agnosco    enim    me    homuneionem,   longe 
viliorem  esse,  quam  ut  a  tantis  Principibus.  .  .  . 
(L.  Opp.  lat.  p.  167.) 

164  Ecclesia  Christi  est  universitas  preedestina- 
torum.     (Ibid.) 

165  Sie  wollten  sein  Gewissen,  das  mit  Gottes 
Wort  und  heiliger  Schrifft  gebunden  und  gefan- 
gen  ware,  nicht  dringen.     (Math.  p.  57.) 

166  Ja  darauf  stehe  Ich.     (L.   Opp.  (L.)  xvii. 
558.) 

167  Ein    Christenmensch    muss    zusehen   und 
richten.  .  .  .  (L.  Epp.  i.  604.) 

168  De  iis  Aleander  acerrime  conquestus  est. 
(Pallavicini,  i.  120.) 

"9  Peracto  prandio.     (Cochlaeus,  p.  36.) 

170  Und  wollte  mit  mir  disputiren,  ich  sollte 
allein  das  Geleit  aufsagen.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii. 
589.) 

171  Atque  ita  traderat  eum  carnificinse.    (Coch- 
laeus, p.  36.) 

172  Das  Ihm  das  Blut  liber  den  Kopff  gelaufen 
ware,  wo  man  nicht  gewehret  hatte.     (L.  Opp. 
(L.)  xvii.  589.) 

ITS  Er  wollte  ehe  das  Geleit  aufsagen 

(Ibid.) 

m  Er  wollte  kurtzrum  Menschen  iiber  Gottes 
Wort  nicht  erkennen.  (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  583.) 

173  Das  dariiber  aus  der  heiligen  Schrifft  ge- 
sprochen.    (L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  584.) 


176  Ganz  gut    und    mehr  denn   gnadig.     (L. 
Epp.  i.  604.) 

177  Simulque  conspiciliorum  omnium  usum  ne- 
gare.     (L.  Epp.  i.  110.) 

178  Ehe  Stumpf  und  Stiel  fahren  lassen.  .   .   . 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  584.) 

179  Totum  imperium  ad  se  conversum  specta- 
bat.     (Pallavicini,  i.  120.) 

180  Salutatis  patronis  et  amicis  qui  eum  fre- 
quentissimi  convenerunt.  ...    (L.   Opp.  lat.  ii. 
168.) 

181  Seine  Freunde  gesegnet.  (Mathesius,  p.  27.) 

182  Aber  Christus  macht  ein  Loch  derein.    (L. 
Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  589.) 

183  Diss  ist  der  herrlichen  grossen  Tag  einer 
vorm  Ende  der  Welt.     (P.  28.) 

184  Nam  ea  fides  et  submissio  proprie  est  vera 
ilia  latria  et  adoratio  Dei.    .   .   .    (L.  Epp.  i.  592.) 

185  Per  chalcographos  multiplicata  et  in  populos 
dispersa  est  ea  epistola  .   .   .    Csesari  autem  et 
clericis  odium  populare,  &c.    (Cochlaeus,  p.  38.) 

186  Senatus  intra  portas  nos  excepit.     (L.  Epp. 
ii.  6.) 

187  Humiliter  tamen  excusante  .  .  .  ob  metum 
tyrannorum  suorum.     (Ibid.) 

188  Cum  Caesar  in  templo  adesset   .   .   .   pro- 
cessit  illi  obviam  Aleander.    (Pallavicini,  i.  122.) 

189  Festivissimo  vultu.     (Ibid.) 

190  Et  undique  pervulgata.     (Ibid.) 

191  Ihre  Hande  in  der  Priester  Blut  zu  waschen. 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xvii.  598.) 

182  Nicht  ein  Mensch,  sondern  als  der  bose 
Feind  in  Gestalt  eines  Menschen  mit  angenom- 
mener  Monchshiitten.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

193  Non  finem  sed  initium.     (P.  Martyris  Epp. 
p.  412.) 

194  Ad  carnem  meam  trans  sylvam  profectus. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  7.) 

195  Dejectoque  in  solum  auriga  et  verberato. 
(Pallav.  i.  122.) 

196  Longo  itinere,   novus  eques,   fessus.     (L. 
Epp.  ii.  3.) 

197  Hora  ferme  undecima  ad  mansionem  noctis 
perveni  in  tenebris.     (Ibid.) 

198  Exutus  vestibus  meis  et  equestribus  indutus, 
comam  et  barbam  nutriens   ....    (L.    Epp. 
ii.  7.) 

199  Cum    ipse   me    jamdudum   non  noverim. 
(Ibid.) 

20°  Seckendorf,  p.  365. 


BOOK  VIII. 


1  ...  1516,  eo  scilicet  tempore,  quum  Lutheri 
nomen  in  nostris  regionibus  inauditum  adhuc  erat 
.  .  .  doctrinam   Christi  non  a   Luthero,  sed  ex 
verbo  Dei  didici.     (Zwinglii  Opera  curant.  Schu- 
lero  et  Schulthessio,  Turici,  vol.  i.  273,  276.) 

2  Wirz,   Helvetische  Kirchen-Geschichte,   iii. 
201. 

3  Sodomitis  melius  erit  in  die  judicii,   quam 
rerum  vel  honoris  ablatoribus.    (Hemmerlin,  de 
anno  jubilaeo.) 

4  Tockenburg. 

5  Schuler's,  Zwingli'sBildungs-Gesch.  p.  290. 

6  Diss   Geschlacht  der  Zwinglinen,    wass  in 
guter  Achtung  diesser  Landen,  als  ein  gut  alt 
ehrlich  Geschlacht.      (H.   Bullinger  Hist.  Be- 

57 


schreibung  der  Eidg.  Geschichten.)  This  pre- 
cious work  exists  only  in  manuscript.  I  am  in- 
debted for  the  communication  of  it  to  the  kindness 
of  M.  J.  G.  Hess.  The  orthography  of  the 
manuscript  is  preserved.  It  is  now  in  course  of 
publication. 

7  Ein  Verrumbter  Mann.     (Ibid.) 

8  "  Quadragesimum  octavum  agimus."    Zwin- 
gle  to  Vadian,  17th  Sept.,  1531. 

9  Clarus  fuit  pater  ob  spectatam  vitae  sanctimo- 
niam.    (Oswald  Myconius  Vita  Zwinglii.) 

10  Divinitatis  nonnihil  ccelo  propriorem    con- 
traxisse.     (Ibid.) 

11  Schuler's  Zw.  Bildung.  p.  291. 

12  Tenerimum   adhuc  ad   fratrem   sacrificura 


444 


NOTES  — BOOK   VIII. 


adduxit,  ut  ingenii  ejus  periculum  faceret.  (Melch. 
Ad.  Zw.  p.  25.) 

13  Und  in   Ihm   erschinen  merkliche   Zeichen 
eines  edlen  Gemiiths.     (Bullinger's  MS.) 

14  In  disputationibus,  qua?  pro  more  turn  erant 
inter  pueros  usitatae  victoriam  semper  reportavit. 
(Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

15  Ab  eo  in  adyta  classicorum  scriptorum  intro- 
ductus.     (Ibid.) 

16  Und  alss  er  wol  singen  kondt  lokten  Ihn  die 
prediger  Monchen  in  dass  Kloster.     (Bullinger, 
MSC) 

17  Wirz,  Helvetische  Kirchen- Gesch.  vol.  iii. 
387.     Anshelms  Cronik,  iii.  and  iv.     No  event 
of  that  age  gave  occasion  to  more  publications. 
See  Mailer's  Biblioth.  der  Schw.  Gech.  iii. 

18  Ne  diutius  ab  exercitio  literarum  cessaret. 
(Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

19  Ich  habe  auch.  nie  von  Keinem  gehort,  der  in 
der  Kunst  Musica  ....   so  erfahren  gewesen. 
(B.  Weysen,  Fiisslin  Beytrage  zur  Re?.  Gesch. 
iv.  35.) 

20  Ut  ingenium  seriis  defatigatum  recrearetur 
et  paratius  ad  solita  studia  redderetur  .  .  .  (Melch. 
Ad.  Vit.  Zw.) 

21  Ingenio   amoenus,   et    ore  jucundus,   supra 
quam  dici  possit,  erat.     (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

22  Et  doctrinam  Ecclesiae  veterem  .  .  .  instau- 
rari  oporteat.     (Gualterus,  Misc.  Tig.  iii.  102.) 

23  Der  Tod  Christi  sey  die  einige  Bezahlung 
fiir  unsere  Siinde.  .  .  .  (Fuslin  Beyr.  ii.  268.) 

24  Quum    a  tanto  viro  semina  quaedam  .  .  . 
Zwingliano  pectori  injecta  essent.     (Leo  Jud.  in 
Pnfif.  ad.  Ann.  Zw.  in  N.  T.) 

25  Sic  reverentia  pudoris,  imprimis  autem  ofRcii 
divini,  perpetuo  cavit.     (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

26  Helvet.  Kirch.  Gesch.  von  Wirz,  iii.  214. 

27  Wellches    er    an    die    Biicher   verwandet. 
(Bullinger,  MSC.) 

28  Dass  wir  die  hollschen  wiitterinn'n 
Mogend  denken  abbrochen  syn. 

(Zw.  Opp.  ed.  Schiller  et  Schulthess,  ii. 
part  ii.  250.) 

29  Fabelgedicht    vom    Ochsen     und    etlichen 
Thieren,  iez  loufender  dinge  begriffenlich.     (Zw. 
Opp.  ed  Schuler  et  Schulthess,  ii.  part  ii.  257.) 

30  De  Gestis  inter  Gallos  et  Helvetios,  relatio 
H.  Zwinglii. 

31  Ante    decem    annos,   operam    dedi   graecis 
literis,  ut  ex   fontibus  doctrinam  Christi  haurire 
posssem.     (Zw.   Opp.  1.  274.      Explan.   Article, 
1523.) 

32  Ich  hab'  gracae  konnen,  ehe  ich  ni  nut  von 
Luther  gehort  hab.     (Salat.  Chronicle,  MSC.) 

33  Nihil  sublimius  de  evangelio  sentiunt,  quam 
quod,  quidquid  eorum  rationi  non  est  consenta- 
neum,   hoc  iniquum,  vanum  et  frivolum  existi- 
mant.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  202.) 

34  Nee  posse  evangelium  ad  sensum  et  inter- 
pretationem  hominum  redigi.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  215.) 

35  In  crelum  suspexit,  doctorem  quaerens  spiri- 
tmn.     (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

36  Scripta  contulit  et  obscura  Claris  elucidavit. 
(Ibid.) 

37  In  summa  er  macht  im,  die  H.  Schrifft,  In- 
sonders  dass  N.  T.  gantz  gemein.     (Bullinger, 
MSC.) 

38  Ut  nemo  non  videret   Spirifum   doctorem, 
non  hominem.    (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

39  Scriptura  canonica,  seu  Lydio  lapide  proban- 
dos.     (Ibid.) 

40  Spiritus  ille  crelestis  non  solam  Palaestinam 
vel  creaverat  vel  fovebat,  sed  mundum  universum 
.  .  .  (CEcol.  et  Zw.  Epp.  p.  9.) 


41  Nisi  religiosi  nunquam  fuissent  magnanimi. 
((Ecol.  et  Zw.  Epp.  p.  9.) 

42  Nam  qui  sit  acrioris  in  enodandis  autoribus 
judicii,  vidi  neminem.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  13.) 

43  Ut  nee  decem  mulierculae  .  .  .  uni  sophistae 
adaequari  queant.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  45.) 

44  Tu,  tuique  similes  optimis  etiam  studiis  ac 
moribus  et  expolietis  et  nobilitabitis.     (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  10.) 

45  Et  corpusculo  hoc  tuo  minuto,  verum  minime 
inconcinno,  urbanissime  gestientem  videre  videar. 
(Ibid.) 

46  Erasmi,   Laus   Stultiliae,  cum  annot.    My- 
conii. 

47  Equidem  humi  repere  didici  hactenus,  et  est 
natura  nescio  quid  humile  vel  a  cunabulis  in  me. 
(Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

48  Ingenio  miti  et  tranquillo,  pacis  et  concordiae 
studiosissimus.     (M.  Ad.  Vit.  CEc.  p.  58.) 

49  Flectente  et  vocante  Deo,  qui  eo  in  domo 
sua  pro  lampade  usurus  erat.    (M.  Ad.  Vit.  (Ec. 
p.  46.) 

50  Omnium  vere    spiritualium    et   eruditorum 
admiratione  Christum  predicavit.    (Ibid.) 

51  Nihil  in  sacris  literis  praeter  Christum  quae- 
rendum.    (Erasmi,  Epp.  p.  403.) 

52  Justitiam  avitam  per  hunc  olim  restitutum 
iri.    (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

53  In  dem  Heerlager  hat  er  Flyssig  geprediget. 
(Bullinger,  MSC.) 

54  ...  In  den  Schlachten  sich  redlich  und  dap- 
fer  gestellt  mit   Rathen,  Worten  und  Thaten. 
(Ibid.) 

55  Domine   orator,   vederemo    quel  fara  il  re 
Christmo  semetteremo  in  le  so  man  dimandando 
misericordia.     (Zorsi  Relatione  MS.) 

56  Bellissimo  parlador:  (Leo  X.)  prometea  assa 
ma  non  atendea  .  .  .  (Relatione  MSC.  di  Grade- 
nigo,  venuto  orator  di  Roma.) 

57  Non  hominum  commends,  sed  sola  scriptu- 
rarum  biblicarum  collatione.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  273.) 

58  Sondern  auch  mit  predigen,  dorrinen  er  helf- 
tig  wass.      (Bullinger's  MS.) 

59  Volebat  veritatem  cognitam,  in  cordibus  au- 
ditorum,  agere  suum  officium.    (Osw.  Myc.  Vit. 
Zw.) 

60  Detur   Eucharistiaa    sacramentum,  similiter 
poculum  sanguinis.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  266.) 

61  Cessa,  cessa  frater,  divinifus  capella  conse- 
crata  est.     (Hartm.  Annal.  Einsidl.  p.  51.) 

62  Locum  mutavimus  non  cupidinis  aut  cnpidi- 
tatis    moti    stimulis,    verum   Gallorum    technis. 
(Zw.  Epp.  24.) 

63  Christum   et  ejus  veritatem  in  regiones  et 
varias  et  remotas  divulgari  tarn  felici  opportuni- 
tate.     (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

64  Quid  enim  Glareanae  nostrae  tristius  accidere 
poterat,  tanto  videlicet  privari  viro.     (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  16.) 

65  For  two  years  after  this,  Zwingle  still  signed 
himself,  Pastor  Glarbnae,  Minister  Eremi.  (Ibid.) 

66  Wirz,  K.  Gesch.  iii.  363.     Zwinglis  Bildung 
v.  Schuler,  p.  174.    Miscell.  Tigur.  iii.  28. 

67  Fore,  idque  brevi,  Deo  sic  juvante,  ut  neque 
Hieronymus  neque  casteri,  sed  sola  scriptura  di- 
virii  apud  Christianos  in  praetio  sit  futura.     (Zw. 
Opp.  i.  273.) 

68  Vestis  oblonga  et  plicis  plena,   muli  auro 
ornati  .  .  .  Cor  vero  interim  procul  a  Deo  est. 
(Zw.  Opp.  i.  236.) 

69  Christus   qui   s>ese   semel   in   mice  obtulit, 
hostia  est  et  victima  satisfaciens  in  aeternum,  pro 
peccatis  omnium  fidelium.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  263.) 


, 


NOTES— BOOK   VIII. 


445 


(Zw.  Epp. 


Is  sermo  ita  me  inflammavit 
p.  90) 

71  Elegans  ille,  doctus,  gravis,  copiosus,  pene- 
trans  et  evangelicus.  .  .  .  (Zw.  Epp.  p.  89.) 

72  Ut    inciperem  Zwinglium    arctissime  com- 
plecti,  suscipere  at  admirari.     (Ibid.) 

73  Sicque  abequitavi,  non  sine  molestia,  quam 
tamen  ipse  mihi  pepereram.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  90.) 

74  Dass  das   ganz   papstum  einen  schlechten 
grund  habe.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  pars  i.  7.) 

75  Oder  aber  sy  werdind  mit  grosser  unruw 
umfallen.     (Ibid.) 

76  Frustra  sperari  me  vel  verbulum  de  veritate 
deminuturum  esse,  pecuniae  gratia.     (Zw.  Opp.  i. 
365.) 

77  Romam   curre !    redime  literas  indulgentia- 
rum  !  da  tantumdem  monachis  !  offer  sacerdoti- 
bus,  &c.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  222.) 

78  Christus  una  est  oblatio,  unum  sacrificium, 
una  via.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  201.) 

79  Ut  mea3,  meorumque  liberorum  inediae  cor- 
porali  subveniretis.     (Zw.  Epp.  284.) 

80  Largas    mihi    quotidie    suppetias  tulistis. — 
(Ibid.) 

81  Caritatem  ingenerat  Deus,  consilium,  pro- 
positum  et  opus.     Quidquid  boni  prastat  Justus, 
hoc  Deus  sua  virtute  prasstat.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  226.) 

82  Dan   Zwingli   vom  lyb   ein  hubscher  man 
wass.    (Bullinger,  MS.) 

83  Und  als  imme  sein  gestalt  und  geschiklich- 
keit  wol  gefiel,  gab  er  Im  syn  stimm.     (Ibid.) 

84  Qui  dies  et  noctes  laborarent  ut  vir  ille  sub- 
rogaretur.    (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

85  Scio  vulgi  acclamationes  et  illud  blandum 
Euge  !  Euge  !     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  53.) 

86  Fabula  manebit  fabula  ;   quern  domini  mei 
acceperunt  sex  pueris  esse  patrem  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

87  Neminem  tamen,  qui  tuam  doctrinam  non 
ad  ccelum  feral  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

88  Non  esse   qui  vigesimum  annum  excessit, 
nee  virginem  tetigerit.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  57.) 

89  Reprimo  hrec  pro  viribus,   imo  et  repress!. 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  54.) 

90  Quippe    neminem  habens,   comitem    hujus 
instituti,   scandalizantes  vero  non  paucos,  heu ! 
cecidi  et  factus  sum   canis  ad  vomitum.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  55.) 

91  En  cum  verecundia  (Deus  novit!)  magna 
ha3c  ex  pectoris  specubus  depromsi,   apud  eum 
scilicet  cum  quo  etiam  coram  minus  quam  cum 
ullo  ferme  mortalium  confiteri  vererer.     (Ibid.) 

92  Ea  ratio  nobis  perpetuo  fuit,  nee  alienum 
thorum  conscendere,  nee  virginem  vitiare.   (Ibid.) 

93  Testes    invoco     cunctos,    quibuscum    vixi. 
(Ibid.) 

94  Reverende,    perdecte,    admodum     gratiose 
domine  ac  bone  amice.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  60.) 

95  Omnes  ade6  quotquot  ex  Helvetiis  adsunt 
juvenes  fremere  et  gaudere.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  64.) 

96  Quantum  invidisa  tibi  inter  istos  eruditio  tua 
conflabit.     (Ibid.) 

97  Do  er  ehrlich   und   wol  empfangen  ward. 
(Bullinger,  MS.) 

99  Schulers  Zwingli's  Bildung,  p.  227. 

99  Absque  humanis  commentationibus,  ex  solis 
fontibus  Scripturae  sacrae.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  273.) 

100  Sed  men'te  spiritus,  quam  diligenti  Scriptu- 
rarum  collatione,  precibusque  ex  corde  fusis,  se 
nacturum.     (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

101  Alles  Gott  und  seinen  einigen  Sohn  zu  Lob 
und  Ehren  und  zu  rechten  Heil  der  Seelen,  zur 
Underrichtung  im  rechten  Glauben.    (Bullinger, 
MS.) 


102  Quibus   auditis,  moeror   simul   et    hetitia. 
(Osw.  Myc.) 

103  Dessgleichen  wie  jederman  redt,  nie  gehort 
worden  war.      (B.  Weise,    a  contemporary  of 
Zwingle's,  Fusslin  Beytrage,  iv.  36.) 

104  Nam  ita  simplices  asqualiter  cum  prudentis- 
simis  et  acutissimis  quibusque  proficiebant.  (Osw. 
Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

105  jn  vvelchem  er  Gott  den  Vater  prysset  und 
alle  Menschen  allein  uff  Jessum  Christum,  als 
den  einigen  Heiland  verthrauwen  lehrte.    (Bullin- 
ger, MS.) 

106  All   sein  Trost  stuhnd  allein  mit  frolichem 
Gemuth  zu  Gott.  .  .  .  (B.  Weise  Fusslin  Beytr. 
iv.  36.) 

107  Do  ward  bald  ein  gross  gelaiiff  yon  allerley 
menschen,  Innsonders  von  dem  gerneinen  Mann. 
.  .  .  (Bullinger,  MS.) 

108  Und  unser  Moses  seyn  der  uns  aus  Egypten 
fiihrt.    (Ibid.) 

109  Werden  die  Glaser,  Miiller,  Hafner,  Gies- 
ser,  Schuhmacher  und  Schneider  lehren.     (Mull. 
Reliq.  iii.  185.) 

110  Nobis  apostolici  illius  sasculi  virum  reprs- 
sentas.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  74.) 

111  Obganniunt  quidam,  rident,  minantur,  petu- 
lanter  incessunt  .  .  .  at  tu  vere,  Christiana  pati- 
entia,  suffers  omnia.    (Zw.  Epp.  p.  74,  7lh  May, 
1519.) 

"2  Connivendum  ad  multa  ei  qui  velit  malos 
Christo  lucri  facere.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

113  Dass  der  Rath  gemeldete  Bauern  besucht. 
.  .  .  (Salat's  Chronik.  p.  155.) 

114  Der    Lauthenschlager    und    evangelischer 
pfyffer.    (Bullinger,  MS.) 

»s  Dass  kombt  mir  ja  wol  die  kind  zu  ge- 
schweigen.     (Ibid.) 

116  War    allwegen  trostlichen    Gemiiths    und 
tapferer  Red.     (B.  Weisse  Fiissl.  Beytr.  iv.  36.) 

117  Certas  studiis  vindicans  horas,  quas  etiam 
non  omisit,  nisi  seriis  coactus.    (Osw.  Myc.  Vit. 
Zw.) 

118  ...  Oppidatim,  municipatim,  vicatim,  imo 
domesticatim  per  Helvetios  circumferat.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  81.) 

119  Um  einem  Kuttgrowen  Hengst.    (Anshelm, 
v.  335 ;  J.  J.  Hotting.  Helv  K.  Gesch.  iii.  29.) 

120  A  quovis  perjurio.    (Muller's  Reliq.  iv.  403.) 

121  Dessen  viel  luth  gnug  lachten.    (Bullinger, 
MS.) 

122  Bulling.  Epp.  Franz's  Merkw.  Zuge,  p.  19. 
>»  Du  freche  Bestie  .  .  &c.    (Bullinger,  MS.) 

124  Ich  predgete  streng  wider  des  Pabsts  Ablass 
.  .  .  (Zw.  Opp.  2,  1st  part,  p.  7.) 

125  Und  hat  mich  darin  gestarkt :  er  welle  mir 
mit  aller  triiw  byston.     (Ibid.) 

126  Christus  est  innocentia  tua ;  Christus  est 
justitia  et  puritas  tua;  Christus  est  salus  tua;  tu 
nihil  es,   tu  nihil  potes  ;  Christus  est  A  et  SI; 
Christus  est  prora  et  puppis  ;  Christus  est  omnia 
.  .  .   (Zw.  Opp.  i.  207.) 

127  Nisi  Christus  Jesus,  verus  Deus  et  verus 
homo  .  .  .  (Zw.  Opp.  i.  412.) 

128  Und  fiihrt  mit  ihm  ein  threspendiger  Schatz 
an   gelt   den   er   arrnen  lu'then    abgelogen   hat. 
(Bullinger,  MS.) 

129  Etiamsi  mihi  sint  lingufe  centum,  sintoraque 
centum,  ferrea  vox,  ut  Virgilius  ait,  aut  potius 
Ciceroniana  eloquentia.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  84.) 

130  Illic  turn  comitatem  tuam  e  sinu  uberrimo 
profluentem  non  injucunde  sum  expertus.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  119.) 

»31  Der  Grosse  Tod.    (Bullinger,  MS.) 


446 


NOTES  — BOOK   VIII. 


132  Plurirnum  gaudeo  te  inter  tot  jactus  telorum 
versantem  illaesum  hactenus  evasisse.     (Bullin- 
ger,  MS.) 

133  Ich  mein  der  Tod, 
Syg  an  der  Thiir. 

(Zw.  Opp.  2,  2d  part.  p.  270.) 

134  Willt  du  dann  glych 
Tod  haben  mich 

In  mitts  der  Tagen  min 
So  soil's  willig  sin.     (Ibid.) 

135  Nun  ist  es  um 

Min  Zung  ist  stumm 

Darum  ist  Zyt 
Das  du  min  stryt. 

136  Alle  glaubige  rufften  Gott  treuwillich  an, 
dass  er  ihren  getreuwen  Hirten  weider  uirichte. 
(Bullinger,  MS.) 

137  Nicolas  vero  germano    nostro  etiam  obiit 
servus  suus,  attamen  non  in  aadibus  suis.     (Zw. 
Epp.  88.) 

138  Quis  enim  non  dpleat  publicam  patrias  salu- 
tem,   tubam   Evangelii,    magrianimum    veritatis 

buccinaiorem  languere,  intercidere (Zw. 

Epp.  90.) 

139  Heu  quantum  luctus  fatis  Zwinglium  con- 
cessisse   importunus  ille    rumor  suo  vehementi 
impetu  divulgavit.     (Zw.  Epp.  91.) 

140  Inspectis    tuis    litteris    incredibilis    quidam 
sestus   laetitiae  pectus  meum   subiit.     (Zw.   Epp. 
p.  88.) 

111  Ejulatum  et  luctum  plusquam  icemineum. 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  155.) 

142  QJ,  T£  QEOI  ipiXsovffi  veaviffKOg  rsXevrd.     (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  90.) 

143  E  diris  te  mortis  faucibus  feliciter  ereptum 
negotiator  quidam  tigurinus.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  91.) 

144  Als  die  Pestilenz  im  Jahre  1519,  in  dieser 
Gegend  grassirte,   viele  neigten  sich   zu  einem 
bessern    Leben.     (Georg.    Vogelin.    Ref.   Hist. 
Fiisslin  Beytr.  iv.  174.) 

145  Patriam  cole,  suadeo  et  obsecro,  et  si  hoc 
possum  jubeo.     (Xyloctect  Myconio.) 

146  Nam  res  mess,  te  abeunte,  non  sunt  minus 
accisas  quam  si  exercitui  in  procinctu  stanti  altera 
alarum  abstergatur.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  98.) 

147  Zw.  Epp.  p.  103  and  111. 

148  Morum  tuorum  elegantia,   suavitasque  in- 
credibilis, qua  omnes  tibi  devincis,  etiam  lapides, 
ut  sic  dixerim.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  133.) 

149  Renascent!  Christianismo  mirurn  quam  fa- 
veant.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  120.) 

150  Cardinalis  illic  invitavit  amplissimis  condi- 
tionibus.     (Ibid.) 

151  Tumultus    exoritur  et  maxima    indignatio 
vulgi  erga  lcpd$.     (Ibid.) 

152  Auriculas  teneras  mordaci  radere  vero  non 
usque  adeo  tutum  est.     (Ibid.) 

153  Scotum  plus  profuisse  rei  Christianas  quam 
ipsum  Paulum  .  .  .  quicquid  eruditum  furatum 
ex  Scoto.     (Ibid.) 

154  Cum  pestilentissimis  monstris.     (Ibid.) 

155  Si  unquamimminebat  periculum,  jam  immi- 
net.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  120,  17th  March,  1520.) 

156  Sic  regiert  das   Haus,   schlaft,   steht    auf, 
zankt,  frtihstuckt,  keift.    .   .    .    (Simml.  Samml. 
4  Wirz,  i.  76.) 

157  Armemus  pectora  nostra!  pugnandum  erit 
contra  teterrimos  hostes.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  101.) 

158  Benevolentia    honestoque    obsequip   potius 
allici   quam   animosa  oppugnatione  trahi.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  103.) 

159  Christ  us  verus  homo  et  verus  Deus 

(Zw.  Epp.  p.  206.) 


160  Deus  enim  aeternus  quum  sit  qui  pro  nobis 
moritur,    passionem   ejus  aeternam    et  perpetu6 
salutarem  esse  oportet.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  206.) 

161  Mori  voluit  ut  nos  vita  restitueret 

(Zw.  Epp.  p.  204.) 

162  Necesse  fuit  ut  voluntas  humana  in  Christo 
se  divinae  submitteret.     (Ibid.) 

163  Hostia  est  et  victirna  satisfaciens  in  asternum 
pro  peccatis  omnium  fidelium.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  253.) 
Expurgata  peccata  multitudinis,  hoc  est,  fidelis 
populi.    (Zw.  Opp.  i.  264.) 

164  Sequitur  meritum  nostrprum  operum  nihil 
esse  quam  vanitatem  et  stuhitiam,  ne  dieam  im- 
pietatem  et  ignorantem  impudentiam.    (Zw.  Opp. 
i.  290.) 

165  Quotquot  ad  Deum  venerunt  unquam  per 
mortem  Christi  ad  Deum  venisse.     (Ibid.) 

166  Certus  est  quod  quidquid  ex  Deo  est  bonum 
sit.      Si  ergo   Evangelium  ex  Deo  bonum  est. 
(Zw.  Opp.  i.  208.) 

167  Quanta  caritate  nos  fures  et  perduelles. 

168  Turn  enim  totus  a  Christo  pendet.    Christus 
est  ei  ratio,  consilium,  justitia,  innocentia  et  tota 
salus.     Christus  in  eo  vivit,  in  eo  agit.     (Zw. 
Opp.  i.  233.) 

169  Bonus  vir  in  amore  justitiaa  liber  et  ketus 
vivit.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  284.) 

170  Ubi  Deus,  illic  cura  est  et  studium  ad  opera 
bona  urgens  et  impellens.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  213.) 

171  Vita  ergo  pii  hominis  nihil  aliud  est  nisi  per- 
petua  quaedam  et  indefessa  boni  operatic  quam 
Deus  incipit,  ducit  et  absolvit.    (Zw.  Opp.  i.  295.) 

172  Quum  ergo  Deus  pater  nos  elegit  ex  gratia 
sua,  traxitque  et  vocavit,  cur  ad  eum  accedere 
non  auderernus  ?     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  287.) 

173  Quam  concors  sit  spiriius  Dei,  dum  nos  tarn 
procul  dissiti,  nihil  colludentes,  tam  concorditer 
Christi  doctrinam  docemus.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  276.) 

174  Quam  fortis  sis  in  Christi  praedicando.   (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  160.) 

175  O    Helvetian!  longe  feliciorem,   si  tandem 
iceat   te  a  bellis    conquiescere  !     (Zw.  Epp.  p. 
128.) 

176  At  video  mendacium  esse,  cum  audiaris  per 
totam  Helvetiam.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  135.) 

177  Sequar  te  quoad  potero.  .  .  .  (Zw.  Epp.  p. 
134.) 

178  Ut    capite   felicis    patriae    nostraa  a  morbo 
erepto,  sanitas  tandem  in  reliqua  membra  reci- 
peretur.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  147.) 

179  Omniasursum  deorsumque  moventur.    (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  142.) 

180  Ut  nihil  proferre  caput  queat,  cujus  non  con- 
rarium  e  regione  emergat.     (Ibid.) 

181  Ecclesiam  puto,  ut  sanguine  parta  est,  ita 
sanguine  instaurari.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  143.) 

182  Eo  plures  armabis  Hercules  qui  fimum  tot 
lactenus  bourn  efferent.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  144.) 

183  Etiamsi    fulmine    Jovis    istius    fulminetur. 
Ibid.) 

)S4  Misc.  Mig.  iii.  679 — 696.    Wirz,  i.  79,  78.) 
185  Vetuit    eos    Senatus    quicquam    praedicare 
quod  non  ex  sacrarum  literarum  utriusque  Testa- 
menti  fontibus  hausissent.     (Zw.  Opp.  iii.  28.) 

6  \vir  wareil  aber  gut  geriistet.     (Misc.  Tig. 
i.  681.     Wirz,  i.  334.) 

187  Wirz,  i.  510.    Sebast.  Wagner,  von  Kirch- 
lofer,  p.  18. 

188  Animi  tui  candorem  simplicern  et  simplicita- 
em  candidissimam,  hue  tua  pusilla  quidem  epis- 
ola.  .  .  .    (Zw.  Epp.  p.  186.) 

189  Ita  ipse  in  literis  manuscriptis.    (J.  J.  Hott. 
iii.  54.) 


NOTES  — BOOK  VIII. 


447 


190  Scripta  tamen  habeatur  in  fastis  supernorum 
civium.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  186.) 

191  Ut  mori  pro  Christo  non  usque  adeo  de- 
trectem  apud  me.    (Zw.  Epp.  p.  187.) 

192  Donee   Christum,  cucullatis  nugis  longe  a 
nobis  exulem  pro  virili  restituerim.    (Ibid.) 

93  Dum  Lutherum  semel  legerint,  ut  putarent 

stubellam  suam  plenam  esse  dsemonibus 

(Zw.  Epp.  p.  137.) 

94  Clamatur  hie  per  totam  civitatem  :  Luthe- 
rum comburendum  et  ludi  magistrum.    (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  153.) 

195  Non  aliter  me  impellunt  quam  procellae  ma- 
rinae  navem  aliquam.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  159.) 

196  Im6  ne  in  mentem  eum  admitterem.    (Ibid.) 

197  Si  Christus  non  esset,  jam  olim  defecissem. 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  160.) 

198  Ich   hab  by  Im  ein  gross  Buch  gesehen, 
Locorum  communium,  als  ich  by  Ihm  wass,  a°. 
1521,  dorinnen  er  Sententias  und  dogmata  Pa- 
trum,  flyssig  jedes  an    seinem   ort  verzeichnet. 
(Bullinger,  MS.) 

199  Dieweil  er  ein  Burger  war  und  sein  Vater 
des  Raths.    (Fridolin  Ryff's  Chronik.) 

M  Disse  che  M.  di  Lutrech  et  M.  de  1'Escu 
havia  ditto  che'l  voleva  che  ie  recchia  del  Papa 
fusse  la  major  parte  restasse  di  la  so  persona. 
(Gradenigo,  the  Venetian  Ambassador  at  Rome, 
MS.  1523.) 

201  Sagt  wie   es  ein  fromme  Eidtgnosseschafft 
zertrennen  und  umbkehren  wiirde.    (Bullino-er, 
MS.) 

202  Sie  tragen  billig  rothe  hilt  und  mantel,  dan 
schulte  man  sie,  so  fallen  cronen  und  Duggaten 
heraus, — winde  man  sie,  so  runt  deines  Bruders, 
Vaters,  Sohns  und  guten  Freunds  Blut  heraus. 
(Ibid) 

203  Ego  veterem  Christi  ecclesiae  unitatem  in- 
staurare  non  desinam.     (Zw.  Opp.  iii.  47.) 

104  Gustum  non  aliquis  humanarum  traditionum 
cibus  vobis  arridere  potuerit.  (Zw.  Opp.  i.  2.) 

205  Aber  menschenfleisch  verkoufen  un  ze  Tod 
schlahen.  .  .  .  (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  2d  part,  301.) 

206  So  haben  wirs  von  dem  Metzger  erkaufFt. 
.  .  .  (Bullinger,  MS.) 

207  Ovilis  dominici  populator  esse,  non  custos 
aut  pastor.    (Zw.  Opp.  iii.) 

208  Erat  tota  oratio  vehemens  et  stomachi  su- 
percilique  plena.     (Zw.  Opp.  3,  8.) 

209  Infirmos  quosdam  nuper  Christo  lucrifactos 
sacerdotes  ofTensos  ea  sentirem  ex  tacitis  pallori- 
bus  ac  suspiriis.     (Zw.  Opp.  9.) 

.    21°  Frustra  diu  movi  omnem  lapidem.    (Ibid.) 

211  Ibi  ego  quiescere  ac  suspiriis   rem   agere 
coepi  apud  eum  qui  audit  gemitum  compeditorum. 
(Zw.  Opp.  3,  9.) 

212  Unicas  esse  per  quas  simplices  Christiani  ad 
agnitionem    salutis    inducerentur.      (Zw.    Opp. 
10.) 

213  Ob  communem  fidem,  ob  communem  bap- 
tismum,  ob  Christum  vitas  salutisque  auctorem. 
(Zw.  Opp.  3,  11.) 

214  Coepit  murmur  audiri  civium  indignantium. 
(Ibid.) 

215  Imo  Christianismum  ad  communem  justi- 
tiam  servandam  esse  potentissimum.     (Zw.  Opp. 
iii.  13.) 

216  Ceremonias  hand    quicquam    aliud    agere 
quam  et   Christo  et  ejus  fidelibus  os  oblinere. 
(Ibid.) 

217  Quidquid  hie  agitur  divino  fit  afflatu,  non 
humano  ratiocinio.     (Ibid.) 

218  Extra  illam  neminem  salvari.    (Zw.  Opp.  iii. 
3,  15.) 


219  Ut,  vulgo  jactatum  sit,  nunquam  ultra  co- 
pias  sarturos.     (Zw.  Epp.  203.) 

220  Vale  renascentis  Theologiae  decus.    (Letter 
of  Urban  Regius.     Zw.  Epp.  205.) 

221  Die  andern  aber  aus  Rinnen  und  Pfiitzen. 
(Simml.  Samml.  Wirz,  I.  244.) 

222  Ut  cornu  vehemens  taurus  aristas.    (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  203.) 

223  De  deluctu  et  libero  ciborum  usu.    (Zw. 
Opp.  i.  1.) 

224  Et  ut  iis  qui  ob  malorum  episcoporum  sae- 
vitiam  a  nobis  submoventur  prodesse  velis.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  208.) 

225  Nulla  praeterierat  hora,  in  qua  non  fierent 
.  .  .  consultationes  insidiosissimae.    (Osw.  Myc. 
Vit.  Zw.) 

226  "Ero^a  $c%/a*a  Xuypa.     (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw. 
199.) 

227  Zof  Eifti;  agnosces  me  postea.     (Ibid.) 

228  Quos  ita  metuo  ut  litus  ahum  fluctuum  un- 
das  minacium.     (Zw.  Epp.  203.) 

229  Malo  esse   Christianus  cum  multorum  in- 
vidia  quarn  relinquere  Christum  propter  munda- 
norum  amicitiarn.     (Zw.  Epp.  200,  22d  May.) 

230  Nemo  vos  filios  ecclesiae  de  ecclesia  tollat. 
(Zw.  Opp.  3,  35.) 

231  In  umbrarum  locum  lux  quam  ocissime  in- 
ducatur.     (Zw.  Opp.  3,  69.) 

232  Nam  er  oin  anderen  Weg  an  die  Hand ; — 
schike  seine  Boten  .  .  .  &c.     (Bullinger,  MS.) 

233  Und  den  Wahren  alten  Glauben  erhallten. 
(Ibid.) 

234  Liess  die  Rathstuben  einen  grossen  Knall. 
(Ibid.) 

235  Sondern  von  einim  jedem  Burger  wyssen. 
(Ibid.) 

236  Oculos  in  me  procacius  torquent,  ut  cujus 
caput  peti  gauderent.     (Zw.  Opp.  iii.  29.) 

237  De  claritate  et  certitudine  verbi  Dei.    (Zw. 
Opp.  i.  66.) 

238  Ein    gottlich   Vermanung  an  die  ersamen, 
&c.,  eidgnossen  zt.  Schwyz.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  2d 
part,  206.) 

239  ...    Kam  ein   langer,  gerader,   barfusser 
Monch    .    .    .    ritte  auf  einer  Eselin.     (Fiisslin 
Beytrage,  iv.  39.) 

240  A  tali  Franciscano,  Gallo,  quae  omniae  marc 
superstitionum  confluere  faciunt,  inaudita.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  207.) 

241  Bruder  da  irrest  du.   (Fiisslin  Beytr.  iv.  40.) 

242  Dass    er    beyde    Hande    zusammen    hob. 
(Ibid.) 

243  Quicquid  facio  venenum  est  illis.    Sed  est 
in  quern  omnis  spes  mea  reclinat.  (Zw.  Epp.  192.) 

244  Wolt  er    keine  pracht    tryben  mit   latein 
schwatzen,  sondern  gut  teutsch  reden.     (Bullin- 
ger, MSC.) 

245  Absit  a  grege  Christiano,  ut  caput  tarn  lutu- 
lentum  et  peccatis  plenum  acceptans,  Christum 
abjiciat.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  195.) 

246  Kein  kosten  soil  uns  dauern  dran, 

Wo  wir  Monch  und  Priester  mogen  ha'n, 
Und  sollt'es  kosten  hundert  kronen  .  .  . 

(Bern.  Mausol.  iv.  Wirz,  K. 
Gesch,  i.  383.) 

217  Je  mehr  je  besser !      Kamen  doch  noch 

Zehn !     (Ibid.) 

218  "Wenn  mir  nicht  war'  mit  Todten  wohl, 
So  lag  nicht  mancher  Acker  voll,  etc. 

(Ibid.) 

249  Wenn  es  stiind,  wie  im  Anfang  der  Kilchen, 
Ich    triige    vielleicht    grobes    Tuch    und 
Zwilchen.    (Ibid.) 


448 


NOTES  —  BOOKS    VIII.  IX. 


250  The   German  is  very  expressive.     So  bin 
Teh  auf  gut   Deutsch  ein  Hurenwirth.     (Bern. 
Mausol.  iv.  Wirz,  K.  Gesch.  i.  383.) 

251  Wir  mochten  fast  kaum  ein  Eselein  ha'n. 
(Ibid.) 

252  Anhorn,  Wiedergeburt  der  Ev.  Kirchen  in 
den  3  Biindten.     (Chur.  1680.     Wirz,  i.  557.) 

253  Simml.   Samml.  vi. — Wirz,  K.   Gesch.   i. 
275. 

234  Hinc  cum  scorto  redeuntem  in  itinere  de- 
prehendit,  adgreditur,  lethiferoque  vulnere  caedit 
et  tandem  moritur.  (Zw.  Epp.  p.  206.) 

255  Anna  Reinhardt,  von  Gerold  Meyer  von 
Knonau,  p.  25. 

256  Ein  hochheiliges  Biindniss.      (Ibid.) 

257  Qui  veritus  sis,  te  marito  non  tarn  feliciter 
usurum  Christum  in  negotio  verbi  sui.   (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  335.) 

258  Thaten    sich    zusamrnen    etliche    priester. 
(Bullinger,  MS.) 

259  Zu  Einsidlen  hatten  sie  alle  Sicherheit  dahin 
zu  gehen  und  dort  zu  wohnen.     (J.  J.  Hottinger 
Helv.  K.  Gesch.  iii.  86.) 

260  Und  wurden  eins  an  den  Bischoff  zu  Con- 
stantz  und  gmein  Eidtgnossen  ein  Supplication  zu 
stellen.    (Bullinger,  MSC.) 

261  Et  universa    Christianorum    multitudo    ad 
caput  suum,  quod  Christus  est,  redeat.     (Suppli- 
catio  quorundam  apud  Helvetios  Evangelistarum. 
(Zw.  Opp.  iii.  18.) 

262  Evangelium    irremisso    tenore  promulgare 
statuimus.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

363  Suntne  casti  ?  reddidit :  Quatenus  humana 
imbecillitas  permittit.  (Zw.  Opp.  i.  III.  21.) 

264  N  e  quando  moles  ista  non  ex  patris  ccelestis 
sententia  constructa,  cum  fragore  longe  pernicio- 
siore  corruat.    (Zw.  Opp.  iii.  24.) 

265  Arnica  et  pia  paranesis  ad  communem  Hel- 
vetiorum  civitatem   scripta,  ne  evangelicpe  doc- 
trina?  cursum  impediant,  &c.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  39.) 

"66  Divini  enim  verbi  auctoritatem,  libertatis 
christianae  et  divinae  gratis  prassidium  nobis  adesse 
conspicietis.  (Zw.  Opp.  i.  63.) 

267  Es  wass  zwahren  gross  zudenen  Zyten.  .  .  . 
(Bullinger,  MSC.) 

263  Da  liess  die  Stube  einen  grossen   Knall. 
(Fiisslin  Beytr.  iv.  39.) 

269  Cum  invalescente  Baccho,  disputationes, 
imo  verius  jurgia.  .  .  .  (Zw.  Epp.  230.) 


270  Venit  puer,  quern  misisti,  inter  prandendum 
.  .  .  (Zw.  Epp.  209.) 

271  Deus  ccepta  fortunet !     (Ibid.) 

272  Is  permaneas,  qui  es,  in  Christo  Jesu.  . 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  210.) 

273  Boni  qui  pauci  sunt,  commendant  libellos 
vestros  ;  alii  non  laudant  nee  vituperant.     (Ibid.) 

274  Belli  furor  occupat  omnia.    (Ibid.) 

275  Nihil  ob   id  apud   Helvetios   agendum   de 
iis  rebus  quae   Christi  gloriam   possunt  augere. 
(Ibid.) 

276  Tu  vero  audi.    Haec  dum  scriberem,  irruit 
praeco,  a  Senatoribus  missus.  .  .  .  (Zw.  Epp.  p. 

277  Simml.  Samml.  vi. 

278  Hoc  audio  vix  alios  esse  per  Helvetiam,  qui 
pejus  velint  sanae  doctrinse.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  226.) 

279  Conjux  infirma.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  192.) 

280  Veniat !  efficiemus  enim  ne  dormiendum  sit 
ei  sub  dio.    (Zw.  Epp.  p.  216.) 

281  Nil  exprobarunt  nisi  quod  sim  Lutheranus. 
(Ibid.) 

282  Expellitur  ecce  miser  Myconius  a  Senatu 
Lucernano.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  215.) 

283  Nee  ventos  esse,  nee  imbres,  sed grandines  et 
fulmina.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  217.) 

284  Regat,  vehat,  festinet,  maneat,   acceleret, 
moretur,  mergat.    (Ibid.) 

285  Osteatim  quaerere  quod  edam.    (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  245.) 

286  Uss  anstifften  der  geistlichen,  Die  zu  alien 
Zyten,   Christum  Pilate  und  Herodi  viirstellen. 
(MSC.) 

287  Plus  enim  metuo  ne  forte  lenior  mitiorque 
fuerim.    (De  semper  casta  Virgine  Maria,  Zw. 
Opp.  i.  104.) 

288  Si  vel  ignis  vel  alio  quodam  supplicii  genere 
tollaris  e  medio.     (Ibid.) 

289  Frater  vester  germanus  nunquam  desinam, 
si   modo  vos   fratres    Christi    esse    perrexeritis. 
(Zw.  Opp.  i.  107.) 

290  Vides  enim,   piissime   Jesu,   aures    eorum 
septas  esse  nequissimis  susurronibus,  sycophantis, 
lucrionibus.  .  .  .   (Zw.  Opp.  iii.  74.) 

291  Si  fundamentum  aliud  praater  te  jecero,  de- 
moliaris  !     (Ibid.) 

292  O  suavissima  vitis,  cujus  vinitor  Pater,  pal- 
mites  vere  nos  sumus;    sationem  tuam  ne  de- 
seras. 


BOOK  IX. 


1  Hie  .  .  .  inyalescit  opinio,  me  esse  ab  amicis 
captum  e  Francia  missis.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  5.) 

2  Et  iter  festinantes  cursu  equites  ipsum  pedes- 
trem   raptim  tractum  fuisse  ut  sanguis  e  digitis 
erumperet.     (Cochlaeus,  p.  39.) 

3  Fuit  qui  testatus  sit,  visum  a  se  Lutheri  cada- 
ver transfossum.  .    .    .   (Pallavicini  Hist.  Cone. 
Trid.  i.  p.  122.) 

4  Molem  vulgi  imminentis  ferre  non  possunt. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  13.) 

5  Qui  me  libero  insanierunt,  nunc  me  captivo 
ita  formidant  ut  incipiant  mitigare.     (Ibid.) 

6  Nos  vitam  vix    redempturos,   nisi    accensis 
candelis  undique  eum  requiramus.     (Ibid.) 

7  Gerbelii  Ep.  in  M.  S.  C.  Heckelianis.    Lind- 
ner, Leb.  Luth.  p.  244. 


8  Mirabilis  in  iis  voluptas,  immo  ambrosia  quae- 
dam  Cffilestis.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  128.) 

9  Spiritum  Martini  nolim  temere  in  hac  causa 
interpellare.     (Corp.  Ret.  i.  211.) 

10  Pater  noster  charissimus  vivit.    (Corp.  Ref. 
i.  389.) 

11  Dicitur  parari  proscriptio  horrenda.     (Ibid.) 

12  Dicuntur  signatse  chartse  proscriptionis   bis 
mille  missae  quoque  ad  Insbruck.     (Ibid.) 

13  Scholastic!  quorum  supra  millia  ibi  tune  fue- 
runt.     (Spalantini  Annales,  1521,  October.) 

14  Equitem  videres  ac  ipse  vix  agnosceres.    (L. 
Epp.  ii.  11.) 

15  Nunc  sum  hie  otiosus,  sicut  inter  captives 
liber.     (L.  Epp.  p.  3,  12  May.) 

16  Quanquam  et  hilariter  et  libenter  omnia  mihi 
ministret.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  13,  15  August.) 


NOTES— BOOK   IX. 


449 


17  Ego  mirabilis  captivus  qui  et  volens  et  nolens 
nic  sedeo.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  4,  12  May.) 

18  Tu  fac  ut  pro  me  ores :  hac  una  re  opus  mihi 
est.     Quicquid  de  me  fit  in  publico,  nihil  mceror; 
ego  in  quiete  tandem  sedeo.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  4, 
10  June,  1521.) 

19  Ego  hie  sedens  tota  die  faciem  Ecclesiae  ante 
me  constituo.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  1.) 

20  Verebar    ego    ne    aciem    deserere   viderer. 
Jbid.) 

21  Mallern  inter  carbones  vivos  ardere,  quam 
«olus  semivivus,  atque  utinam  non  mortuus  pu- 
tere.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  10.) 

22  Cervicem  esse  objectandam  publico  furori. 
,L.  Epp.  ii.  89.) 

23  Nihil  magis  opto,  quam  furoribus  adversari- 
orum  occurrere,  objecto  jugulo.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  1.) 

24  Etiam  si  peream,   nihil  peribit   Evangelic. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  10.) 

25  Nos  soli  adhuc  stamus  in  acie :  te  quaerent 
post  me.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  2.) 

26  Quo  citus  id  tentaverit  hoc  citius  et  ipse  et 
sui  peribunt,  et  ego  revertar.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  10.) 

27  Auctum  est  malum,  quo  Wormatia3  labora- 
bam.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  17.) 

28  Sedeo  dolens,  sicut  puerpera,  lacer  et  sau- 
cius  et  cruentus.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  50,  9  Sept.) 

29  Gratias  Christo,  qui  me  sine  reliquiis  sanctas 
Crucis  non  dere  linquit.     (Ibid.) 

30  Nihil  gemens  pro  ecclesia  Dei.     (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  22,  13  July.) 

31  Utinam   hac  vili  anima  mea    ipsius   vitam 
emere  queam.    (Corp.  Ref.  415,  6  July.) 

32  Sine  intermissione   scribo.     (L.   Epp.  ii.   6 
and  16.) 

33  Cum   quiescere    non    posset.      (Cochlaeus, 
Acta  Lutheri,  p.  39.) 

34  Und  der   Papst  miisse  ihm  beichten.,   (L. 
Opp.  xvi.  p.  701.) 

35  Cortex  meus  esse  potest  durior,  sed  nucleus 
meus  mollis  et  dulcis  est.     (L.  Opp.  xvii.  Lat  ii 
p.  213.) 

36  Zu  zeiten    gehet  er    inn    die   Erdbeer  am 
Schlossberg.     (Mathesius,  p.  33.) 

37  Theologisabar  etiam  ibi  inter  retia  et  canes 
.  .  .  tantum  misericordiae  et  doloris  miscuit  mys- 
terium.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  43.) 

38  Quid  enim  ista  imago,  nisi  Diabolum  signifi- 
cat  per  insidias  suas  et  impios  magistros  canes 
suos.     (Ibid.) 

39  Sic  saevit  Papa  et  Satan  ut  servatas  etiam 
animas  perdat.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  44.) 

40  Coegit  me  ergo  et  humanas  traditiones  viola- 
rem,  necessitas  servandi  juris  divini.     (Corp.  Ref. 
i.  p.  441.) 

41  At  mihi  non  obtrudent  uxorem.     (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  40.) 

42  Me  enim  vehementer  movet,  quod  sacerdo- 
tum  ordo,  a  Deo  institutus,  est  liber,  non  autem 
monachorum  qui  sua  sponte   statum   eligerunt. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  34.) 

43  Domirms  Jesus  erudiat   et  liberet  nos,  per 
misericordiam  suarn,  in  libertatem  nostram.    (Me- 
lancthon  on  Celibacy,  6th  Aug..  1521.     L.  Epp. 
ii.  p.  40.) 

44  L.  Opp.  (W.)  xxii.  p.  1466. 

45  Es  ist  nicht  mehr  denn  eine   einige  Geist- 
lichkHt,  die  da  heilig  ist,  und  heilig  macht.  .  .  . 
(L.  Opp.  xvii.  p.  718.) 

46  Adolescentes  liberare  ex  isto  inferno  cceliba- 
tus.     (L.  Opp.  ii.  p.  95.) 

47  Dass  unser  Blut  mocht  schreien,  und  dringen 


sein   Gericht,  dass  sein  bald  ein  Ende  wu'rde. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  105.) 

48  Non  continebor   quin  idolum   Moguntinum 
invadam,  cum  suo  lupanari  Hallensi.     (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  59,  7th  October.) 

49  Huic  seculo  opus  esse  acerrimo  sale.    (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  463.) 

50  Non  passurum  principem,  scribi  in  Mogunti- 
num.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  94.) 

51  Potius  te  et  principem  ipsum  perdam  et  om- 
nem  creaturam.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  94.) 

62  Non  sic,  Spalatine,  non  sic,  princeps.  (Ibid.) 

53  Ut   acerbiora  tradat.  (L.   Epp.   ii.  p.   110,) 
doubtless  radial, 

54  Derselbig  Gott  lebet  noch,  da  zweifel  nur 
niemand  an  ...    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  113  ) 

55  Helwing,  Gesch.  der  Brandeb.  ii.  p.  605. 

56  Hoc  enim  proprium  est  illorum  hominum  (ex 
March.  Brandeburg)  ut  quam  semel  in  religione 
sententiam   approbaverint,    non  facile   deserant. 
(Leutingeri  Opp.  i.  41.) 

57  Larvam  cardinalatus  et  pompam  episcopalem 
ablegare.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  132.) 

58  Codex  Diplom.  Ecclesiae  Mogunt.  iv.  p.  460. 

59  Et   solus   hie   liber  omnium  lingua,   manu, 
oculis,  auribus,  cordibus,  versaretur.    (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  116.) 

60  Machete  er  sich  heimlich  aus  seiner  Patmo 
auf.     (L.  Opp.  xviii.  238.) 

61  Determinatio  theologorum  Parisiensium  su- 
per doctrina  Lutherana.    (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  366  to 
388.) 

62  Damnarunt    triumviri    Beda,    Quercus,   et 
Christophoros.    Nomina  sunt  horum  monstrorum 
etiam  vulgo  nunc  nota  Belua,  Stercus,  Christo- 
tomus.    (Zwinglii  Epp.  i.  p.  176.) 

63  Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  396. 

61  Scias  me  positurum  animam  citius  quam 
fidem.  (Ibid.) 

65  Evangelium   obscuratum  est  ...  fides  ex- 
tincta  ...  Ex   Christianismo,    contra    omnem 
sensurn  spiritus,  facta  est  quaedam  philosophica 
vivendi  ratio.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  400.) 

66  Per  viam  vexatus  rumore  vario  de  nostrorum 
quorumdam  importunitate.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  109.) 

67  Liess  in    der   Stille  seine  Freunde  fodern. 
(L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  238.) 

63  Quo  si  mihi  carendum  est,  mortem  fortius 
tulero.  (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  453—455.) 

69  Omnia    vehementer  placent  quae   video  et 
audio.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  109.) 

70  Einem  2  oder  3  befehlen  Mess  zu  halten  und 
die   andern   12  von  denen   das   Sacrament    sub 
utraque  specie  mil  empfahen.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p. 
460.) 

71  Der  meiste  Theil  jener  Parthasi  Niederlasnder 
seyn.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  476.) 

72  Sed  et  ego  amplius  non  faciam  missam  priva- 
tim  in  aeternum.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  36.) 

73  Wollen  die  Mo'nche  nicht  Mess  halten,  sie 
werden's  bald  in  der  Kiichen  und  Keller  emp- 
finden.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  461.) 

74  Mit  dem  Messhalten  keine  Neuerung  ma- 
chen.     (Ibid.) 

75  Signa  ab  hominibus  reperta  admonent  tan- 
tum ;  signa  a  Deo  tradita,  proaterquarn   quod  ad- 
moneut,  certificanf  etiam  cor  de  voluntate  Dei. 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  478.) 

70  Kein  Mb'nch  werde  in  der  Kappe  selig. 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  433.) 

77  Dass  man  nidit  oben  Stuck  von  einem 
Kloster  da  sey  gestanden,  merken  moge.  (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  p.  483.) 


450 


NOTES— BOOK   IX. 


78  "Etliche  unter  den  Burgern,  etliche  unter 
den  Studenten,"  said  the  Prior,  in  his  address  to 
the  Elector.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  483.) 

79  In  summa  es  sollen  die  Aufruhr  etliche  Stu- 
denten von  Erfi'urth  erwerckt  haben.      (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  p.  490.) 

80  Und  die  anderen  ScJdrymstege  alle  aussen 
lassen.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  512.) 

81  Wer  mit  Siinden  beschwert  und  nach  der 
Gnade  Gottes  hungrig  und  durstig.     (Corp.  Ref. 
i.  p.  540.) 

82  Wenn  man  communicirt  hat,  so  singt  man  : 
Agnus  Dei  carmen.     (Ibid.) 

83  Mir  ist  das  Wort  fast  in  grosser  Geschwin- 
digkeit  eingefallen.    (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  545.) 

84  Keinen  offenbaren  Sunder  zu  dulden 

(Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  540.) 

85  Sacerdos  constituitur  medius  inter  Deum  et 
populum.     (Th.  Aquin.  Summa  iii.  p.  22.) 

86  Perfectio  hujus  sacramenti  non  est  in  usu 
fidelium,   sed  in    consecratione    materiae.     (Th. 
Aquin.  Summa,  Quest.  80.) 

87  Advolasse  Gabrielem  Angelum.    (Camerarii 
Vita  Melancthonis,  p.  48.) 

88  Breviter,  de  sese  praedicant,  viros  esse  pro- 
pheticos  et  apostolicos.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  514.) 

89  Ut  rerum  potiatur  et  instauret  sacra  et  res- 
publicas  tradat  sanctis  viris  tenendas.    (Camerar. 
Vit.  Mel.  p.  45.) 

90  Quod  nos  docemus,  ille  facit. 

91  Einen  Priester  der  das  Venerabile  getragen 
mit  Steinen  geworfen.    (Seek.  p.  482.) 

92  Sunt  et  illic  in  vincula  conjecti.     (Mel.  Corp. 
Ref.  i.  p.  513.) 

93  Hue  advolarunt  tres  viri,  duo  lanifices,  lite- 
rarum  rudes,  literatus  tertius  est.    (Ibid.) 

94  Incedens  more  et  habitu   militum    istorum 
quos  Lanzknecht  dicimus.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  245.) 

95  Esse  sibi  cum  Deo  familiaria  colloquia,  videre 
futura  ....    (Mel.  Electori,  27th  Dec.,   1521. 
Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  514.) 

96  Censebat  enim   neque  admittendum  neque 
rejiciendum  quicquam  temere.    (Gamer.  Vit.  Mel. 
p.  49.) 

97  Electori  lucernae  Israel.    (Camer.  Vit.  Mel. 
p.  513.) 

98  Dariiber  auch  leiden  was  S.  C.   G.  leiden 
sollt.     (Camer.  Vit.  Mel.  p.  537.) 

99  Ne  princeps  manus  cruentet  in  prophetis. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  135.) 

i°°  Ubi  fiebant  omnia  in  dies  difficiliora.    (Ga- 
mer. Vit.  Mel.  p.  49.) 

101  Irruendum  et  demoliendum  statim.     (Ibid.) 

102  Die  Bilder  zu  stiirmen  und  aus  den  Kirchen 
zu  werfen.     (Math.  p.  31.) 

103  Etliche  Fiirsten  ihre  Bewandten  abgefordert. 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  560.) 

i°4  Perdita  et  funditus  diruta.    (Cam.  Vit.  Mel. 
p.  52.) 

105  Lutherum  revocavimus  ex  heremo  suo  mag- 
nis  de  causis.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  566.) 

106  Mochte  ich  ehe  zehn  Tode  leyden.  (Wieder 
Emser,  L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  613.) 

107  Ich  krieche  zu  seiner  Gnaden.     (L.   Opp. 
xviii.  p.  615.) 

108  Quasras  num  experti  sint  spirituals   illas 
angustias  et  nativitates  divinas,  mortes  infernos- 
que.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  215.) 

109  Mit  Schweinen  und  Schellen  ...  in  Koth 
geworfen.     (Weyn.  Ann  Seek.  p.  482.) 

11°  In  ihre  la'i'sche  Hande  reiche.    (L.   Opp. 
xviii.  p.  285.) 


111  Germaniam  in  sanguine  natare.    (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  157.) 

112  Ita  enim  res  postulat  ipsa.  (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  135.) 

113  So  machte  er  sich  rnit  unglaublicher  Freu- 
digkeit  des  Geistes,  im  Nahmen  Gottes  auf  den 
Weg.     (Seek.  p.  458.) 

114  See  the  narrative  of  Kessler,  with  its  details, 
in  the  simple  language  of  that  age,  in  Bernet, 
Johann.  Kessler,  p.  27.     Hahnhard  Erzahlungen, 
iii.  p.  300,  and  Marheinecke  Gesch.  der  Ref.  ii, 
p.  321,  2d  edit. 

115  In  einem  rothen  Schlopli,  in  blossen  Hosen 
und  Wamms.  .  .  .   (Ibid.) 

116  Furit   Satanas  ;  et  fremunt  vicini  undique, 
nescio  quot  mortibus  et  infernis.     (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  153.) 

117  Er  halt   meinen  Herrn   Christum  fur  ein 
Mann  aus  Stroh  geflochten.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  139.) 

118  Und  ja  nicht  wehren  ...  so  sie  mich  fahen 
oder  todten  will.     (L.  Epp.  p.  140.) 

119  Der  wahre,  dritte  und  lezte  Elias.  .  .  .  (L. 
Opp.  (L.)  xviii.  p.  271.) 

120  Domini  enim  sumus  vitas  et  mortis.     (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  150.) 

121  Non  enim  ad  fidem  et  ad  ea  quae  fidei  sunt, 
ullus  cogendus  est.  ...   (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  151.) 

122  Ich  wollte  nicht  einen  Birnstiel  drauf  geben. 
(L.  Opp.  (L.)  xviii.  p.  255.) 

123  Grosse  Freude  und  Frohlocken  unter  Ge- 
lahrten  und  Ungelahrten.    (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  266.) 

124  Aus  sonderlicher  Schickung  des  Allmach- 
tigen.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

125  Imo,  inquit,  angeli,  non  hominis  vocem  mini 
audisse  videor.     (Camerarius,  p.  12.) 

126  In  alium  virum  mutatus  est.    'L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  156.) 

127  Ego  Carlstadium  offendi,  quod  ordinationes 
suas  cessavi.-   (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  177.) 

128  Philippi  et  Carlstadii  lectiones,  ut  sunt  op- 
timae.  .  .  .  (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  284.) 

129  Rursum  ad  ipsum  confluere  .  .  .   (Came- 
rar. p.  52.) 

130  Vehementer  superbus  et  impatiens  .... 
credi  vult  plena  auctoritate,  ad  primam  vocem 
.  .  .  (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  179.) 

131  Audivit  Lutherus  placide  .   .   .   (Camerar. 
p.  52.) 

132  Cum  et  solum  pedibus  et  propositam  men- 
sulam  manibus  feriret.     (Ibid.) 

133  Quid  pollicentes  de  mirabilibus  affectioni- 
bus.     (Camerar.  p.  53.) 

134  Ihren   Geist  haue  er  uber  die   Schnauze. 
(L.  Opp.  Altenburg.  Augs.  iii.  p.  137.) 

135  Spumabat  et  fremebat  et  furebat.    (L.  Epp. 
ii.  p.  179.) 

136  Ganz  klare  und  griindliche  Schrift. 

137  Verum  omnia  nunc  elimare  ccepimus  Phi- 
lippus  et  ego.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  176.) 

138  Ingenti  labore  et  studio.     (L.  Epp.  p.  236.) 

139  Singulis  diebus  decies  millia  chartarum  sub 
tribus  prelis.  .  .  .   (Ibid.) 

140  Gesch  d.  deutsch.  Bibel  Uebersetz. 

141  Qui  et  alicubi  in  unum  congest!  rogum  pub- 
lice  combusti  sunt. 

142  ...  mulieres,  et  quilibet  idiotae  .  .  .   avi- 
dissime  legerent.     (Cochlaeus,  p.  50.) 

143  Adversus  quas  non  uno  nobis,  ut  ita  dicam, 
Hercule  opus  est.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  137.) 

144  Video  dogmatum  aciem  pulchre  instructam 
adversus    tyrannidem    pharisaicam.      (Er.   Epp. 
p.  949.) 

145  La  Sorame  de  Theologie,  par  Philippe  Me- 


NOTES— BOOK    IX. 


451 


lancthon.     (Geneve,   1551.     Jehan  Calvin  aux 

lecteurs.) 

146  "Librum  invictum,"  said  he  another  time, 
"  non  sojum  immortalitate  sed  et  canone  eccle- 
siastico  dignum."     (De  servo  arbitrio.) 

147  Loci  communes   theologici.     Bale,    1521,   p. 
35,— a  rare  edition.     See  for  the  subsequent  revi- 
sions, that  of  Erlangen,  1828,  a  reprint  of  that  of 
Bale,  1561. 

148  Vult  te  intueri  Filium  Dei  sedentem  ad  dex- 
teram  Patris,  mediatorem  interpellantem  pro  no- 
bis.     (Ibid.) 

149  Quandoquidem  ornnia  quae  eveniunt,  neces- 
sario  eveniunt  juxta  divinam  praedestinationem, 
nulla  est  voluntatis  nostrae  libertas.    Loci  comm. 
theol.  Bale,  1521,  p.  35. 

150  See  the  edition  of  1561,  reprinted  in  1829, 
pages  14  to  44,  the  several  chapters, — De  tribus 
personis ; — De  divinitate  Filii ; — De  duabus  natu- 
ris  in  Christo  ; — Testimonia  quod  Filius  sit  per- 
sona ;  testimonia  refutantia  Arianos  ;  De  discer- 
nendis  proprietatibus  humanae  et  divinse  naturae 
Christi ; — De  Spiritu  sancto,  &c.  &c. 

151  Hoc  est  Christum  cognoscere,  beneficia  ejus 
cognoscere,  &c.     (Ibid.) 

152  Heu !  infelicem  hoc  novo  partu  Germaniam ! 
(Cochl.) 

153  Jactant  libellutn   regis  Angliae  ;    sed    leum 
ilium  suspicor  sub  pelle  tectum — an  allusion  to 
Lee,  Henry  the  Eighth's  chaplain,  punning  on 
his  name.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  213.) 

154  He  was  tall,  strong-built,  and  proportioned, 
and  had  an  air  of  authority  and  empire.     (Col- 
lier's Eccles.  Hist,  of  Great  Britain,  fol.  ii.  1.) 

155  Cum  illis  adolescentibus  una  psallebat,  sal- 
tabat,  sermones  leporis  plenos  habebat,  ridebat, 
jocabatur.    (Polyd.  Vergilius,  Angl.  Hist.  Bale, 
1570,  fol.  p.  633.) 

156  Surgebat  media  nocte  ut  nocturnis  religioso- 
rum  precibus  interesset.     (Sanders,  p.  5.) 

157  Sub    regio    vestitu    Divi    Francisci  habitu 
utebatur.     (Ibid.) 

158  Legebat  studiose  libros  divi  Thomae  Aqui- 
natis.    (Polyd.  Vergil,  p.  634.) 

159  Primum  libros  Lutheranos,  quorum  magnus 
jam  numerus  per  venerat  in  manus  suorum  An- 
glorum,  comburendos  curavit.     (Polyd.    Vergil, 
p.  664.)  a 

160  Uti  sella  aurea,  uti  pulvino  aureo,  uti  velo 
aureo  ad  mensam.     (Ibid.) 

161  Primus  episcoporum  et  cardinalium,  vesti- 
tum  exteriorem  sericum  sibi  induit.    (Polyd.  Ver- 
gil, p.  633.) 

162  Galerum  cardinalium,  ordinis  insignem,  sub- 
lime a  ministro  praeferebat  .  .  .  super  altare  col 
locabat.  .  .  .   (Polyd.  Vergil,  p.  645.) 

163  Knapp's  Nachlese,  ii.  p.  458. 

164  Meque  adversus  venenata  jacula  hostis  earn 
oppugnantis   objicerem.     (Assertio  seplem  sacra 
menlorum  adv.  M.  Lutherum  in  prologo.) 

165  Omnis   Christi  servus,  omnis  aetas.  omnis 
sexus,  omnis  ordo  consurgat.    (Ibid.) 

166  Et  qui  nocuit  verbo  malitiae,  supplicii  prosi 
cxemplo.    (Ibid.) 

167  Minim  est  quanto  nixu  parturiens,   quam 
nihil  peperit,  nisi  merum  ventum.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

»«  Collier,  Eccl.  Hist.  Gr.  Br.  p.  17. 

169  Burnet,  Hist,  of  the  Ref.  of  England,  i.  p.  30 

170  Intra  paucos  menses,   liber  ejus  a  multis 
chalcographis    in   multa    millia   multiplicatus. — 
(Cochleeus,  p.  44.) 

171  Ut  totum  orbem  christianum  et  gaudio  et 
admirarione  repleverit. 

172  (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  236.)  Mea  in  ipsos  exercebo 

58 


cornua,  irritaturus  Satanam,  donee  effusis  viribus 
et  cornatibus  corruat  in  se  ipso. 

173  Confusi  et  prostrati  jacent  a  facie  verborum 
stius  tonitrui.    (Contra  Henricum  regem.  Opp. 

Lat.  ii.  p.  336.) 

174  Hie  sto,  hie  sedeo,  hie  maneo,  hie  glorior, 
lie  triumpho,  hie  insulto  papistis  .  .  .  (Contra 
Henricum  regem.  Opp.  Lat.  ii.  p.  342.) 

175  Nee  magnum  si  ego  regern  terra  contemno. 
[Contra  Henricum  regem.  p.  344,  verso.) 

176  3  L.  Opp.  Leipz.  xviii.  p.  209. 

177  Canem  dixissem  rabidum,  imo  lupum  rapa- 
cissimum,    aut    sasvissimam    quamdam    ursam. 

Cochlaeus,  p.  60.) 

178  Reverendus  frater,  pater,  potator,  Lutherus. 
(Cochlaeus,  p.  61.) 

179  Si  ...  suas  resorbeat  et  sua  relingat  ster- 
cora.     (Cochlaeus,  p.  62.) 

180  Sentinas,  cloacas,  latrinas   .   .    .  stercora. 
(Cochlaeus,  p.  63.) 

181  So  ergiest  er,  gleichwie  eine  Schlang  vom 
Himmel  geworfen.     (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  212.)  The 
original  is  in  Latin — Velut  a  coalo  dejectus  ser- 
pens,  virus  effundit  in  terras. 

182  Und  durch  sein  schadlich    Anblasen   das 
hollische  Feuer  ausspriihe.  (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  213.) 

183  Oder  aber  auch  mit  Blut  vergiessen.  (Ibid.) 

184  Hist,  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  p.  15,  16. 

Ig5  Der  iibrigen  Prediger  Feindschafft,  Neid, 
Nachstellungen,  Praticken  und  Schrecken. — 
(Seckendorf,  p.  559.) 

186  Seckendorf,  p.  811.     Stentzel.  Script.  Rer 
Siles,  I.  p.  45. 

187  Ranke,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  ii.  p.  70. 

188  Eaque  omnia  prompte,  alacriter,  eloquenter. 
(Cochlaeus,  p.  52.) 

189  Populo  odibiles   catholici   concionatores. — 
(Ibid.) 

190  Ad  extremam  redacti  inopiam,  aliunde  sibi 
victum  quaerere  cogerentur.    (Cochlaeus,  p.  53.) 

191  Triumphantibus    novis    praedicatoribus   qui 
sequacem  populum  verbo  novi  Evangelii  sui  duce- 
bant.    (Ibid.) 

192  ]Vtulti,  omissa  re  doniestica,  in  speciem  veri 
Evangelii,  parentes  et  amicos  relinquebant.  (Ibid.) 

193  Ubi  vero  aliquos  nacti  fuissent  amicos  in  ea 
civitate.  .  .  .  (Cochlaeus,  p.  54.) 

194  Mira  eis  erat  liberalitas.    (Ibid.) 

195  Earn  usque  diem  nunquam  germane  prae- 
dicatam.     (Cochlseus,  p.  53.) 

196  Omnesaequalesetfratres  in  Christo.    (Ibid.) 

197  A  laicis  lutheranis,  plures  scripture  locos, 
quam  a  monachis  et  praesbyteris.     (Cochlaeus, 
p.  54.) 

198  Reputabantur  catholici  ab  illis  ignari  Scrip- 
turarum.     (Ibid.) 

199  Totam  vero  juventutem,  eloquentiae  litteris, 
linguarumque  studio  deditam   ...   in  partem 
suam  traxit.     (Ibid.) 

200  Panzer's    Annalen    der    Deutsch    Litt.— 
Ranke's  Deutsch  Gesch.  ii.  p.  79. 

201  Apostatarum,  monasteries  relictis,  infinitus 
jam    erat    numerus,  in  speciem    bibliopolarum. 
(Cochlaeus,  p.  54.) 

202  Catholicorum,  velut  indocta  et  veteris  bar- 
barici  trivialia  scripta,  contemnebant.     (Ibid.) 

203  In  publicis  mercatibus  Francofordiae  et  alibi, 
vexabantur  ac  ridebuntur.     (Ibid.) 

204  Von  dem  Rathhaus  unter  einem  Zulauf  von 
25,000  Menschen.    (Seek.  p.  539.) 

205  Der  Teufel  indem  er  sich  in  Gestalt 
alten  Weibes.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

2Q 


452 


NOTES  — BOOKS    IX.  X. 


206  Lasst  du  dir's  die  Buben  nehmen  .  .  .  (Seek. 
p.  430.) 

207  So  liessen  sie  eine  Canzel  machen,  die  man 
von  einem  Ort  zum  andern.  .  .  .  (Seek.  p.  436.) 

208  Aliquot  ministri  canonicorum    capiunt    D. 
Valentinum  Mustasum  et  vinctum  manibus  pedi- 
busque,   injecto  in  ejus  os  freno,  deferunt  per 
trabes  in  inferiores  coanobii  partes,  ibique  in  cella 


cerevisiaria    eum  castrant.    (Hamelmann,   Hist, 
renati  Evangelii,  p.  880.) 

209  Herren  und  Siegmanner  des  Todes.    (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  164.) 

210  Ich  kenne  auch  selbst  nicht  den  Luther. 
(Ibid.) 

211  Wittemberger  Nachtigall,   poem    of   Hans 
Sachs,  1523.) 


BOOK  X, 


1  Sancte  juro  .  .  .  eum  ex  hac  fenestrS.  meo 
jussu  suspensum  iri.     (Pallavicini,  i.  p.  130.) 

2  Essendo  tomato  dalla  Dieta  che  sua  Maesta 
haveva  fatta  in  Wprmatia,  escluso  d'ogni  con- 
clusion buona  d'ajuti  e  di  favori  che  si  fussi  pro- 
posto  d'ottenere  in  essa.     (Instruttione   al  card. 
Farnese.  Manuscript  of  the  Bibl.Corsini,  published 
by  Ranke.) 

3  Ipso  Caesare,  ore  subridenti,  spectaculo  plau- 
sit.     (Pallavicini,  i.  p.  130.) 

4  Cum  esset  in  corporis  ornatu  elegantissimus. 
(MafTei,  Vita  Loyola?,  1586,  p.  3.) 

5  Equorumque    et    armorum  usu  praecelleret. 
(Ibid.) 

6  Partim  in  factionum   rixarumque    periculis, 
partitn  in  amatoria   vesania  .  .  .  tempus  consu- 
meret.     (Ibid.) 

7  Ardentibus  oculis,  detestatus  ignaviam  per- 
fidiamque  spectantibus  omnibus,  in  arcem  solus 
introit.     (Maffaei,  Vita  Loyolae,  1586,  p.  6.) 

8  Tarn  acri  ac  vehement!  oratione  commilitoni- 
bus  dissuasit.     (Ibid.) 

9  Ut  e  vestigio  semianimis  alienata  mente  cor- 
ruerit.     (Marian,  Vita  Loyolae,  1586,  p.  7.) 

10  Nullum  aliud  indicium  dedit  doloris,  nisi  ut 
coactus   in  pugnum  digitos  valde  constringeret. 
(Maffaei,  Vita  Loyola,  1586,  p.  8.) 

11  Quid  si  ego  hoc  agerem  quod  fecit  b.  Fran- 
ciscus,  quid  si  hoc  quod  b.  Dominicus?     (Acta 
Sanctorum,  vii.  p.  634.) 

12  Non  era  condessa,  ni  duquessa,  mas  era  su 
estado  mas  alto.  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

13  Ibi  duce  amicisque  ita  salutatis,  ut  arcana 
consiliorum  suorum  quam  accuratissime  tegeret. 
(Maffei,  Vita  Loyola?,  1586,  p.  16.) 

14  Pretiosa    vestimenta    quibus    erat   ornatus. 
pannoso  cuidam   largirus  sacco  sese  alacer  indirit 
ac  tune  praecinxit.     (Maffaei,  Vita  Loyolaa,  1586, 
p.  20.) 

15  Furori  ac  libidini  hecrelicoa  pravitatis  oppone- 
ret.     (MafTaBi,  Vita  Loyolaa,  1586,  p.  21.) 

16  Victum  osteatim   precibus,  infimis  emendi- 
care  quotidie.   (Maffaei,  Vita  Loyolae,  1586,  p.  23.) 

17  Tune  subito  nulla  pracedente  significatione 
prorsus  exui  nudarique  se  omni  gaudio  sentiret. 
(Maffaei,  Vita  Loyola?,  1586,  p.  27.) 

18  Nee  jam  in  precibus,  neque  in  psalmis   .   .    . 
ullam  inveniret  delectationem  aut  requiem.  (Ibid.) 

19  Vanis  agitari  terroribus,  dies  noctesque  fleti- 
bus  jungere.    (Maffaei,  Vita  Loyolae,  1586,  p.  28.) 

20  Ut    nulla   jam  res  mirigare  dolorem   posse 
videreiur.     (Maffgei,  Vita  Loyolae,  1586,  p.  29.) 

21  Et  S83culi  commodis  repetendis  magno  quo- 
dam  impetu  cogitaverit.     (Maffaei,  Vita  Loyolae, 
1586,  p.  30.) 

22  Sine  ulla  dubitatione  constituit  prasteritffl  vitas 
labes  perpetua  oblivione  conterere.     (Maffaei,  Vita 
Loyolaa,  1586,  p.  31.) 

23  Quae  vix  demum  solent  homines  intelligen- 


tia  comprehendere.    (Maffaei,  Vita  Loyolae,  1586, 
p.  32.) 

24  En  figuras  de  tres  teclas. 

25  Quod  etsi  nulla  scriptura,  mysteria  ilia  fidei 
doceret.     (Acta  Sanct.) 

26  Quae  Deo  sibi  aperiente  cognoverat.  (Maffaei, 
Vita  Loyola?,  1586,  p.  34.) 

27  Comburi  jussit  alteram  vultus  in  ejus  statua, 
alteram  animiejusin  libris.   (Pallavicini,  i.  p.  128.) 

28  Si  unirono  in  un  oratorio,  chiamato  del  divino 
amore,  circa  sessanta  di  loro.     (Caracciolo  Vita 
da  Paolo  IV.  MSC.  Ranke.) 

29  Doctores  Lovanienses  accepisse  consilium  a 
tarn  conspicuo  alumno.     (Pallavicini,  p.  136.) 

30  Sleidan.  Hist,  de  la  Ref.  i.  p.  124. 

31  Sarpi  Histoire  du  Concile  de  Trente,  p.  20. 

32  Per  longa  esperienza  delle  cose  del  mundo, 
molto  prudente  e  accorto.     (Nardi.  Hist.  Fior., 
lib.  7.) 

33  Sarpi  Hist,  du  Cone,  de  Tr.,  p.  21. 

34  Dassman  die  Nachfolger  derselben  vergiften 
Lehre,  mit  dem  Schwert  strafen  mag.     (L.  Opp. 
xvii.  p.  321.) 

35  Cumfama   sit  fortis  et  Caesarem  et  Papara 
Nurnbergam  conventuros.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  214.) 

36  Sed  Christus  qui  coepit  conteret  eum.     (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  215.)     ' 

37  Quod  ex   ea  regione  venirent,  unde  nobis 
secundum   carnem   origo   est.     (See  the   Pope's 
brief  L.  Opp.  lat.  ii.  p.  352.) 

38  Er  wollte  einen  Finger  drum  geben.    (Seek, 
p.  568.) 

39  Resecandos  uti  membra  jam  putrida  a  sano 
corpore.     (Pallavicini,  i.  158.) 

40  Einen  grossen  Schrecken  eingejagt.     (Seek. 
p.  552.) 

41  Nicht  anders  geschrien   denn :    Crucifige! 
Crucifige!     (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  367.) 

42  Sese  auctoritate  pontifica  curaturum  ut  isti 
caperentur.     (Corp.  Ref.  5.  p.  606.) 

43  Priusquam   illi  caperentur,   se  urbe  cessu- 
rosesse.     (Ibid.) 

44  In  earn   sedem  aliquot  jam  annos  quaedam 
vitia  irrepsisse,  abusus  in  rebus  sacris,  in  legibus 
violationes,    in    cunctis    denique    perversionem. 
(Pallavicini,  i.  p.  160.     See  also  Sarpi,  p.  25.    L. 
Opp.  xviii.  p.  329,  &c.) 

45  Liberioris  tamen  quam  par  erat,  sinceritatis 
fui?se  visum  est,  ea  conventui  patefacere.     (Pal- 
lavicini, i.  p.  162.) 

<6  Wie  sie  solcher  Beschwerung  und  Drangsal 
entladen  werden.     (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  354.) 

47  Ut  pie  placideque  purum  Evangelium  praedi- 
caretur.    (Pallavicini,  i.  p.  166.    Sleidan,  i.  p.  135.) 

48  Victus  est  ac  ferme  profligatus  e  Germania 
romanus   pontifex.     (Zw.   Epp.   313,   llth   Oct., 
1523.) 

49  Gott  habe  solches  E.  G.  eingeben.  (L.  Opp, 
xviii.  476.) 


NOTES— BOOK  X 


453 


50  Dass  die  Kirchen  ohne  Volk  sind,  dass  die 
Volker  ohne  Priester  sind,  dass  die  Priester  ohne 
Ehre  sind,  und  dass  die  Christen  ohne  Christo 
sind.     (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  371.) 

51  Wenn  sie  gleich  eines  verdammten  Lebens 
sind.     (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  379.) 

52  Quid  dicam  ?  quo  me  vertam  ?     (Corp.  Ref. 
i.  p.  627.) 

53  Principi  nullum  licet  suscipere  bellum,  nisi 
consentiente    popu^o,  a  quo    accepit  imperium. 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  601.) 

54  So  kehrt  er  ihnen  auch  die  Rechnung  gar 
urn.    (L.  Opp.  xxii.  1831.) 

55  Ut  videar  mihi  videre  Germaniam  in  san- 
guine natare.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  156.) 

56  Cogitent    populos     non    esse    tales    modo, 
quales  hactenus  fuerunt.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  157.) 

57  Christus  meus  vivit  et  regnat,  et  ego  vivam 
et  regnabo.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  158.) 

58  Wie  ihre  Bart  und  Haare  ausweisen.    (Seek. 
p.  482.) 

59  Miisse  man  solche  Dinge  Gott  iiberlassen. 
(Seek.  p.  485.) 

60  Zum  Tode  verurtheilet.    (Seek.  p.  548.) 

61  Quomodo  mulieres  vi  Henricum  liberarint. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  265.) 

62  Susceptum  honorifice  a  domina  Margareta. 
(Ibid.) 

63  Gives  aliquos,  et  mulieres  vexatae  et  punitae. 
(Ibid.) 

64  Et  vitam  exiget  et  sanguinem.    (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  181.) 

65  Est  executor   Caesaris  contra  nostros.    (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  207.) 

66  Domo  cap  turn,  exustum  credimus.    (L.  Epp. 
ii.  p.  214.) 

91  So  sie  doch  schandlicher  leben  denn  Huren 

und  Buben.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  482.) 
68  Schlug  etliche  todt.     (Seek.  p.  604.) 
68  Sey  gegriisst,  rnein  Bruder.    (Scultet.  ann. 

i.  p.  173.) 

70  Facta  est  hsec  res  Bruxellae  in  publico  foro. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  361.) 

71  Nondum  triginta  annorum.     (Ibid.) 

72  Dit  schijnen  mij  als  roosen  te  zijn.    (Brandt 
Hist,  der  Retormatie,  i.  p.  79.) 

73  Admoto  igni,  canere  cceperunt    symbolum 
fidei,  says  Erasmus.     (Epp.  i.  p.  1278.) 

74  Da  ist  der  eine  im  Feuer  auf  die  Knie  gefallen. 
(L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  481.) 

'    75  Ccepta  est  carnificina.    (Epp.  i.  p.  129.) 

76  Quarta  post  exustus  est  tertius  frater  Lam- 
bertus.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  361.) 

77  Ea  mors  multos  fecit  lutheranos.     (Er.  Epp. 
p.  952.)     Turn  demum  ccepit  civitas  favere  Lu- 
thero.     (Er.    Epp.  p.   1676.     Erasmus  to   Duke 
George.)    Ea  civitas  antea  purissima.    (Er.  Epp. 
p.  1430.) 

78  Ubicumque  fumos  excitavit  nuntius,  ibi  di- 
ceres  fuisse  factam  haereseon  sementem.     (Ibid.) 

79  Vestra  vincula  mea  sunt,  vestri  carceres  et 
ignes  mei  sunt.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  464.) 

80  Communi  habitu  quod  per  sylvas  et  campos 
ierat,  per  mediam  urbem   .  .  .  sine  clero,   sine 
praevia  cruce.     (Cochl.  p.  82.) 

8'  Wolle  sich  des  Worres  Gottes  halten.  (Seek. 
p.  613.) 

82  Quantum  eis  possibile  sit  ...  (Cochl.  p.  84.) 

83  Pontifex  aegerrime  tulit  .  .  .  intelligens  no- 
yum  de  religione  tribunal  eo  pacto  excitari  citra 
ipsius  auctoritatem.     (Pallav.  i.  p.  182.) 

84  Erstes  baierisches  Religions  Mandat.    (Win- 
ter, Gesch.  der  Evang.  Lehre  in  Baiern,  i.  p.  310.) 


85  Winter,  Geach.  der  Evang.  Lehre  in  Baiern, 
i.  p.  156. 

86  Ranke,  Deutsche  Gesch.  ii.  p.  159. 

87  Improbis  clericorum  abusibus  et  perditis  mo- 
ribus.     (Cochl.  p.  91.) 

88  Ut   Lutheranae  factioni    efficacius   resistere 
possint,  ultronea  confederatione  sese  constrixe- 
runt.    (Ibid.) 

89  Enchiridion,  seu  loci  communes  contra  hasre- 
ticos. 

90  Ranke,  Deutsche  Gesch.  ii.  p.  163. 

91  Atque  etiam  proprios  ipse  tractatus  perscrip- 
serim.    (Cochl.  p.  92,  verso.) 

92  See  Cochl.,  Ib.  Cum  igitur  ego  Casparua 
Tauber,  etc. 

93  Credo  te  vidisse  Casparis  Tauber  historian! 
martyris  novi  Viennae,  quem  caesum  capite  scri- 
bunt  et  igne  exustum  pro  verbo  Dei.     (Luther  to 
Hausmann,  12  Nov.  1524,  ii.  p.  563.) 

94  Idem   accidit   Budae  in   Ungaria  bibliopola? 
cuidam  Johanni,  simul  cum  libris  circa  eum  po- 
sitis  exusto,   fortissimeque   passo    pro    Domino. 
(Ibid.) 

95  Sanguis  sanguinem  tangit,  qui  suffocabit  pa- 
pam  cum  regibus  et  regnis  suis.    (Ibid.) 

96  Ranke,  Deutsche  Gesch.  ii.  p.  174. 

97  Zauner,  Salzburger  Chronik  IV.  p.  381. 

98  Verbi  non  palam  seminati.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p. 
559. 

99  In  Bavaria  multum  regnat  crux  et  persecutio 
.  .  .  (Ibid.) 

100  Der  Himmel  ware  da  so  nahe  als  anderswo. 
(L.  Opp.  xix.  330.) 

i°i  Das  ist  die  wahre  Historic,  etc.     (L.  Opp. 
(L.)  xix.  p.  333.) 

102  Ich  habe  wohl   so  harte  Anfechtungen  da 
erlitten.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  577.) 

103  Hue  perpulit  eum  insana  gloriae  et  laudis 
libido.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  551.) 

104  Ihr  bandet  mir  Hande  et  Fiisse,  darnach 
schlugt  Ihr  mich.    (L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  150.) 

105  Spann  an,  spann  an."  (L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  154.) 

106  So  muss  du  des  Missbrauchs  halber  auch. 
(L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  155.) 

107  Hoher  als  tausend  Welten.     (Seek.  p.  628.) 

108  Quae  publice  vocatis  per  campanas  lectse 
sunt  omnibus  simul  flentibus.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  558.) 

109  Causa  Dei  est,  cura  Dei  est,  opus  Dei  est, 
victoria  Dei  est,  gloria  Dei  est.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p. 
556.) 

110  Honoris  causa  de  equo  descensurus.    (Ca- 
merarius,  p.  94.) 

111  Ut  de  quaestionibus  quas  audiisset  moveri, 
aliquid  diligenter  conscriptum  curaret.    (Ibid.) 

112  Epitome  renovatae  ecclesiastics  doctrinae. 
us  Seckendorf,  p.  738. 

114  Princeps  ille  discipulus  Philippi  fuit  a  qui- 
busdam  appellatus.     (Camerarius,  p.  95.) 

115  Ut  loco  illius  abominabilis  principatus,  qui 
hermaphrodita  quidam.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  527.) 

116  Ut  contempta  ista  stulta  confusaque  regula, 
uxorem  duceret.     (Ibid.) 

117  Ille  turn  arrisit,  sed  nihil  respondit.    (Ibid.) 
us  Weise  christliche  Messe  zu  halten.      (L. 

Opp.  (L.)  xxii.  p.  232.) 

119  Die  christliche  Gemeine  nimmer  soil  zusam- 
men  kommen,  es  werde  denn  daselbst  Gottes 
Wort  geprediget.     (L.  Opp.  xxii.  226.) 

120  Dass  das  Wort  im  Schwange  gehe.    (Ibid.) 

121  L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  308,  and  854. 

122  Welchem  gebiihrt  das  Schwerd,  nicht  das 


454 


NOTES— BOOK   X. 


Predigtamt   zu   versorgen.     (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p. 

123  Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  636. 

124  L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  565. 

125  Durch  das  Licht   des    heiligen   gottlichen 
Wortes  .  .  .  (L.  Opp.  xviii.  p.  502.) 

126  Aber  bin  ist  hin ;  sie  haben  nun  den  Papst. 
(L.  Opp.  W.  x.  535.) 

127  Die  Sprachen  sind  die  Scheide,  darinnen 
dies  Messer  des  Geistes  stecket.    (Ibid.) 

128  Es  sey  oder  werde  nicht  lauter  bleiben. 
(Ibid.) 

129  Ich  hatte  wohl  auch  konnen  fromm  seyn 
und  in  der  Stille  rechte  predigen.    (Ibid.) 

130  Hunc  titulum  ignaviae  suae  praetextunt.  (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  p.  613.) 

131  Chateaubriand,  Genie  du  Christianisme. 

132  Ich  gebe  nach  der  Theologie,  der  Musica 
den  nahesten  Locum  und  hochste  Ehre.   (L.  Opp. 
W.  xxii.  p.  2253.) 

133  Ranke,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  ii.  p.  85. 

134  Luther's  treue  Ermahnung  an  alle  Christen 
sich  vor  Aufruhr  und  Emporung  zu  hiiten.   (Opp. 
xviii.  p.  288.) 

135  Habemus    fructum    tui   spiritus.      (Erasm. 
Hyperasp.  B.  4.) 

136  Der  barmherzige  Gott  behiite  rnich  ja  fiir 
der  christlichen  Kirche,  daren  eitel  heilige  sind. 
(Upon  John  i.  2.  L.  Opp.  (W.)  vii.  p.  1469.) 

137  Fiihrete  sie  nicht  weiter  in  Geist  und  zu 
Gott.    (L.  Opp.  xix.  294.) 

138  Saur  sehen,  den  Bart  nicht  abschneiden. 
Jbid.) 

139  Man  lasse  die  Geister  auf  einander  platzen 
und  treffen.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  547.) 

140  Gott  ist's  selber  der  setzt  sich  wider  euch. 
(L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  254.) 

141  Und  jechten  ein  Grassen  durch  die  Spiesse. 
(Mathesius,  p.  46.) 

142  Deinen  Nehesten  zu  retten  aus  der  Holle. 
(L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  266.) 

143  Omnia  simul  comlmunia.  (L.  Opp.  xix.  292.) 

144  Lasset  euer  Schwerdt  nicht   kalt   werden 
von  Blut.     (L.  Opp.  xix.  289.) 

145  Moncerus  plus  quam  Scythicam   crudelita- 
tem  pree  se  fert.     (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  741.) 

146  So  wolle  er  hinkiinftig  zu  fuss  gehen.  (Seek. 
p.  685.) 

147  Ihr  sollt  sehen  dass  ich  alle  Biichsensteine 
in  Ermel  fassen  will.     (L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  297.) 

148  So  findet  er  einen  am  Bett. 

149  Kein  Messer  scherpfer  schirrt  denn  wenn 
ein  Baur  des  andern  Herr  wird.  (Mathesius,  p.  48. ) 

150  Hie  nulla  carnificina,   nullum    supplicium. 
(Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  752.) 

151  Eorum  animos  fractos  et  perturbatos  verbo 
Dei  erexit.     (M.  Adam.  Vit.  Brentii,  p.  441.) 

152  Agmen  rusticorum  qui  convenerant  ad  de- 
moliendas  arces,  unica  oratione  sic  compescuit. 
(M.  Adam.  Vit.  Fred.  Myconii,  p.  178.) 

153  Quod  adulator  principum  vocer.    (L.  Epp. 
ii.  p.  671.) 

154  Gaudent  papists  de  nostro  dissidio.     (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  612.) 

155  Qui  cum  toties  hactenus  sub  pedibus  meis 
calcavit  et   contrivit   leonem  et  draconem,  non 
sinet  etiam   basiliscum  super    me  calcare.     (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  671.) 

156  Es  ist  besser  einige  aus  dem  Rachen  des 
Teufels  herausreissen.   (L.  Opp.  ii.  Ed.  ix.  p.  961.) 

157  Ea  res  incussit  .  .  .  vulgo  terrorem,  ut  nihil 
usquam  moveatur.    (Corp.  Ref.  i.  p.  752.) 


158  Noch  etwas  gutes  mehr  in  der  Welt.  (Seek, 
p.  702.) 

159  Dass  alle  Umstehende  zum  weinen  bewegt. 
(Ibid.) 

l€0  Durch  das  theure  Blut  meines  allerliebsten 
Heylandes  erloset.     (Seek.  p.  703.) 

161  O  mors  amara  !     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  659.) 

162  Ranke,  Deutsche  Gesch.  ii.  p.  226. 

163  Dux  Gorgius,  mortuo  Frederico,  putat  se 
omnia  posse.    (L.  Epp.  hi.  p.  62.) 

164  Habito  conciliabulo  conjuraverunt  restituros 
sese  esse  omnia  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

165  Sleidan.  Hist  de  la  Ref.  i.  p.  214. 

166  Keil.  Luther's  Leben,  p.  160. 

167  Der  Seelen  Seligkeit  halber.    (L.  Epp.  ii. 

168  Mit  aller  Zucht  und  Ehre  an  redliche  Statte 
und  Orte  kommen.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  322.) 

169  Per  honestos  cives  Torgavienses  adducta?. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  319.) 

170  Mirabiliter  evaserunt.     (Ibid.) 

171  Und  alle  Kloster  ledig  machen.    (L.  Epp. 
ii.  p.  322.) 

172  Cum  expectam  quotidie  mortem  et  meritum 
haeretici  supplicium.     (L.   Epp.  ii.  p.   570,  30th 
Nov.  1524.) 

173  Muss  und  will  Ich  sehen  wo  mich  Gott 
ernahret.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  582.) 

174  Si  vis  Ketam  tuam  a  Bora  tenere.    (L.  Epp. 
ii.  p.  553.) 

175  Aus  Begehren  meines  lieben  Vaters.    (L. 
Epp.  iii.  p.  2.) 

176  L.  Epp.  iii.  p.  1. 

177  Risuros  mundum   universum  et  diabolum 
ipsum.    (M.  Ad.  Vit.  Luth.  p.  130.) 

178  Ut  confirmem  facto  quas  docui,  tarn  multos 
invenio   pusillanimes    in    tanta    luce    Evangelii. 
(L.  Epp.  iii.  p.  13.) 

179  Nonna  ducta  uxore  in  despectum  trium- 
phantium    et    clamamium    Jo !    Jo !    hostium. 
(L.  Epp.  iii.  p.  21.) 

180  Non  duxi  uxorem  ut  diu  viverem,  sed  quod 
nunc  propiorem  finem  meum    suspicarer.     (L. 
Epp.  iii.  p.  32.) 

181  Monachus  cum  vestali  copularetur.  (M.  Ad. 
Vit.  Luth.  p.  131.) 

182  Quot  Antichristorum  millia  jam  olim  habet 
mundus.    (Er.  Epp.  p.  789.) 

183  Erasmus  adds : — Partu  maturo  sponsse  vanus 
erat  rumor.     (Er.  Epp.  p.  780,  789.) 

184  'On  ipcwfoj  TOVTO  KOI  faafldXfi  am.     (Corp.  Ref. 
i.  p.  753  ad  Cam.) 

185  Hao-a  (nrou<5<}  KOI  ewoia.     (Ibid.) 

186  Offenditur  etiam  in  came  ipsius  divinitatis  et 
creatoris,  he  adds.     (L.  Epp.  iii.  p.  32.) 

187  21st  Oct.,  1525.     Catena  mea  simulat  vel 
vere  implet  illud  Genes  3.  Tu  dolore  gravida  eris. 
(L.  Epp.  iii.  p.  35.) 

188  Mir  meine  liebe  Kethe  einen  Hansen  Luther 
bracht  hat,  gestern  um  zwei.     (8th  June,  1526. 
L.  Epp.  iii,  p.  119.) 

189  Rommels  Urkundenbuch.    I.  p.  2. 

190  Was  das  fiir  ein  Glaube  sey,  der  eine  solche 
Erfahrung  erfordert.    (Seek.  p.  739.) 

191  Es  ist  das  Heyl  uns  kommen  her. 

132  Dankte  Gott  mit  Freuden.    (Seek.  p.  668.) 
»»  Sleidan,  Hist,  de  la  Ref.  p.  220. 

194  Seckendorf,  p.  712. 

195  Er  muss  herunter.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  674.) 

196  L.  Epp.  iii.  p.  28,  38,  51,  &c. 

197  Dass  Kirche  sey  allein  diejenige,  so  Gottes 


NOTES— BOOKS   X.  XL 


455 


Wort  haben  und  damit  gereiniget  werden.  (Corp. 
Ref.  i.  p.  766.) 

I*  Seckendorf,  p.  768. 

i"  Allein  auf  Gott  den  Allmachtigen,  als  des- 
sen  Werkzeuge  sie  handeln.  (Hortleber,  Ur- 
sache  des  deutschen  Krieges,  i.  p.  1490.) 


200  Schmidt,  Deutsche  Gesch.  viii.  p.  202. 

201  Archives  of  Weimar.    (Seek.  p.  768.) 

202  Ranke,  Deutsch  Gesch.  ii.  p.  349.    Rom- 
mel, Urkunden,  p.  22. 

203  Ut  in  mediis  gladiis   et  furoribus  Satance 
posito  et  periclitanti.    (L.  Epp.  iii.  p.  100.) 


BOOK  XI. 


1  Er  war  ein   kurzer  Mann.     (Fiisslin  Bey- 
trage,  iv.  p.  44.) 

2  Ut    post  abitum  Leonis,    monachis    aliquid 
legam.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  253.) 

3  J.  J.  Hottinger,  Helw.  Kirch.  Gesch.  iii.  p. 
105. 

4  Ein  grosses  Verwunderen,  was  doch  uss  der 
Sach  werden  wollte.    (Bullinger,  Chron.  i.  p.  97.) 

5  Immotus    tamen    maneo,   non    meis    nervis 
nixus,  sed  petra  Christo,  in  quo  omnia  possum. 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  261.) 

6  Nun  wohlan  in  dem  Namen  Gottes,  hie  bin 
ich.     (Bullinger,  Chron.  p.  98.) 

7  Ee  muss  das  Erdrych  brechen.    (Zw.  Opp. 
i.  p.  148.) 

8  Man  mocht  denocht  friintlich,  fridlich  und 
tugendlich  laben,   wenn  glich  kein  Evangelium 
were.    (Bull.  Chron.  p.  107.     Zw.  Opp.  i.  p.  152.) 

9  Cum  de  tua  egregia  virtute  specialiter  nobis 
sit  cognitum.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  266.) 

10  Serio  respondit :  Omnia  certe  prater  sedem 
papalem.    (Vit.  Zwingli  per  Osw.  Myc.) 

11  Prodeant  volo,  palamque  arma  capiant  .... 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  292.) 

12  Christum  suis  nunquam  defecturum.    (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  278.) 

13  Dorum  habend  ir  unser  Herren  kein  racht 
zuinen,  sy  zu  toden.    (Bull.  Chr.  p.  127.) 

14  So  wollten  wir  Ihm  den  Lohn  geben,  dass 
er's   nimmer    mehr    thate.      (Simmler    Samml. 
M.S.C.  ix.) 

15  Der  Pabste,  Cardinale  und  BischofTe  Con- 
cilia sind  nicht  die  christliche  Kirche.     (Fiissl. 
Beytr.  III.  p.  20.) 

16  Diacosion  Senatus  summa  est  potestas  Ec- 
clesise  vice.    (Zw.  Opp.  III.  p.  339.) 

17  Ante    omnia    multitudinem    de    quaestione 
probe  docere  ita  factum  est,  ut  quidquid  diacosi 
(the  grand  council,)  cum  verbi  ministris  ordinarent, 
jamdudum  in  animis  fidelium  ordinatum  esset 
(Ibid.) 

18  Dacs  einigerly  Betrug  oder  Falsch  syg  in 
dem  reinen  Blut  und  Fleisch  Christi.    (Zw.  Opp, 
i.  p.  498.) 

19  Der  Geist  Gottes  urtheilet.    (Zw.  Opp.  i.  p 
529.) 

»  Wie  sy   Christum   in  iren  Herzen    sollind 
bilden  und  machen.     (Zw.  Opp.  i.  p.  534.) 

21  Ohne  dass  jemand  sich  unterstehe  die  Mess 
priester  zu  beschimpfen.    (Wirtz  H.  K.  G.  v.  p 
208.) 

22  Inesperato  nuntio  excepit  me  filius  redeun 
tern  ex  Glareana.    (Zw.  Epp.  p.  322.) 

23  Inter  spem  ac  metum.    (Ibid.) 

u  Ac  deinde   omnes   simul  pereamus.    (Zw 
Epp.  p.  323.) 

25  Fuventus  ilium  lubens  audit,     (Zw.  Epp.  p 
264.) 

26  Weise  Fusslin  Beytr.  iv.  p.  66. 

27  Es  soil  nieman  in  den  Wirtzhuseren  ode 


unst  hinter  dem  Wyn  von  Lutherischen  oder 
icwen  Sachen  uzid  reden.    (Bull.  Chr.  p.  144.) 

28  Wie  wir  unser  pitt  HofFnung  undTrost  allein 
f  Gott.     (Bull.  Chr.  p.  146.) 

29  Zurich  selbigen  ausreuten  und  untertrucken 
iclfe.    (Holt  Helv.  K.,G.  iii.  p.  170.) 

30  Uff  einen  creitzgang  sieben  unehelicher  kin- 
en  iiberkommen  wurdend.    (Bull.  Chr.  p.  160.) 

31  Und  es  eerlich  bestattet  hat.    (Bull.  Chr.  p. 
61.) 

32  Habend  die  nach  inen  zu  beschlossen. 

33  Litterarischer  Anzeiger,  1840,  No.  27. 

34  Der  sin  rosenfarw  bliit  alein  fur  uns  arme 
sunder  vergossen  hat.    (Bull.  Chr!  p.  180.) 

33  Meine  Herrn  sollten  auch  nur  dapfer  bey 
dem  Gottsworte  verbleiben.  (Fiissl.  Beytr.  iv.  p. 
;07,  where  the  answer  given  by  each  township  is 
•ecorded.) 

36  Scribunt  e  Helvetiis  ferme  omnes  qui  propter 
Christum  premuntur.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  348.) 

37  Negotiorum   strepitus  et  ecclesiarum  curae 
ta  me  undique  quatiunt.     (Ibid.) 

38  Der  war  anfangs  dem  Evangelio  gunstig. 
[Bull.  Chr.  p.  180.) 

39  Sunder  die  kuttlen  in  Buch  fur  In  wagen. 
[Bull.  Chr.  p.  193.) 

40  Undbadt  sy  um  Gottes  willen  uss  dem  Klos- 
ter  zu  gand.     (Bull.  Chr.  p.  183.) 

11  Dan  es  im  leid  was.     (Bull.  Chr.  p.  195.) 

42  Mit  fluchen  und  wiiten.    (Bull.  Chr.  p.  184.) 

43  Dann  hattind  sy  mir  ein  kind  geschikt.  (Bull. 
Chr.  p.  186.) 

44  O  weh  !  was  elender  Fahrt  war  das !  (Bern. 
Weyss.  Fiissl.  Beyt.  iv.  p.  56.) 

45  Sy  troste  und  in  warem  glouben  starckte. 
(Bull.  Chr.  p.  188.) 

"6  On  Kerzen,  schellen  und  anders  so  bisshar 
geupt  ist.  (Bull.  Chr.  p.  196.) 

47  Alls  man  inn  am  folter  seyl  uffzog,  sagt  der 
zum  Stein  :  Herrli,  das  ist  die  gaab  diewer  iich, 
zu  iiwer  Hussfrowen  schanckend.     (Bull.  Chr. 
p.  190.) 

48  Sin  huss  ist  allwey  gsin  wie  ein  Kloster, 
wirtshuss  und  Spitall.    (Bull.  Chr.  p.  198.) 

49  Doch  allwag  das  criitz  darbey.     (Ibid.) 

50  Furohin  bist  du  nitt  me  min  Vatter  und  ich 
din  sun,  sondern  wir  sind  briidern  in  Christo. 
(Bull.  Chr.  p.  204.) 

5'  Des  gnadens  weyneten  vil  Luthen  herzlich. 
(Ibid.) 

52  Und  vermantend  die  ernstlich.     (Bull.  Chr. 
p.  263.) 

53  Fiisslin  Beytr.  iv.  p.  64. 

54  Mit  grossem  verwundern  viler  Luthen  und 
noch  mit  vil  grossern  frouden  der    gloubigen. 
(Bull.  Chr.  p.  264.) 

55  Expositio  fidei.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  p.  241.) 

56  Ut  tranquillitatis  et  innocentia?  studiosos  rcd- 
dat.    (Zw.  Epp.  p.  390.) 

2  Q  2 


456 


NOTES— BOOK   XI. 


57  De  vera  et  falsa  religione  commentarius. 
(Zw.  Opp.  iii.  p.  145,  325.) 

68  Peccatum  ergo  morbus  est  cognatus  nobis, 
quo  fugimus  aspera  et  gravia,  sectamur  jucunda 
et  voluptuosa  ;  secundo  loco  accipitur  peccatum 
pro  eo  quod  contra  legem  fit.  (Zw.  Opp.  iii.  p. 
204.) 

59  Originali  morbo  perdimur  omnes  ;  remedio 
vero  quod  contra  ipsum  invenit  Deus,  incolumi- 
tati  restituimur.     (De  peccato  original!  declaratio 
ad  Urbanum  Rhegium.     Zw.  Opp.  iii.  p.  632.) 

60  Interea  surgere  Zuinglius  ad  ensem  suum. 
(Zw.  Opp.  iii.  p.  411.) 

61  Bey  ihm  zuletzt  sitzen.    (Kirchhofer.  Ref.  v. 
Bern.  p.  55.) 

62  Episcopus  noster  Vadivillius.    (Zw.  Epp.  p. 
285.) 

63  Tantum  favoris  et  amicitiae  qua  tibi  cum 
tanto  summorum  pontificum  et  potentissimorum 
episcoporum  coetu  hactenus   intercessit.      (Zw. 
Opp.  i.  ed.  lat.  p.  305.) 

64  Ex  obscuris  ignorantiae  tenebris  in  amoenam 
Evangelii  lucem  productum.     (Ibid.) 

65  Epistolas  tuae  et  eruditionis  et  humanitatis 
testes  locupletissimas.     (Zw,  Epp.  p.  287.) 

66  Suo    Thomistico     Marte    omnia   invertere. 
(Ibid.) 

67  Famem  verbi  Bernates  habent.    (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  295.) 

68  Ut  nee  oppidum,  nee  pagos  Bernatum  visi- 
tare  preetendat  omnino.     (Ibid.) 

69  Aleim  das  heilig  Evangelium  und  die  leer 
Gottes  frey,  offentlich  und  unverborgen.    (Bull. 
Chr.  p.  111.) 

70  Alle   Christen  sich  allenthalben    froiiwend 
des  Glaubens  .  .  .  (Zw.  Opp.  i.  p.  426.) 

71  Christi    negotiutn   agitur,     (Zw.   Epp.    9th 
May,  1523.) 

72  Es  ist  nun  gethan.    Der  Lutherische  Handel 
muss  vorgehen.   (Anshelm.  Wirtz.  K.  G.  V.  290.) 

73  Cujus  pnesidio  auxilioque  preesentissimo,  nos 
vestram  dignitatem  assidue  commendamus.    (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  280.) 

74  Langsamer  gereiniget,  verzweifelter  stirbt, 
harter  verdammet.    (Kirchhofer  Reform,  v.  Bern, 
p.  48.) 

75  Dass    sie   weder  luther   noch   triib    seyen. 
(Kirchhofer  Reform,  v.  Bern.  p.  50.) 

76  Euerem  Herrn  Jesu  nachfolget  in  Demuth. 
(Kirchhofer  Reform,  v.  Bern.  p.  60.) 

Herzog.  Studien  und  Kritiken,  1840,  p.  334. 

78  Meis  sumtibus  non  sine  contemptu  et  invidia. 
(CEcol.  ad  Pirckh.  de  Eucharistia.) 

79  Dass  er  kein   Predigt  thate,   er  hatte  ein 
machtig  Volk  darinn, — says  Peter  Ryf,  his  con- 
temporary.    (Wirtz.  v.  350.) 

80  CEcolampadius  apud  nos  triumphal.    (Eras, 
ad  Zwing.  Zw.  Epp.  p.  312.) 

81  Illi  magis  ac  magis  in  omni  bono  augescunt. 
(Ibid.) 

82  Et  in  terram  promissionis  ducere  non  potest. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  353.) 

83  Ille  egens  et  omnibus  rebus  destitutus  quae- 
rebat  nidum  aliquem  ubi  moveretur.     Erat  rnihi 
gloriosus  ille  miles  cum  sua  scabie  in  sedes  recipi- 
endus,   simulque   recipiendus  ille    chorus   titulo 
Evangelicorum,  writes  Erasmus  to  Melancthon  in 
a  letter  in  which  he  seeks  to  excuse  himself.   (Er. 
Epp.  p.  949.) 

84  Expostulatio  Hutteni. — Erasmi  spongia. 

85  Libros  nullos  habuit,  supellectilem  nullam, 
prater  calamum.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  313.) 

86  Auf  Eyern  gehen  und  keines  zutreten.    (L. 
Opp.  xix.  p.  11.) 


87  Der  heilige  Geist  ist  kein  Scepticus.     (L. 
Opp.  xix.  p.  8.) 

88  "  Quod  mihi  dixisti  nuper  de  corpore  Christi: 

Crede  quod  habes  et  habes  ; 
Hoc  tibi  rescribo  tantum  de  tuo  caballo  ; 
Crede  quod  habes  et  habes." 

(Palavicini,  Singularia,  p.  71.) 

89  Histoire  Cathol.  denotre  temps,  par  S.  Fon- 
taine, de  1'ordre  de  St.  Francois,  Paris,  1562. 

90  Quantum  hoc  seculum  patitur.    (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  221.) 

91  A  Pontifice,  a  Caesare,  a  regibus  et  princi- 
pus,  a  doctissimis  etiam  et  carissimis  amicis  hue 
provocor.    (Erasm.  Zw.  Epp.  p.  308.) 

92  Nulla  te  et  ingenio,  eruditiqne,  eloquentiaque 
tua  dignior  esse  potest.    (Adrianus  Papa,  Epp. 
Er.  p.  1202.) 

93  Res  est  periculi  plena.    (Er.  Epp.  p.  758.) 

94  Spectator  tantum  sis  tragoedias  nostrae.     (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  501.) 

95  Quidam  stolidi  scribentes  pro  te.    (Unschul- 
dige  Nachricht,  p.  545.) 

96  L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  146. 

97  Jacta  est  alea  .  .  .  audax,  mihi  crede,  faci- 
nus  .  .  .  expecto  lapidationem.  (Er.  Epp.  p.  811.) 

98  Quomodo  triumphans  nescio    .    .    .   Factio 
crescit  in  dies  latius.     (Er.  Epp.  p.  809.) 

99  De   libero  arbitrio  Atarp«^>j.     (Erasmi  Opp. 
ix.  p.  1215,  sq.) 

100  Victoria  est  penes  balbutientem  veritatem, 
non  apud  mendacem  eloquentiam.    (L.  Epp.  ii. 
p.  200.) 

101  A  Is  wenn    einer    in    silbern  oder  guldern 
Schiisseln  wolte  mist  und  Unflath  Auftragen.  (L. 
Opp.  xix.  p.  4.) 

102  Sehet,  sehet  nun  da  zu  !  wo  ist  nun  Luther. 
(L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  3.) 

108  L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  33. 

104  L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  33. 

105  L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  55. 
«*  L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  116. 
»w  L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  143. 

108  L.  Opp.  xix.  p.  146,  147. 

109  M.  Nisard.  Erasme,  p.  419. 

110  Port  Royal,  par  Sainte  Beuve,  vol.  i.  p.  20. 

111  Vermeintend  ein   Kirchen  zu  versammlen 
die  one  Siind  war.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  p.  231.) 

112  Zw.  Opp.  iii.  p.  362. 

113  Impietatem   manifestissimam,   a   caco  dae- 
mone,  a  Nicolao  II.  esse.    (Hottinger,  iii.  p.  219.) 

114  Nutzete  eben  so  viel  als  wenn   man  eine 
Katze  taufet.    (Fiissl.  Beytr.  i.  p.  243.) 

us  Wie  die  Apostel  von  dem  Engel  Gottes 
gelediget.  (Bull.  Chr.  p.  261.) 

116  Ich  bin  ein  Anfanger  der  Taufe  und  des 
Herrn  Erodes.    (Fiissl.  Beytr.  i.  p.  264.) 

117  Mich  beduret  seer  das  ungewitter.    (Zw.  to 
the  Council  of  St.  Gall,  ii.  p.  230.) 

118  Vom  Touf,  vom  Widertouf,  und  vom  Kin- 
dertouf.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  p.  230.) 

i'9  So  wollen  wir  Gottes  Wort  haben.  (Zw. 
Opp.  ii.  p.  237.) 

120  Mit  wunderbaren  geperden  und  gesprachen, 
verzucken,  gesichten,  und  offenbarungen.  (Bul- 
ling. Chr.  i.  p.  324.) 

»2i  Glych  wie  Kain  den  Abel  sinen  bruder 
ermort  hat !  (Ibid.) 

23  Fiissl.  Beytr.  i.  p.  229—258 ;  ii.  p.  263. 

24  Ohne  das  er  oder  die  Mntter,  sondern  Hin- 
der Bruder  geweinet.    (Hott.  Helv.  K.  Gesch.  iii. 
p.  385.) 

™  Und  schuttlet  sinen  blanen  rock  und  sine 
schiih  iiber  die  Statt  Zurich.  (Bull.  Chr.  i.  p.  382.) 


NOTES— BOOK    XI. 


457 


126  Quod  homines  seditiosi,  rei-publicae  turba- 
tores,  magistratuum  hostes,  justa  Senatus  senten- 
tia,  damnati  sunt,  num  id  Zwinglio  fraudi  esse 
poterit  ?      (Rod.   Gualtheri    Epist.  ad  lectorem, 
Opp.  1544,  ii.) 

127  Fidem  rem  esse,  non  scientiam,  opinionem 
vel  imaginationem.      (Comment  de  vera  relig. 
Zw.  Opp.  iii.  p.  230.) 

128  Haud  aliter  hie  panem  et  vinum  esse  puto 
quam  aqua  est  in  baptismo.     (Ad  Wittenbachium 
Epp.  15th  June,  1523.) 

129  Diu  multumque  legit  scripta  Occam  cujus 
acumen  anteferebat  Thomae  et  Scoto.  (Melancth. 
Vita  Luth.) 

130  Occam  und  Luther.    Studien  und  Kritiken. 
1839,  p.  69. 

131  Quod  morosior  est  (Carlstadius)  in  caeremo- 
niis  non  ferendis,   non  admodum  probo.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  369.) 

132  A  manducatione  cibi,  qui  ventrem  implet, 
transiit  ad  verbi  manducationem,    quam   cibum 
vocat  coelestem,  qui  mundum  vivificet.  (Zw.  Opp. 
iii.  p.  573.) 

133  In  morte  et  in  inferno  jactatus.    (L.  Epp.  iii. 
p.  132.) 

134  Ne  potentissimo  quidem,  sed  soli  Deo  ejus- 
que  verbo.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  370.) 

135  Totumque  convivium  sequi,  grandem  con- 
flictum  timentes.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  371.) 

136  Auf  solches,  ritten  sie  wieder  heim.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  374.) 

137  Macti  animo  este  et  interriti.    (Zw.  Epp.  p. 
351.) 

138  Parochiae  uno  consensu  statuerunt  in  verbo 
Dei  manere.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  423.) 

139  Pars    tertia  papistarum   est  in    immensum 

Sloriantium  de  schismate  inter  nos  facto.     (Zw. 
pp.  p.  400.) 

140  Sie  waren  gute  arme  Gesellen  mil  lehren 
Secklen.     (Fiissl.  Beytr.  i.  p.  358.) 

141  Ware  die  Griechische  und  Hebraische  spra- 
che  nicht  in  das  Land  gekommen.    (Fiissl.  Beytr. 
i.  p.  360.) 

142  Satzte    den    Fuss    wie    em    milder   Ochs. 
(Fiissl.  Beytr.  i.  p.  362.) 

143  Den  Pfeiffern  zuzuhoren,  die  ...  wie  den 
Fiirsten  hofierlen.     (Ibid.) 

144  Blintzete    mit    den    Augen,    rumpfete   die 
Stirne.    (Fiissl.  Beytr.  i.  p.  368.) 

145  Vita,  moribus  et  doctrina  herbescenti  Christo 
apud  Rhostos  fons  irrigans.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  485.) 

146  Dass  der  gmein  man,  one  eine  offne  disputa- 
tion, nitt  zu  stillen   war.      (Bulling.   Chr.  i.  p. 
331.) 

147  Er  habe  wohl  mehr  Kiihe   gemolken  als 
Biicher  gelesen.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  p.  405.) 

148  Vide  nunc  quid  audeant  oligarchi  atque  Fa- 
ber.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  484.) 

149  Zwingli  in  ihrem  Gebiet,   wo  er  betreten 
werde,  geiangen  zu  nehmen.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  p. 
422.) 

150  Da  wollte  er  gern  all  sein  Lebtag  ein  Henker 
genannt  werden.     (Zw.  Opp.  ii.  p.  454.) 

isi  Wellend  wir  ganz  geneigt  syn  ze  erschynen. 
(Zw.  Opp.  ii.  p.  423.) 


152  Hunc  hominem  haereticum  damnamus,  pro 
jicimus   et    conculcamus.      (Hotting.    Helv.    K. 
Gesch.  iii.  p.  300.) 

153  Caveatis  per  caput  vestrum.    (Zw.  Epp.  p. 
483.) 

154  Navigjo  captum,   ore  mox  obturato,   clam 
fuisse  deportandum.     (Osw.  Myc.  Vit.  Zw.) 

155  Zwinglium     Senatus    Tigurinus    Badenam 
dimittere  recusavit.     (Ibid.) 

156  Si  periclitaberis,  periclitabimur  omnes  tecum. 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  312.) 

157  Ich  bin  in  6  Wochen  nie  in  das  Beth  Kom- 
men.     (Plater's  Leben.  p.  263.) 

158  Sie  verstunden  sich  bas  auf  Kuh  m'alken. 
(Ibid.) 

159  Mit  Syden,  Damast  und  Sammet  bekleydet. 
(Bull.  Chr.  i.  p.  351.) 

160  Verbruchten  vil  wyn.  (Ibid.) 

161  So  entwuscht  imrn  ettwan  ein  Schiir.  (Bull. 
Chr.  i.  p.  381.) 

162  Egg  zablet  mit  fussen  und  henden 
Fing  an  schelken  und  schenden,  etc. 

(Contemporaneous  Poems  of  Nicholas 
Manuel  of  Berne.) 

163  O  were  der  lange  gal  man  uff  unser  syten. 
(Bull.  Chr.  i.  p.  353.) 

164  Domino  suam  gloriam,  quam  salvam  cupi- 
mus  ne  utiquam  desertuor.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  511.) 

165  Man  sollte  einem  ohne  aller  weiter  Urthei- 
len,  den  Kopf  abhauen.    (Thorn.  Platerl.  Lebens 
Beschrcib.  p.  262.) 

166  Quam  laborasset  disputando  vel  inter  me- 
dios   hostes.     (Osw.    Myc.    Vit.   Zw.)     See  the 
various  writings  composed  by  Zwingle  relative  to 
the  Baden  conference.     (Opp.  ii.  p.  398,  520.) 

167  CEcolampadius  victus  jacet  in  arena  prostra- 
tus  ab  Eccio,   herbam  porrexit.      (Zw.  Epp.  p. 
514.) 

168  Spem  concipiunt  leetem  fore  ut  regnum  ipso- 
rum  restituatur.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  513.) 

169  Die  Evangelische  weren  wol  uberscliryen, 
nicht  aber  uberdisputierl  worden.  (Hotting.  Helv. 
K.  Gesch.  iii.  p.  320.) 

170  Von  gemeiner  Kylchen  ussgestossen.  (Bull. 
Chr.  p.  355.) 

171  Plebe    Verbi    Domini    admodum    sitiente. 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  518.) 

172  Tillier,  Gesch.  v.  Bern.  iii.  p.  242. 

173  Profuit  hie   nobis   Bernates  tarn  dexfre  in 
servando  Berchtoldo  suo  egisse.      (Ecol.  ad  Zw. 
Epp.  p.  518.) 

174  San  Gallenses  officiis  suis  restitutes.   (Ibid.) 

175  Kostbare  Kleider,  Kleinodien,  Ring,  Ketten, 
etc.,  freywillig  verkauft.     (Hott.  iii.  p.  338.) 

176  Fideli   enim    oratione   omnia  superabimus. 
(Zw.  Epp.  p.  519.) 

177  Jamdudum  papae  renuntiavi  et  Christo  vi- 
vere  concupivi.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  455.) 

178  Mit  hoherem  Werth  und  mehr  Dankbarkeit 
dann  wir  angenommen.     (Zurich  Archiv.  Absch. 
Sonntag  nach  Lichtmesse.) 

179  Berne  k  Zurich,  le  lundi  apres  Misericorde. 
(Kirchoff.  B.  Haller.  p.  85.) 


458 


NOTES— BOOK  XII. 


BOOK  XII. 


I  Sardanapalus  (Henry  II.)  inter  sct>rta.    (Cal- 
vini  Epp.  M.S.) 

Hunc  merito  poterit  dicere  Roma  Patrem. 

3  In  Ebredunensi  archiepiscopatu  veteres  Wal- 
densium  haereticorum  fibra  repullularunt.    (Ray- 
nald.    Annales  Ecclesiast.  ad  ann.  1487.) 

4  Armis  insurgant,  eosque  veluti  aspides  vene- 
nosos  .  .  .  conculcent.    (Bull,  of  Innocent  VIII. 
preserved   at    Cambridge.    Leger   Histoire  des 
Eglises  Vaudoises,  ii.  p.  8.) 

5  Revue  du  Dauphine,  July,  1837,  p.  35. 

6  Du  vray  usage  de  la  croix,  par  Guillaume 
Farel,  p.  237. 

7  Du  vray  usage  de  la  croix,  par  Guillaume 
Farel,  p.  232. 

8  J'estoye  fort  petit  et  a  peine  je  savoye  lire. 
(Ibid.  p.  237.)    Le  premier  pelerinage  auquel  j'ai 
este  a  este  a  la  saincte  croix.    (Ibid.  p.  233.) 

9  Du  vray  usage  de  la  croix,  par  Guillaume  Fa- 
rel, p.  235—239. 

10  Du  vray  usage  de  la  croix,  par  Guillaume 
Farel,  p.  237. 

II  Du  vray  usage  de  la  croix,  par  Guillaume 
Farel,  p.  238. 

12  Cum  a  parentibus  vix  impetrassem  ad  litteras 
concessum.    (Farel  Natali  Galeoto,   1527,  MS. 
Letters  of  the  conclave  of  Neuchatel.) 

13  A  prseceptoribus  prfecipue  in  Latina  lingua 
ineptissimis  institutus.    (Farelli  Epist.) 

14  Universitatem  Parisiensem  matrem  omnium 
scientarium  .  .  .  speculum  fidei  tersumet  politum 
.  .  .  (Prima  Apellat  Universit.  an.  1396,  Bulceus, 
iv.  p.  806.) 

15  Brant.  Dames  Illustres,  p.  331. 

16  Homunculi    unius    neque    genere   insignis. 
(BezaB  Icones.) 

17  Fabro,  viro  quo  vix  in  multis  millibus  repe- 
rias  vel  integriorem  vel  humaniorem,  says  Eras- 
mus.   (Er.  Epp.  p.  174.) 

18  Barbariem  nobilissimas  academic  .    .   .  in- 
cumbentem  detrudi.    (Bezae  Icones.) 

19  Supra  modum  me  amat  totus  integer  et  can- 
didus,  mecum  cautillat  ludit,  disputat,  ridet  me- 
cum.     (Zw.  Epp.  p.  26.) 

20  Ep.  de  Farel  k  tous  seigneurs,  peuples  et 
pasteurs. 

21  Floribus  jubebat  Marianum  idolum,  dumuna 
soli  murmuraremus  preces  Marianas  ad  idolum, 
ornari.     (Farellus  Pellicano,  an  1556.) 

22  Ep.  de  Farel, — &  tous  seigneurs,  peuples  et 
pasteurs. 

23  Quo  plus  pergere  et  promovere  adnitebar,  eo 
amplms  retrocedebam.     (Far.  Galeoto,  MS.  Let- 
ters at  Neuchatel.) 

24  Quce  de  sanctis  conscripta  offendebam,  ve- 
rum  ex  stulto  insanum  faciebant.    (Ibid.) 

25  Farel  k  tous  seigneurs. 

26  Oculos  demittens,  visis  non  credebam.   (Fa- 
rel Natali  Galeoto.) 

27  Oculos  a  luce  avertebam. 

»  A  tous  seigneurs.— See  also  his  letter  to  Pel- 
lican.  Ante  annos  plus  minus  quadraginta,  me 
manu  apprehensum  ita  alloquebatur : — "  Guil- 
lelme,  oportet  orbem  immutari  et  tu  videbis  !  ' 

29  A  tous  seigneurs,  peuples  et  pasteurs. 

so  Solus  enim  Deus  est  qui  hanc  justitiam  per 


fidem  tradit,  qui  sola  gratia  ad  vitam  justificat 
seternam.     (Fabri  Comm.  in  Epp.  Pauli,  p.  70.) 

31  Ilia  umbratile  vestigium  atque  signum,  haec 
lux  et  veritas  est.     (Ibid.) 

32  Crevier  Hist,  de  rUniversite",  V.  p.  95. 

33  Opera  signa  vivas  fidei,  quam  justificatio  se- 
quitur.     (Fabri  Comm.  in  Epp.  Pauli,  p.  73.) 

34  Sed  radius  desuper  a  sole  vibratus,  justifica- 
tio est.     (Ibid.) 

35  Farel,    A  tous  seigneurs. 

36  Nullis  difficultatibus   fractus,   nullis  minis, 
convitiis,   verberibus    denique     inflictis    territus. 
(Bezas  Icones.) 

37  O  ineffabile  commercium  !    .   .   .   .    (Fabri 
Comm.  145  verso.) 

38  Inefiicax  est  ad  hoc  ipsum  nostra  yoluntas, 
nostra  electio  ;  Dei  autem  electio  efficacissima  et 
potentissima,  &c.    (Fabri  Comm.  p.  89  verso.) 

39  Si  de  corpore  Christi,  divinitate  repletus  est. 
(Fabri  Comm.  p.  176  verso.} 

40  Et  virgunculas  gremio  tenentem,  cum  suaviis 
sermones  miscentem.    (Fabri  Comm.  p.  208.) 

41  Farel.    A  tous  seigneurs. 

42  Crevier  Hist,  de  1'Universite  de  Paris,  v. 
p.  81. 

43  Farel.    A  tous  seigneurs. 

44  Farel.    A  tous  seigneurs. 

45  Animus  per  varia  jactatus,  verum    nactus 
portum,  soli  hresit.    (Farel  Galeoto.) 

46  Jam  rerum  nova  facies.     (Ibid.) 

47  Notior  scriptura,  apertiores  prophets,  luci- 
diores  apostoli.    (Ibid.) 

48  Agnita    pastoris,     magistri    et   preceptoris 
Christi  vox.    (Ibid.) 

49  Farel.    A  tous  seigneurs. 

50  Lego   sacra  ut  causam  inveniam.     (Farel 
Galeoto.) 

61  Clamores  multi,  cantiones  innumerae.    (Fa- 
rel Galeoto,  MSS.  of  Neufchatel.) 

52  Vere  tu  solus  Deus  !     (Ibid.) 

53  Biographic    Universelle,    Article     Olivetan. 
Histoire  du  Calvinisme,  par  Maimbourg,  53. 

54  Et  purioris  religionis  instaurationem  fortiter 
agressus.     (Beza3  Icones.) 

55  Sic  ex  Stap  ulensis  auditorio  pra3stantissimi 
viri  plurimi  prodierint.     (Ibid.) 

56  Vie  des  Dames  Illustres,  p.  333,  Haye,  1740. 

57  Vie  des  Dames  Illustres,  p.  337,  346. 

58  Histoire  de  la  Revocat.  de  1'edit  de  Nantes, 
vol.  i.  p.  7.    Maimbourg,  Hist,  du  Calv.  p.  12. 

59  Neque  rex  potentissime  pudeat   .  .  .  quasi 
atrienses  hujus  sedis  futuras.     (Bezae  Icones.) — 
Disputatipnibus    eorum    ipse    interfuit.       (Flor. 
Rsemundi,  Hist,  de  ortu  haaresum,  vii.  p.  2.) 

60  Maimbourg,  Hist,  du  Calvinisme,  p.  16. 

61  Maimbourg,  Hist,  du  Calvinisme,  p.  18, 19. 

62  Maimbourg,  Hist,  du  Calvinisme.     Oraison 
k  J.  C.,  p.  143. 

63  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite  des  princesses, 
(Lyon,  1547,)  tome  ler,  Miroir  de  1'ame  peche- 
resse,  p.  15.     Discord  de  1'Esprit  et  de  la  chair, 


p.  73. 

64   Ibid. 

«  Ibid. 
p.  71. 


Miroir  de  1'ame,  p.  22. 

Discord  de  1' Esprit  et  de  la  chair, 


NOTES— BOOK   XII. 


459 


66  Vies  des  Femmes  Illustres,  p.  33. 

67  Vies  des  Femmes  Illustres,  p.  33. 

68  Vies  des  Femmes  Illustres,  p.  341. 

69  Bipedum  omnium  nequissimus.     (Belcarius, 
xv.  p.  435.) 

70  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Francais,  xvi.  p.  387. 

71  Mathieu,  i.  p.  16. 

72  Crevier,  v.  p.  110. 

73  Fontaine,  Hist.  Cathol.    Paris,  1562,  p.  16. 

74  Raumer,  Gesch.  Europ.  i.  p.  270. 

"5  In  uno  Beda  sunt  tria  millia  monachorum. 
(Erasmi  Epp.  p.  373.) 

76  Talibus  Atlantibus  nititur  Ecclesia  romana. 
(Erasmi  Epp.  p.  113.) 

77  Ut  ne   rumusculus  quidem  impudicitiae  sit 
unquam    in   ilium    exortus.     (Erasmi    Epp.   p. 
1278.) 

78  Gaillard,  Hist,  de  Francois  ler. 

79  Mirere  benignus  in  egenos  et  amicos.     (Er. 
Epp.  p.  1238.) 

so  Constitutionum  ac  rituum  ecclesiasticorum 
observantissimus  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

81  Actes  des  Martyrs  de  Crespin,  p.  103. 

82  Ut   maxime  omnium  tune   metuendos  era- 
bones  in  ipsis  eorum  cavis  .  .  .  (Bezae  Icones.) 

83  Gallia    fortassis    alterum    esset    Lutherum 
nacta.    (Ibid.) 

84  Hie  inquiunt,  apparebit  qui  sint  Lutherans 
factionis.     (Er.  Epp.  p.  889.) 

85  Gaillard,  Hist,  de  Francois  ler,  iv.  p.  228. 

86  Histoire  du  Caivinisme,  p.  10. 

87  Vie  des  Hommes  Illustres,  i.  p.  326. 

88  Maimbourg,  p.  11. 

89  Pro  innumeris  beneficiis,  pro  tantis  ad  studia 
commodis.     (Epist.  dedicatoria  Epp.  Pauli.) 

90  Eo  solum  doceri  qua?  ad  coenobium  illorum  ac 
ventrem  explendum  pertinerent.    (Acta  Mart.  p. 
334.) 

91  MS.  de  Meaux.    I  am  indebted  to  M.  Lade- 
veze,  pastor  of  Meaux,  for  the  communication  of 
a  copy  of  this  MS.  preserved  in  that  city. 

92  MS.  de  Meaux. 

93  Eis  in  universa  diocesi  sua  praedicationem  in- 
terdixit.    (Act.  Mart.  p.  334.) 

94  Frequentissimas    de   reformandis   hominum 
moribus  conciones    habuit.      (Lannoi,    Navarrae 
gymnasii  Hist.  p.  261.) 

95  Guichemon.  Hist.  gen.  de  Savoie,  ii.  p.  180. 
&  Miroir  de  Tame  pecheresse.    Marguerites  de 

la  Marguerite,  &c.,  i.  p.  36. 

97  Lettres  de   Marguerite,  reine  de   Navarre. 
(Bibl.  Royale  Manuscript,  S.  F.  337,  1521.) 

98  Lettres  de   Marguerite,   reine  de   Navarre. 
(Bibl.  Royale  Manuscript,  S.  F.  337,  12th  June, 
1521.) 

se  MS.  de  Meaux. 

i°o  MS.  S.  F.  227,  de  la  Bibl.  royale. 

101  Guichemon.  Hist,  de  la  maison  de  Savoie, 
ii.  p.  181. 

102  Chanson  spirituelle  apres  la  moit  du  Roi. 
(Marguerites,  i.  p.  473.) 

"03  MSC.,  S.  F.  337,  de  la  Bibl.  royale,  10th 
July. 

i°4  MSC.,  S.  F.  337,  de  la  Bibl.  royale,  10th 
July. 

«*  MSC.,  S.  F.  337,  de  la  Bibl.  royale,  10th 
July. 

106  Studio  veritatis  aliis  declarandae  inflamma- 
tus.     (Act.  Martyrum,  p.  334.) 

«"  MSC.  de  la  Bibl.  royale. 
59 


108  Reges,  principes,   magnates  omnes  et  su- 
binde  omnium  nationum  populi,  ut  nihil  aliud  co- 
gitent  .  .  .  ac  Christum  .  .  .  (Fabri  Comment, 
in  Evang.  praefat.) 

109  Ubivis  gentium  expergiscimini  ad  Evangelii 
lucem  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

110  Verbum  Dei  sufficit.     (Ibid.) 

111  HBBC  est  universa  et  sola  vivifica  Theologia 
.  .  .  Christum  et  verbum  ejus  esse  omnia.    (Ibid, 
in  Ev.  Johan.  p.  271.) 

112  Le  Long.  Biblioth.  sacre"e,  2  edit.  p.  42. 
»3  Act.  des  Mart.  p.  182. 

114  Hist.  Cathol.  de  notre  temps,  par  Fontaine, 
de  1'ordre  de  Saint  Francois.     Paris,  1562. 

115  Actes  des  Mart.  p.  182. 

116  Hist.  Cathol.  de  Fontaine. 

117  Actes  des  Mart.  p.  182. 

118  Par  le  commandement  de  Madame  a  quy  il  a 
lyvre   quelque   chose    de    la  saincte  Escripture 
qu'elle  desire  parfaire.  (MS.  in  the  Royal  Library, 
S.  F.  No.  337.) 

"9  MS.  in  the  Royal  Library,  S.  F.  No.  337. 

120  Les  Marguerites,  i.  p.  40. 

121  Farel,  Epitre  au  Due  de  Lorraine.    Gen. 
1634. 

122  Qui  verbum  ejus  hoc  modo  non  diligunt, 
quo  pacto  hi  Christiani  essent.    (Praef.  Comm.  in 
Evang.) 

123  «  Farel,  apres  avoir  subsiste  tant  qu'il  put  a 
Paris."     (Bezre  Hist.  Eccles.  i.  6.) 

124  Aliis  pauculis  libellis  diligenter  lectis.  (Beza3 
Icones.) 

125  Animosae  fidei  plenus.    (Ibid.) 

126  Get   heretique   ecrivit   des    pancartes  qu'il 
attacha  aux  portes  de  la  grande  eglise  de  Meaux. 
(MS.  de  Meaux.)    See  also  Bezae  Icones,  Cres- 
pin, Actes  des  Martyrs,  &c. 

127  Hist.  Eccles.  de  Th.  de  Bezae,  p.  4.    Hist, 
des  Martyrs  de  Crespin,  p.  92. 

128  Actes  des  Martyrs,  p.  183. 

129  Actes  des  Martyrs,  p.  183. 

130  Impietatis  etiam  accusatos,  turn  voce,  turn 
scriptis.     (Bezae  Icones.) 

131  Incongrue  beatam   Virginem  invocari   pro 
Spiritu  Sancto.    (Erasmi  Epp.  1279.) 

132  Gaillard,  Hist,  de  Francois  I.  iv.  241.     Cre- 
vier, Univ.  de  Paris,  v.  p.  171. 

133  Ductus  est  in  carcerem,  reus  haereseos  pe- 
riclitatus.     (Erasmi  Epp.  1279.      Crevier,  Gail- 
lard, loc.  cit.) 

134  Ob  hujusmodi  no3nias.  (Erasm.  Epp.  1279.) 

135  At  judices,  ubi  viderunt  causam  esse  nullius 
momenti,  absolverunt  homiriem.     (Ibid.) 

136  Ex  epistola  visus  est  mihi  vir  bonus.    (Ibid.) 

137  Sineret  crabrones  et  suis  se  studiis  oblecta- 
ret.     (Erasmi  Epp.  1279.) 

138  Deinde  ne  me  involveret  suae  causae.   (Ibid.) 

139  Ille,  ut  habebat  quiddam  cum  palma  com- 
mune,   adversus    deterrentem    tollebat    animos. 
(Ibid.)    There  is  probably  an  allusion  to  Pliny, 
Hist.  Naturalis,  xvi.  42. 

140  Histoire  1'Universite  par  Crevier,  v.  p.  203. 

141  Gaillard,  Hist,  de  Francois  I.  v.  p.  234. 

142  "  Comme  il  etait  horn  me  adroit,  il  esquiva 
la  condamnation,"  says  Crevier,  v.  p.  203. 

143  Cum  Ignatio  Loyola  init  amicitiam.   (Launoi 
Navarraa  gymnasii  historia,  p.  621.) 

144  Actes  des  Martyrs,  p.  99. 

145  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  xviii.  3,  4.    Apostoli 
apud    Corinthios    exemplum     secutus.       (Bezae 
Icones.) 


460 


NOTES— BOOK   XII. 


146  Vocatus  ad  cognitionem  Dei.    (Act.  Mart. 
180.) 

147  Gaillard,  Hist,  de  Francois  I.  v.  p.  232. 

148  Cum  equitabam  in  arundine  longa,  memini 
saspe  audisse  me  a  matre,  venturum  Antichristum 
cum  potentia  magna  perditurumque  eos  qui  essent 
ad  Ellas  pnedicationem  conversi.     (Tossanus  Fa- 
rello,  4th  Sept.  1525,  from  a  manuscript  of  the 
conclave  of  Neufchatel.) 

"9  Tossanus  Farello,  21st  July,  1525. 

»a>  Tossanus  Farello,  4th  Sept.,  1525. 

151  Clarissimum  ilium  equitem  .  .  .  cui  mul- 
tum  familiaritae  et  amicitiae,  cum  primicerio  Me- 
tensi,  patruo  meo.  (Toss.  Farello,  2d  Aug., 
1524.) 

W2  Toss.  Farello,  21st  July,  1525.  MS.  of 
Neufchatel. 

153  Divini    spiritus    afflatu   impulsus.      (Bezse 
Icones.) 

154  Mane  apud  urbis  portam  deprehensus. 

155  Totam  civitatem  concitarunt  ad  auctorem 
ejus  facinoris  quaerendum.    (Act.  Mart.  lat.   p. 
189.) 

156  Naso  candentibus  fprcipibus  abrepto,  iisdem- 
que  brachia  utroque,  ipsis  que  mammis  crudelis- 
sime  perustis.     (Bezre  Icones.)    MS.  of  Meaux  ; 
Crespin,  &c. 

157  Altissima  voce  recitans.      (Bezae    Icones.) 
Psalm  cxv.  4—9. 

158  Adversariis  territis,  piis  magnopere  confir- 
matis.    (Ibid.) 

159  Nemo  qui    non   commoveretur,    attonitus. 
(Act.  Mart.  lat.  p.  189.) 

160  Instar  aspidis  serpentis  aures  omni  surditate 
affectas.     (Act.  Mart.  lat.  p.  183.) 

161  Utriusque  manus  digitos  lamina  vitrea  era- 
sit.     (Act.  Mart.  lat.  p.  66.) 

/  i62  MS.  of  Choupard. 

J       /  163  Farel,   says  a  French  MS.  preserved  at 
v     /    Geneva,   was  a  gentleman  in  station,  of  ample 
V     fortune,  which  he  gave  up  for  the  sake  of  his  re- 
ligion,— as  did  also  three  of  his  brothers. 

164  II  precha  1'Evangile  publiquement  avec  une 
grand  liberte.    (MS.  of  Choupard.) 
i*  Ibid.    Hist,  des  Eveq.  de  Nismes,  1738. 

166  II  fut  chasse,  voire  fort  rudement,  tant  par 
Teveque  que  par  ceux  de  la  ville.   (MS.  of  Chou- 
pard.) 

167  Olim  errabundus  in  sylvis,  in  nemoribus,  in 
aquis  vagatus  sum.     (Farel  ad  Capit.  de  Bucer. 
Basil,  25th  Oct.  1526.    MS.  of  Neufchatel.) 

168  Non    defuere    crux,  persecutio    et  Satanae 
machinamenta  .  .  .  (Farel  Galeoto.) 

169  Nunquam  in  externis  quievit  spiritus  rneus. 
(Coctus  Farello,  MS.  of  the  conclave  of  Neuf- 
chatel. 

no  Virum  est  genere,  doctrinaque  clarum.  ita 
pietate  humanitateque  longe  clariorem.  (Zw.  Epp. 
p.  319.) 

171  In  a  letter  to  Farel,  he  signs  : — Filius  tuus 
Tiumilis.    (2  Sept.  1524.) 

172  Pater  ccelestis  animum  sic  tuum  ad  se  traxit. 
(Zwinglius  Sebvillae,  Epp.  p.  320.) 

173  Nitide,  pure,  sancteque  prasdicare  in  animum 
inducis.    (Ibid.) 

174  <«  Mire  ardens  in  Evangelium,"  said  Luther 
to  Spalatin.     (Epp.  ii.  p.  340.)     "  Sehr  briinstig 
in  der  Herrlichkeit  des  Evangelii,"  said   he  to 
the  Duke  of  Savoy.     (Epp.  ii.  p.  401.) 

175  Evangelii  gratia  hue  profectus  e  Gallia.     (L 
Epp.  ii.  p.  340.) 

176  Hie  Gallus  eques  .  .  .  ootimus  vir  est,  eru- 
ditus  ac  pius.    (Ibid.) 


177  Ein  grosser  Liebhaber  der  wahren  Religion 
und  Gottseligkeit.    (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  401.) 

178  Eine  selfsame  Gabe  und  hohes  Kleinod  un- 
ter  den  Fiirsten.     (Ibid.) 

179  Der  Glaube  ist  ein  lebendig  Ding  .  .  .  (L. 
Epp.  ii.  p.  502.)    The  Latin  is  wanting. 

180  Dass  ein  Feuer  von  dem  Hause  Sophoy  aus- 
gehe.     (L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  406.) 

181  Vult  videre  aulam  et  faciem  Principis  nostri. 
(L.  Epp.  ii.  p.  340.) 

182  Quidquid  sum,   habeo,  ero,  habebove,  ad 
Dei  gloriam  insumere  mens  est.    (Coct.   Epp. 
MS.  of  Neufchatel.) 

83  Voluit  Dominus  per  infirma  haec,  docere 
quid  possit  homo  in  majoribus.  (Farel  Capitoni. 
Ibid.) 

184  Amicum  semper  habui  a  primo  colloquio. 
(Farel  ad  Bulling.  27th  May,  1556.) 

iss  Fortasse  in  mediis  Turcis  felicius  docuis- 
sem.  (Zw.  et  Ecol.  Epp.  p.  200.) 

86  Mi  Farelle,  spero  Dominum  conservaturum 
amicitiam  nostram  immortalem  ;  et  si  hie  con- 
jungi  nequimus,  tanto  beatius  alibi  apud  Christum 
erit  contubernium.  (Zw.  et  CEcol.  Epp.  p.  201.) 

187  Nullum  est  pene  convivium  .      .   (Er.  Epp. 
p.  179.) 

188  Consilium  quo  sic  extin^uatur  incendium 
Lutheranum.    (Ibid.) 

189  Quo  nihil  vidi  mendacius,  virulentius,  et  se- 
ditiosius.     (Er.  Epp.  p.  798.) 

190  Addas  linguae  et  vanissimus.    (Er.  Epp.  p. 
2129.) 

191  Scabiosos  .  .  .  rabiosos   .   .  .   nam  nuper 
nobis  misit  Gallia.    (Er.  Epp.  p.  350.) 

192  Non  duitem  quin  agantur  spiritu  Satanae. 
(Ibid.) 

193  Diremi  disputationem  ....  (Er.  Epp.  p. 
804.) 

194  Utdiceret  negotiatorem  quemdamDupletum 
hoc  dixisse.    (Er.  Epp.  p.  2129.) 

195  Si  Deus  est,  inquit,  invocandus  est.    (Er. 
Epp.  p.  804.) 

196  Damit  er  gelehrt  werde,  ober  irre.     (Fussli 
Beytr.  iv.  p.  244.) 

197  Aus  Eingiessung  des  heiligen  Geistes  ein 
christlicher  Mensch  und  Bruder.     (Ibid.) 

198  Gtilielmus   Farellus   Christianis  lectoribus, 
die  Martis  post  Reminiscere.     (Fussli  Beytr.  iv. 
p.  247.)     Fussli  does  not  give  the  Latin  text. 

199  Schedam  conclusionum  a  Gallo  illo.     (Zw. 
Epp.  p.  333.) 

200  Schedam  conclusionum  latine  apud  nos  dis- 
putatam.     (Ibid.) 

201  Agunt  tamen  magnos  interim  thrasones,  sed 
in  angulis  lucifugae.     (Ibid.) 

202  Incipit  tamen  plebs  paulatim  illorum  ignaviam 
et  tyrannidem  verbo  Dei  agnoscere.     (Ibid.) 

203  Ad  totam  Sorbonicam  affligendam  si  non  et 
perdendam.     (CEcol.  Luthero,  Epp.  p.  200.) 

204  Farello  nihil  candidius  est.     (Ibid.) 

205  Verum  ego  virtutem  illam  admirabilem  et 
non  minus  placiditate,  si  tempestive  fuerit,  neces- 
sariam.     (Ibid.) 

200  Adeo  hospitum  habemus  rationem,  veri  So- 
domitse.  (Zw.  Epp.  p.  434.) 

207  Gulielmus  ille  qui  tarn  probe  navavit  ope- 
ram.    (Zw.  et  CEcol.  Epp.  p.  175.) 

208  Le  prince  qui  avoit  cognoissance  de  1'Evan- 
gile.     (Farel.  Summaire.) 

209  Summaire  c'est  k  dire,  brieve  declaration  de 
G.  Farel,  dans  1'epilogue. 

210  Summaire  c'est  a  dire,  brieve  declaration 
de  G.  Farel,  dans  1'epijogue. 


NOTES— BOOK   XII. 


461 


211  Etant  requis  et  demande  du  peuple  et  du 
consentement  du  prince.     (Farel,  Summaire.) 

212  Summaire,  c'est  a  dire,  brieve  declaration 
de  G.  Farel,  dans  1'epilogue. 

213  Avec  1'invocation  du  nom  de  Dieu.    (Farel. 
Summaire.) 

214  Leoninam  magnanimitatem  columbina  mo- 
destia  frangas.    (CEcol.  Epp.  p.  198.) 

215  ...  Tumuhuatur  et  Burgundia  nobis  prox- 
ima,  per  Phalucum  quemdam  Gallum  qui  e  Gal- 
lia  profugus.     (Er.  Epp.  p.  809.) 

216  Suppullulare  qui  omnes  conatus  adferant, 
quo  possit  Christi  regnum  quam  latissime  patere. 
(MS.  de  Neufchatel,  2d  August,  1524.) 

217  Quod  in  Galliis  omnibus  sacrosanctum  Dei 
verbum  in  dies  magis  ac  magis  elucescat.     (Ibid.) 

218  Factio  crescit  in  dies  latius,  propagata  in 
Sabaudiam,  Lothoringiam,  Franciam.    (Er.  Epp. 
p.  809.) 

2*9  De  Sebville  a  Coct  du  28th  Dec.,  1524. 
(MS.  du  Conclave  de  Neufchatel.) 

220  Elle  a  une  docteur  de  Paris  appele  maitre 
Michel  Eleymosinarius,  lequel  ne  prfeche  devant 
elle  que  purement  I'Evangile.  (Sebville  k  Coct 
MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

22>  MS.  de  Neufchatel.     222  Ibid.    223  Ibid. 

224  Arandius  preche  a  Mascon.     (Coct  a  Farel, 
Dec.,  1524,  MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

225  Conjicere  pot.es  ut  post  Macretum  et  me  in 
Sebivillam  exarserint.     (Anemond  k  Farel,  7th 
Sept.,  1524,  MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

226  Les  Thomistes  ont  voulu  proceder  contre 
moi  par  inquisition  et  caption  de  personne.     (Let- 
tre  de  Sebville.    MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

227  Si  ce  ne  fut  certains  amis  secrets,  je  estois 
mis  entre  les  mains  des  Pharisiens.    (Lettre  de 
Sebville,  MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

228  MS.  de  Neufchatel. 

229  Non  solum  tepedi  sed  frigidi.      (MS.  de 
Neufchatel.) 

230  Tuocognato,  Amedeo  Galbertoexceptis.  (Ib.) 

231  Mais  de  en  parler  publiquement,  il  n'y  pend 
que  le  feu.     (Ibid.) 

232  Le    samedi    des    Quatre-Temps.      (Dec., 
1524.     MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

233  Pour  vray  Maigret  a  preche  a  Lion^maulgre 
les  pretres  et  moines.     (MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

234  MS.  de  Neufchatel. 

235  Hist,  de  Francois  I.  par  Gaillard,  iv.  p.  233. 

236  Pierre  Toussaint  a  Farel,  Basle,  17  Dec., 
1524.    (MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

237  Gallis   verborem   Dei  sitientibus.     (Coctus 
Farello.  2  Sept.,  1524.     MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

238  Non  longe  abest  enim,  quo  in  portum  tran- 
quillum  pervenlimus  .    .   .  (Oswald  Myconius  v 
Anemond  de  Coct.     (MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

239  21st  December,  1525.    (MS.  du  Conclave 
de  Neufchatel.) 

^  MS.  du  Conclave  de  Neufchatel. 

241  Multis  jam  christianis  Gallis  dolet,  quod 
Zwinglii  aliorumque  de  Eucharistia  sententia,  dis- 
sentiat  Lutherus.    (Tossanus  Farello,  14th  July, 
1525.) 

2^  Quam  sollicite  quotidianis  precibus  com- 
mendem.  (Tossanus  Farello,  2d  Sept.,  1524 
MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

243  Opto  enim  Galliam  Evangelicis  voluminibus 
abundare.     (Coctus  Farello,  MS.  de  Neufchatel.; 

244  Ut  pecuniae  aliquid  ad  me  mittant.   (Ibid.) 
215  Ut  praela  multa  erigere  possimus.     (Ibid.) 
246  An  censes  inveniri  posse  Lugduni,  Meldae,  au 

alibi  in  Galliis  qui  nos  ad  haec  juvare  velint.   (Ibid. 
2"  Vausris  a  Farel.     (Bale,  29th  Aug.,  1524. 
MS.  de  N'eufchatel.) 

248  Mitto   tibi  librum  de  instituendis    ministris 
Ecclesiae  cum  libro  de  instituendis  pueris.  (Coctus 
Farello,  2d  Sept.,  1524.     MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

249  Vaugris  k  Farel.     (MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

250  Animum   autem   immutare,  divinum   opus 
est.     ((Ecol.  Epp.  p.  200.) 


251  ...  A  quibus  si  pendemus,  jam  a  Christo 
defecimus.    (MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

252  Der   Christliche  Handel  zu  Miimpelgard, 
erloffen  mit  griindlichen  Wahrheit. 

253  Quod  Evangelistam,  non  tyrannicum  legis- 
atorem  praestes.     (CEcol.  Epp.  p.  206.) 

254  Me  in  dies  divexari  legendis  amicorum  lit- 
eris  qui  me  .  .  .  ab  institute  remorari  nituntur. 
Toss.  Farel.,  2d  Sept.,  1524.  MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

255  Jam  capulo  proxima.    (MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

256  Litteras  ad  me  dedit  plenas  lacrymis  quibus 
maledicit  et  uberibus  quae  me  lactarunt,  &c.  (Ibid.) 

257  Visum  est  CEcolampadio  consultum  .... 
ut  a  se  secederem.    (Ibid.) 

258  Utor  domo  cujusdam  sacrificuli.     (Ibid.) 

259  Ut  Christi  regnum  quam  latissime  pateat. 
MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

260  Quil  s'en  retourne  a  Metz,  Ik  ou  les  enne- 
mis    de    Dieu    s'elevent    journellement    contre 

'Evangile.      (Tossanus    Farello ;     17th     Dec., 
1524.     MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

261  Accepi  ante  horam  a  fratre  tuo  epistolam 
quam  hie  nulli  manifestavi ;   terrentur  enim  in- 
firmi.     (Coctus  Farello,  2d  Sept.,  1524.) 

2«2  Coct  a  Farel,  Dec.,  1524.  MS.  de  Neufchatel. 

263  Coct  a  Farel,  Jan.,  1525.  MS.  de  Neufchatel. 

264  Revue  du  Dauphine,  torn.  ii.  p.  38.    MS. 
de  Choupard. 

265  Ingens  affectus,  qui  me  cogit  Mumpelgar- 
dum  amare.    (Farelii  Epp.) 

266  Quo  Anemundi  spiritum  jam  pervenissejspe- 
ramus.    (Myconius  Farello,  MS.  de  Neufchatel.) 

267  Les  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite,  p.  29. 

268  Plus  quam  scurrilibus  conviciis  debacchan- 
tes.  .  .  .  (Er.  Francisco  Regi,  p.  1108.) 

269  Pro  meis  verbis  supponit  sua,  praetermittit, 
addit.     (Er.  Francisco  Regi,  p.  887.) 

270  Cum  itaque  cerneram  tres  istos  .  .  .  uno 
animo  in  opera  meritoria  conspirasse.     (Natalis 
Bedae  Apologia  adversus  clandestinos  Lutheranos, 
fol.  41.) 

271  Mazurius  contra  occultos  Lutheri  discipuli 
os  declamat,  ac  recentis  veneni  celeritatem  vim- 
que  denunciat.    (Lannoi,  regii  NavarraB  gymnasii 
historia,  p.  621.) 

272  Histoire  de  1'Universite,  par  Crevier,  v.  p.  196. 

273  De  la  religion  catholique  en  France,  par  de 
Lezeau.    MS.  de  la  bibliotheque  de  Sainte-Ge- 
nevieve  a  Paris. 

274  Hist,  de  1'Universite,  par  Crevier,  v.  p.  204. 

275  Hist,  de  1'Universite,  par  Crevier,  v.  p.  204. 

276  Maimbourg,  Hist,  du  Calv.  p.  14. 

277  MS.  de  la  Biblioth.  Royale,  S.  F.  No.  337. 

278  Maimbourg,  Hist,  du  Calv.  p.  15. 

279  Crucis    statim    oblatas    terrore    perculsus. 
(Bezae  Icones.) 

280  Dementatus.    (Ibid.) 

281  Ut  Episcopus  etiam  desisteret  suisconsiliis  ef- 
fecit.   (Launoi,  regii  Navarrce  gymnasii  hist,  p.621.) 

282  Nisi  turpi  palinodia  gloriam  hanc  omnem 
ipse  sibi  invidisset.     (Bezae  Icones.) 

2«3  Perpendens  perniciosissimam  demonis  fal- 
laciam.  .  .  .  Occurri  quantum  valui.  (Nat.  Beds 
Apolog.  adv.  Lutheranos,  fol.  42.) 

284  I.  Lelong  Biblioth.  sacree,  2d  part,  p.  44. 

285  Quod  excussi  sunt  a  facie   Domini   sicut 
pulvis  ille  excussus  est  a  pedibus.     (Faber  in  Ev. 
Matth.  p.  40.) 

286  Faber  stapulensis  et  Gerardus  Rufus,  clam  e 
Gallia  profecti,  Capitonem  et  Bucerum  audierunt. 
(Melch.  Adam.  Vita  Capitonis,  p.  90.) 

387  De  omnibus  doctrinae  praecipuis  locis  cum 
ipsis  disseruerint.     (Ibid.) 

388  Missi  a  Margaretha  regis  Francisci  sorore. 
(Ibid.) 

289  Farel  k  tous  seigneurs,  peuples  et  pasteurs. 

290  Quod  et  pius  senex  fatebatur  ;  meque  horta- 
baturi  pergerem  in  annuntiatione  sacri  Evangelii. 
(Farellus  Pellicano  Hotting.  H.  L.  vi.  p.  17.) 


462 


NOTES— BOOK   XII. 


291  Nam  latere  cupiunt  et  tamen  pueris  noti 
sunt.     (Capito  Zwing.  Epp.  p.  439.) 

292  Erasmi  Ep.  p.  923. 

293  Actes  des  Martyrs,  p.  103. 

294  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite  des  Princesses, 
1,  p.  445. 

295  Primumjubet  ut  desinam  scribere.    (Erasm. 
Epp.  p.  921.) 

26(5  Ut  totam  Galliam  in  me  concitaret.    (Erasm. 
Epp.  p.  886.) 

297  Nisi  quod  Erasmus  esset  major  hasreticus. 
(Erasm.  Epp.  p.  915.) 

298  Quoties  in  conviciis,  in  vehiculis,  in  navi- 
bus  .  .  .  (Ibid.) 

299  Hoc  gravissimum  Lutheri  incendium,  unde 
natum,  unde  hue  progressum,  nisi  ex  Beddaicis 
intemperiis.     (Erasm.  Epp.  p.  887.) 

300  Musarum  vindicem  adversus  barbarorum  in- 
cursienes.     (Erasm.  Epp.  p.  2070.) 

301  Nisi  princeps  ipsorum  volurrtati  per  omnia 
paruerit,  dicetur  fautor  hasreticorum  et  destitui 
poterit  per  ecclesiarn.     (Er.  Epp.  p.  1108.) 

302  Simulate  religionis  praetextu,  ventris  tyran- 
nidisque  suas,  negotium  agentes.   (Er.  Epp.  p.  962.) 

303  Noster    captus    detinetur    in    Bundamosa 
quinque  millibus  a  Metis.     (CEcol.  Farello  Epp. 
p.  201.) 

301  yej  vivum  confessorem,  vel  mortuum  mar- 
tyrem  servabit.     (Ibid.) 

305  Nollem  carissimos  dominos  meos   Gallos 
properare  in  Galliam.     (Ibid.) 

306  Actes  des  Martyrs,  p.  97. 
807  Actes  des  Martyrs,  p.  95. 

30S  Actes  des  Martyrs,  recueillis  par  Crespin, 
en  fr.  p.  97. 

3  Hist,  de  Francois  I.,  par  Gaillard,  iv.  p.  233. 

310  Eum  auctorem  vocationis  suas  atque  conser- 
vatorum  ad  extremum  usque  spiritum  recognovit. 
(Acta  Mart.  p.  202.) 

311  Gerdesius,  Historia  saeculi  xvi.  renovati  p. 
52.     D'Argentre,  Collectio  Judiciorum  de  novis 
erroribus  ii.  p.  21. — Gaillard,  Hist,  de  Francois  I. 
torn.  iv.  p.  233. 

312  Animi  factum   suum   detestantis  dolorem, 
saspe  declaraverit.     (Acta  Mart.  p.  203.) 

313  Puram  religionis  ChristianaB  confessionem 
addit.    (Ibid.) 

314  Cette  semence  de  Faber  et  de  ses  disciples, 
prise  au  grenier  de  Luther,  germa  dans  le  sot 
esprit  d'un  ermite  qui  se  tenait  pres  la  ville  de 
Paris.     (Hist.  Catholique  de  notre  temps,  par  S. 
Fontaine,  Paris,  1562.) 

315  Lequel  par  les  villages  qu'il  frequentait,  sous 
couleur  de  faire  ses  quetes,  tenait  propos  here- 
tiques.     (Ibid.) 

316  Hist.  Catholique  de  notre  temps,  par  Fontaine. 

317  Avec  une  grande  ceremonie.     (Histoire  des 
Egl.  Ref.  par  Theod.  de  Beze,  i.  p.  4.) 

318  Histoire  des  Egl.  Ref.  par  Theod.  de  Beze, 
i.  p.  4. 

319  Histoire  des  Egl.  Ref.  par  Theod.  de  Beze, 
i.  p.  4. 

320  Statura  fuit  mediocri,  colore  sub  pallido  et 
nigricante,    oculis    ad    mortem    usque    limpidis, 
quique  ingenii  sagacitatem  testarentur.      (Bezae 
Vita  Calvini.) 

321  Cultu  corporis  neque  culto  neque  sordido 
sed  qui  singularem  modestiam  deceret.     (Ibid.) 

322  Primo  quidem  qumn  superstitionibus  Papatus 
magis  pertinaciter  addictus  essem.     (Calv.  Praef. 
ad  Psalm.) 

323  Eg0  quj  natura  timido,  molli  et  pusillo  animo 
me  esse  fateor.      (Ibid.) 

324  Summam  in  moribus  affectabat  gravitatem 
et    paucorum    horninum   consuetudine  utebatur. 
(Rcpmundi  Hist.  Hacres.  vii.  10.) 

325  Severus  omnium  in  suis  sodalibus  censor. 
BezaB  Vita  Calv.) 

326  Annales  de  1'Eglise  de  Noyon,  par  Levas- 
seur,  Chanoine,  p.  1158. 

THE 


327  Exculto  ipsius  ingenio  quod  ei  jam  turn  erat 
acerrimum,  ita  profecit  ut  caeteris  sodalibus  in 
grammatices  curriculo  relictis  ad  dialecticos  et 
aliarum  quas  vocant  artium  studium  promovere- 
tur.    (Beza.) 

328  Levasseur,  docteur  de  la  Sorbonne,  annales 
de  1'Eglise  Cathedrale  de  Noyon,  p.  1151.    Dre- 
lincourt,  Defense  de  Calvin,  p.  193. 

329  Erat  is  Gerardus  non  parvi  judicii  et  consilii 
homo,  ideoque  nobilibus  ejus  regionis  plerisque 
carus.     (Beza.) 

330  Domi  vestrae  puer  educatus,  iisdem  tecum 
studiis  initiatus  primam  vitae  et  literarum  disci- 
plinam  familise  vestras  nobilissimas  acceptam  re- 
fero.    (Calv.  PraBf.  in  Senecam  ad  Claudium.) 

331  Desmay,  Remarques,  p.  31.     (Drelincourt, 
Defense,  p.'  158.) 

332  Ego  qui  natura  subrusticus.    (Preef.  ad  Ps.) 

333  Umbram  et  otium  semper  amavi  .  .  .  late- 
bras  catare.     (Ibid.) 

334  Henry,  das  Leben  Calvins,  p.  29. 

335  Destinarat  autem  eum  pater  ab  initio  theolo- 
giaB  studiis,  quod  in  ilia  etiam  tenera  state  mirum 
in  modum  religiosus  esset.     (Bezag,  Vita  Calv.) 

16  Levasseur,  ann.  de  Noyon,  pp.  1159,  1173. 

337  Vie  de  Calvin,  par  Desmay,  p.  31 ;  Levas- 
seur, p.  1158. 

338  Sane  venit  annus  septuagesimus,  et  tempus 
appetit  ut  tandem  vindicemur  in  libertatem  spiritus 
et  conscientias.    (Ibid.) 

339  Sed  novit  Dominus  quos  elegerit.    (Tous- 
saint  to  Farel,  21  July,  1525.) 

340  "  Si  nos  magistrum  in  terris  habere  deceat." 
he  adds.    (Tossanus  Farello,  MS.  of  Neufchatel.) 

341  Vereor  ne  aliquid  monstri  alat.     (Tossanus 
Farello,  MS.  of  Neufchatel,  27  Sept.  1525.) 

342  Audio  etiam   equitem   periclitari,  simul  et 
omnes  qui  illic  Christi  glorias  favent.     (Tossanus 
Farello,  MS.  of  Neufchatel,  27  Dec.  1525.) 

343  Fratres  qui  in  collegio  Cardinalis  Monachi 
sunt  te  salutant.      (Tossanus  Farello,   MS.  of 
Neufchatel.) 

344  Regnante  hie  tyrannide  commissariorum  et 
theologorum.     (Ibid.) 

345  Faber  estimpar  oneri  evangelico  ferendo.  (Ib.) 

346  Per  Rufum  magna  operabitur  Dominus.  (Ib.) 

347  Fidelissimi  fratris  officio  functum.     (Tossa- 
nus Farello,  MS.  of  Neufchatel.) 

348  Cornmendo  me  vestris  precibus,  ne  succum- 
bam  in  hac  militia.     (Ibid.) 

349  Me  periclitari  de  vita.     (Ibid.) 

350  Offerebantur  hie  mihi  conditiones  amplis- 
simae.     (Ibid.) 

351  Malo  esurire  et    abjectus    esse    in    domo 
Domini.     (Ibid.) 

352  Hagc,  haec  gloria  mea  quod  habeor  haareticus 
ab  his  quorum  vitam  et  doctrinam  video  pugnare 
cum  Christp.     (Ibid.) 

353  Periclitatus  est  Michael  Arantius.     (Ibid.) 

354  "  Periit   Papilio  non  sine  gravi  suspicione 
veneni,"  says  Erasmus.     (Ibid.) 

355  Gaillard,  Hist,  de  Francois  ler,tom.  2,  p.  255. 
366  Nam  habet  Detis  modum,  quo  electos  suos 

mirabiliter  custodiat.  ubi  omnia  perdita  videntur. 
(Calvinus  in  Ep.  ad  Rom.  xi.  2.) 

357  ...  Beneficio   illustrissimae   Ducus   Alan- 
conia?.     (Toussaint  a  Fare].) 

358  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite  des  princesses, 
torn.  i.  p.  125. 

19  Memoires  de  Du  Bellay,  p.  124. 

360  Histoire  de  France,  par  Gamier,  torn.  xxiv. 

361  Pour  taster  au   vif  la  volunte  de   1'esleu 
empereur   .    .   .   madame   Marguerite,   duchesse 
d'Alengon,    tres-notablement    accompaignee    de 
plusieurs  ambassadeurs   ....   (Les  gestes  de 
Francoise  de  Valois,  par  E.  Dolet,  1540.) 

362  Jam  in  itinere  erat   Margarita,    Erancisci 
soror  .  .  .  e  fossis  Marianis  solvens,  Barcinonem 
prinnim,    deinde    Caspar    Augvistum    appulerat. 
(Belcarius,  Rerum  Gallicarum  Comment,  p.  565.) 
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